GOVERNMENT OF PERROTT, 1585-1588.
[Sidenote: The Scots invade Ulster in force.]
Colin Campbell, 6th Earl of Argyle, died in September, 1584, leaving
his eldest son a minor, and this event added to the confusion generally
prevalent in the Western Isles. Sorley Boy, as usual, contrived to take
advantage of the situation, and persuaded an assembly of chiefs who met
in the island of Bute to support his Irish claims. 1,300 Scots, under
Angus MacDonnell, landed on Rathlin, a much greater number being ready
to follow, and Sir Henry Bagenal hastily moved from Carrickfergus to
meet them. The ships which should have co-operated failed to appear,
and the Scots attacked him in his camp at Red Bay. In spite of the late
negotiations Donnell Gorme was in command, and it is evident that the
islanders were not really worsted, though the English officers put a
good face on the matter. Sir William Stanley was hastily summoned from
Munster to take charge of Coleraine, and Norris was also sent for.
Stanley accompanied Bagenal as far as Glenarm, and then marched inland
to Ballycastle. The Scots had threatened to burn Ballycastle, but a
skirmish with Bagenal proved that they could not do this, and they then
withdrew in a northerly direction.[131]
[Sidenote: They are driven away.]
Stanley arrived at Ballycastle on New Year's day, with two companies of
foot, and joined Captain Carleile, whose troop of horse were already
quartered in Bunamargey Abbey. Captain Bowen's company held the fort
of Dunanynie on a hill to the westward. At eleven o'clock that night
the Scots made a sudden attack, set fire to the thatched roof of the
church with brands fixed to the points of their spears, and fell upon
the infantry encamped outside. Stanley rushed out in his shirt and
succeeded in rallying the men, but many were hurt by arrows. He himself
received one in the back, another pinned his arm to his side, and a
third penetrated his thigh. Some horses were burned in the church, and
none could be got out in time to pursue the Scots, whose enterprise
failed in the main. But a fleet of galleys from Cantire passed in
full view, and a very unusual calm prevented the Queen's ships from
following. Stanley sent for reinforcements, and Perrott laid all blame
on the English Government for not sending the 600 men he had asked for.
But the real difficulty was to feed the garrisons already established.
There was no good harbour. Ballycastle Bay is rocky, and everything had
to be landed upon rafts. Some provision vessels were driven back to
Holyhead; others in great danger rode out the gales off Carrickfergus
and Coleraine, 'where the sea raiseth such a billow as can hardly be
endured by the greatest ships. And scarce once in fourteen days those
winter seas will suffer any small vessel to lay the ships aboard to
unlade the victuals.' Money, as usual, was wanting, and the supply
service was none of the best. The captains were charged 42_s._ for
corslets, which might be bought of better quality in any London shop
for 25_s._ or less. Useless articles were sent, and whoever else might
be to blame, Perrott was quite sure that the Master of the Ordnance in
Ireland deserved hanging.[132]
[Sidenote: Sorley Boy offers to become a good subject.]
Sorley Boy found that the garrisons, notwithstanding all difficulties,
were likely to become permanent in Ulster. He was growing old, there
had been attempts to dispose of him by foul means, and on the whole
he thought it would be better to make terms for himself. He therefore
sought an interview with Captain Carleile, and professed willingness to
live and die a faithful subject of Queen Elizabeth, on condition of
being acknowledged as owner of at least a large part of the Bissett
estate. He only asked, he said, for such terms as Sidney had been
willing to grant some ten years before. But Perrott preferred strong
measures. At first he wished to go himself, but the Council dissuaded
him, and he even allowed Norris to return to his province. The Lord
President was very angry at being brought to Dublin merely to suit the
Council's humour, and at having to spend 300_l._ in bringing up 40
horse and keeping them serviceable. Perrott, he said, had never really
meant him to go to Ulster. Such honours as might be had there he wanted
for himself, but he liked economising at other folks' expense. The
officers stationed in the North proved sufficient, and hunted Sorley
from place to place till he was glad to escape to Scotland. Before
April 26, no important Scot was left in Ulster, and Perrott was at
leisure to meet his Parliament on that day.[133]
[Sidenote: Perrott's Parliament--the House of Lords.]
A list of this Parliament has been preserved, and it is interesting to
compare its composition with that held by Sussex in 1560. The spiritual
peers summoned were twenty-six in place of twenty, but in both cases
it is doubtful how far the more distant bishops attended. The temporal
peers had increased from twenty-three to twenty-six, but the earldom of
Tyrone and the barony of Dungannon were both centred in the person of
Hugh O'Neill, who petitioned the House for the higher title conferred
by patent on his grandfather, and whose claim was allowed.[134]
[Sidenote: The House of Commons--counties; cities and boroughs.]
Twenty-seven counties are mentioned instead of twenty on the former
occasion, Connaught being now divided into Galway, Mayo, Roscommon, and
Sligo. Cavan, represented by two O'Reillys, and Longford represented
by two O'Ferralls, appear for the first time as shires, and so do
Longford and Wicklow. Wexford and Ferns are given as separate counties,
and Tipperary, reverting to ancient custom, is divided into the County
and the Cross. Ards disappears as a separate county. All the shires
named appear to have made returns. Thirty-six cities and boroughs are
enumerated instead of twenty-nine, only Carrickfergus and Downpatrick
neglecting to make returns. Athy is omitted, and Cashel, Inistioge,
Dingle, Callan, Philipstown, Maryborough, Swords, and Downpatrick are
added. For some unexplained reason the counties of Cork and Sligo
returned three knights each.[135]
[Sidenote: Representation of the Irish race.]
[Sidenote: Irish chiefs in Dublin.]
Besides the O'Reillys and O'Ferralls the house of Commons contained
but few of the native race. An O'Brien and a Clancy sat for Clare.
Sir Hugh Magennis divided Down with Sir Nicholas Bagenal, and Shane
MacBrian O'Neill was returned, but did not attend, as Captain
Barkley's colleague for Antrim. Among the burgesses we find a Shee or
O'Shea sitting for Kilkenny, a Gwire or Maguire for Trim, a Kearney
for Cashel, a Hurley for Kilmallock, a Casey for Mullingar, and a
Neill or O'Neill for Carlingford. John Ffrehan, who was returned for
Philipstown, was most likely a Celt also. The bulk of the members
were of old Anglo-Irish race, with a good sprinkling of more modern
settlers, of officials, and of military officers. John and Thomas
Norris sat for the counties of Cork and Limerick respectively, Sir
Warham St. Leger for Queen's County, Sir Richard Bingham for Roscommon,
and Sir Henry Harrington for Wicklow. Nearly all the chieftains of
Ireland, though not actually members of Parliament, obeyed the Lord
Deputy's summons, and he strictly insisted on English costume being
worn. 'Please your lordship,' said old Tirlogh Luineach, 'let my priest
attend me in Irish apparel, and then they will wonder at him as they do
now at me; so shall I pass more quickly and unpointed at.'[136]
[Sidenote: Parliamentary procedure.]
[Sidenote: The Speaker.]
Rules were laid down for the conduct of business in the House of
Commons. Members were not to wear arms in the House, they were to
speak standing and uncovered, and only once on each reading of a Bill.
Freedom of speech was granted, and freedom from arrest for members,
their servants, and their goods. On the other hand no member was to
disclose 'the secrets either spoken or done in the House' to any
stranger, under such penalties as the Speaker, with the assent of the
House, should think proper to inflict. One rule may seem strange to the
present age, in which parliamentary debate has come to be so largely
a matter of flouts and gibes and sneers. Every member was enjoined
'to frame his speech after a quiet and courteous manner, without any
taunts or words tending to the reproach of any person in the said House
assembled.' The first struggle was about the election of a Speaker.
Nicholas Walshe, Chief Justice of Munster and member for the city of
Waterford, was put forward by Perrott. Ormonde had a very good opinion
of him, and Perrott, when President of Munster, must have learned his
value. The opposition, though strong, was fruitless, and Walshe was
duly chosen Speaker.[137]
[Sidenote: The Parliament is hard to manage.]
[Sidenote: A prorogation.]
Perrott had not been easily induced to abandon his scheme for the
dissolution of St. Patrick's. He continued to attack Loftus, but
nevertheless gave him the chief control over the drafting of Bills; and
the Chancellor was accused of purposely drawing them so as to arouse
opposition. By Poyning's law, and the Acts explaining it, these Bills
had to be sent to England and returned after passing the Privy Council.
If disapproved in this form, they could not be amended without sending
them to England again. Travelling was tedious, Parliaments were short,
and thus there was a risk that all legislation would be stopped. One
Bill was for extending to Ireland all the English laws against Popish
recusants, and this was certain to arouse the fiercest animosity.
Another contained provisions derogatory to the privileges of the
peerage. Desmond's Bill of Attainder as amended contained eight names
instead of twenty times that number, and made so many reservations
that it would have been almost useless to the Crown. Nearly all the
other Bills went too far or not far enough, but the difficulty might
have been avoided by suspending Poyning's Act, as had been done in 1537
and 1569. The landowners and lawyers of the Pale said that they feared
to make the Viceroy despotic, but Perrott said that they dreaded all
legislation favourable to the Crown. The bill only passed the Lords
by one vote, of which the validity was disputed, Lord Lixnaw having
given his proxy first to Lord Slane, who opposed, and afterwards to
Lord Dunboyne, who supported the bill. The Chancellor took it privately
from Dunboyne, and counted the absent peer among the 'contents.' Upon
this or some other pretext the Commons threw the Bill out on the third
reading by a majority of thirty-five. Perrott looked upon this check
as a disgrace to himself and a hindrance to the Queen, and prorogued
Parliament for a few days. This enabled him to bring the Bill in
again, but it was lost by a reduced majority, although Ormonde's
friends, who had at first opposed, now voted with the 'ayes.' Partly
by his rudeness, and partly by his determination to prevent jobs,
the Lord Deputy had made many enemies, and six Englishmen turned the
scale against the Bill. 'And thus,' said Perrott, 'they have not only
overthrown the repeal of Poyning's Act, that should have set them at
liberty to treat of that and all other things necessary for this State,
but also dashed most of the statutes that were penned in Ireland and
sent back confirmed from England, as, namely, that for the safety of
the Queen.'[138]
[Sidenote: Agitators.]
The chief opposition to Perrott's measures came from the Pale, and
among the leaders were Sidney's old antagonists Richard Netterville
and Henry Burnell. 'These popular fellows,' said Perrott, 'or good
countrymen, as they would be gloriously termed, have been ever of this
humour against all governors, and some of them, namely Netterville and
Burnell, have been in the Tower of London for causes of far less moment
than this is.'
[Sidenote: A fair system of taxation rejected.]
One great cause of opposition was a Bill proposing to equalise
ploughlands, and to impose a tax of 13_s._ 4_d._ in lieu of cess on
each ploughland throughout the whole country. The Pale had hitherto
paid when Irish countries were not charged, and the native chiefs
were now willing to come to an arrangement. But even in the counties
which had always contributed there were many permanent exemptions, and
still more fraudulent evasions. A new survey had thus many terrors,
and, as is so often the case, threatened interests were more powerful
than arguments founded on considerations of public policy. The Pale
offered a lump sum of 1,200_l._ in lieu of all cess; but this was far
less than had always been paid, and Perrott indignantly refused it.
The chance of making the whole country voluntarily contribute to the
expenses of government was thus unhappily lost. The Irish chiefs, who
had come prepared to agree with the Lord Deputy, now left Dublin in
far worse humour than they had reached it, and the plan of making them
English subjects was indefinitely postponed. Religion was at the bottom
of the whole difficulty, and one of the Pale patriots said, in open
Parliament, that 'things did prosper in Henry V.'s and former kings'
times when the mass was up.' Perrott was willing and anxious to punish
his parliamentary opponents, but required orders from home first,
'because these kind of people by the mild dealing of England have ever
found more favour there than hath been for the good of this State.'[139]
[Sidenote: Small results of the session.]
[Sidenote: A stranger in the gallery.]
Parliament was a second time prorogued on May 25, and it did not meet
again for eleven months. The only legislative results of the first
session--or, more properly speaking, of the first two sessions--were
an Act for the attainder of Baltinglas and his brothers, and an Act
for the restoration in blood of Laurence, the son of the old Geraldine
rebel James Delahide. A German nobleman who was in Dublin during
the session is said to have been much struck by Perrott's stately
appearance at the opening of Parliament. He had, he said, travelled
through Germany, Italy, France, and England, but had never seen anyone
so majestic, and he asked for his portrait to carry home with him.
And this presence, coupled with substantial fair-dealing, no doubt
made Perrott popular with the masses and with the Irish chiefs. With
officials and members of council it was different, for they felt the
weight of his hand. Had he been as courteous as he was anxious for the
Queen's service, his fate might have been very different. A reformer
can never hope to be really liked by those who desire the maintenance
of abuses; but a soft hand is no less necessary than a stout heart.[140]
[Sidenote: Eloquence of Sir John Norris.]
The oratorical honours of the session were carried off by John Norris.
Fenton said he would deserve the Queen's special thanks had he done
her no other service, and Loftus, himself a great preacher, pronounced
him to be the best speaker in the House, both for force of reasoning
and eloquence of delivery. But Norris himself had no wish 'to be
drowned in this forgetful corner,' as he called Ireland, almost in
the very words of a still more remarkable man nearly a century and a
half later. He longed to be again in the Netherlands, and thought that
he could save Antwerp with 20,000_l._ Once lost, it would never be
regained. Had his advice been taken, Ghent and Bruges might have been
retained; but the Walloon provinces were now past hope, and the Dutch
would have to yield unless they received foreign help. His prayer was
heard, and a commission to his brother Thomas to execute the office of
Lord President in his absence was signed on the day before the Irish
Parliament met. Immediately after the prorogation he left Dublin, and
was in Flanders a few weeks later.[141]
[Sidenote: Ulster again invaded by Scots,]
[Sidenote: who surprise Dunluce,]
[Sidenote: to Perrott's great disgust.]
Norris was gone, and Stanley had returned to Munster, when the Scots
again invaded Antrim in some force. 170 English soldiers encountered
1,200 Scots and Irish, near Carrickfergus, and Perrott again moved to
Ulster. He approved and confirmed a deed by which Tirlogh Luineach
handed over the southern half of Tyrone to the newly-acknowledged Earl,
reserving the northern half to himself, with such tribute as he might
be able to collect from Maguire and O'Cahan. Wallop and Loftus, who
were left in charge of the Pale, saw it was quite impossible for the
Lord Deputy to keep the Scots at bay without garrisons and fortresses
more permanent than the Queen was inclined to pay for. Perrott was
really of the same opinion, but he persevered in the hopeless task.
There were, he said, more than 2,000 Scots in Ulster, combined to
set up Shane O'Neill's sons. Journeys to the North had always been
allowed, and he could not see why he, of all Deputies, was to be kept
in enforced idleness. He did, however, return to Dublin after a short
absence, for the orders to save money were peremptory. The army was
almost literally naked, and many soldiers for sheer want took service
with the Irish. The natural result was not long delayed. Perrott had
returned to Dublin early in September, and on the 1st of November,
Dunluce--about the capture of which so much fuss had been made--was
once more in the hands of the Scots. Peter Cary, the constable, a man
of English blood and Ulster birth, had but fourteen soldiers, of which
several were Irish; and, what was perhaps more important, he had a
Scotch mistress. Ropes, which are said to have been made of withes,
were let down at night by two of the Irish warders, and fifty Scots
climbed over the battlements. Cary, whose orders not to keep Irishmen
in the fort were strict, refused quarter, and he and his English
soldiers were killed after a desperate resistance. 'I do not,' said
Perrott, 'weigh the loss, but can hardly endure the discredit. As
things are purposed now any man is fitter for the place than I am.'
James VI. had promised Perrott to punish his subjects as rebels should
they again invade Ireland; but he had not the power, nor perhaps
the will, to keep his promise. Queen Elizabeth's thoughts were now
concentrated on foreign politics, and economy was her one object in
Ireland. It was even proposed to disband companies lately raised, and
necessarily composed of natives, since Englishmen could not be found to
serve without pay or clothes. 'Thus,' said Wallop, 'have we trained and
furnished Irishmen to serve the enemy's turn.' Walsingham could only
say that Perrott might have lived in better season under Henry VIII.,
when princes were resolute in honourable attempts. 'Our age has been
given to other manner of proceedings, whereto the Lord Deputy must be
content to conform himself as other men do.'[142]
[Sidenote: Composition in Connaught.]
Unsuccessful with his parliament, with his council, and with the
great men of the Pale, Perrott found the chieftains of Connaught
still amenable to reason. Ten years before, Sidney had found them
willing to hold their lands of the Queen and to pay rent, but the
completion of the contract was Perrott's work. The commissioners named
were Bingham as governor, the Earls of Thomond and Clanricarde, the
Baron of Athenry, Sir Tirlogh O'Brien, Sir Richard Burke of Mayo,
O'Connor Sligo, O'Rourke, O'Flaherty, and others, and they proposed
that the Queen should have a quit rent of 10_s._ a quarter out of
all arable and pasture land in Connaught and Clare. There were to be
no other exactions except certain days' labour for fortifications or
other public buildings. Contributions of horse and foot on warlike
occasions were to be matter of special agreement. Anxious for
peace among themselves and convinced that they could not make head
against the State, the chiefs agreed to these terms, in the hopes of
obtaining a firm and just government. To make things pleasant, some
special privileges were granted to a few important people, and it was
calculated that a revenue of rather less than 4,000_l._ a year would
be secured to the Crown. Less than one-third of the whole soil was
really included in this settlement; waste lands, water, and fraudulent
concealments will account for the rest. The plan of the composition
was good, but the result did not fulfil Perrott's expectation. In
so extensive an area many were dissatisfied with their lot, and the
Government was neither strong enough nor steady enough to enforce order
among a rude people.[143]
[Sidenote: Perrott's personal troubles.]
[Sidenote: His traducers.]
Perrott claimed to be a careful husband of the Queen's resources,
and rather ostentatiously professed his contempt for the interested
criticism of others. But Elizabeth's parsimony increased with her
years, and she was only too ready to listen to those who told her she
was being robbed. She directed a stringent inquiry into the revenue,
suggesting that arrears had been allowed to accumulate, that improper
concessions had been granted, that crown leases had been given without
due inquiry, that personal allowances had been made without exacting
service in return, and in short that everyone's interests had been
regarded but her own. 'It is not meant,' she said, 'that the possession
of lands and chattels lately escheated by rebellion should be in
the power and authority of the Lord Deputy, but to be stayed at her
Majesty's will and pleasure.' This and other similar hints cut Perrott
to the quick. No doubt his despotic temper sometimes induced him to
overstep the bounds of strict law, and his enemies were always on
the watch. He was accused of making money unfairly out of household
and table allowances. It was said that his accounts showed annual
liveries, whereas they were in reality biennial; he allowed no fires
even in bitter February weather, and there was no good cheer in the
Castle. 'I had little thought,' he indignantly exclaimed, 'that any
part of her Highness's honour had depended on my supper. I am sorry
that men's eyes are so narrowly bent on my diet, and I doubt will
watch my uprising and downlying too.' He had always provided supper
for those who could enjoy it; as for himself the doctors had forbidden
him that insidious meal for nearly a quarter of a century. And yet, he
said, he would rather die of indigestion than incur the imputation of
niggardly conduct. 'I pray you,' he wrote to Burghley, 'help to rid
me hence, that I may avoid all these spiteful occasions of grief and
unkindness.'[144]
[Sidenote: Rumours of invasion.]
[Sidenote: Miserable state of the army.]
Preparations for the settlement of Munster, and speculations as to the
coming of the Armada, occupied the early days of 1586. A rover, who put
into Cork Harbour, declared that 20,000 Spaniards were intended for
Ireland. Redmond O'Gallagher, whom the Pope had provided to the See of
Derry, and whom the Queen had not sought to displace, was once more on
his travels in search of aid from France or Spain, and Munster lay open
to attack. There was no garrison even at Limerick, which was called the
strongest place in the province, and the guns had fallen to the ground
from their rotten carriages. The muskets were useless from rust, and
the feathers had damped off the arrows. Cork, Waterford, and the rest
were in no better case. Wallop had to pledge his plate for 100_l._,
and the captains were in debt through vain attempts to clothe their
shivering men, who ran off to the Irish chiefs to look for brogues and
frieze mantles. The Vice-Treasurer anxiously begged for 20,000_l._;
if the Spaniards landed it would cost 300,000_l._ to get rid of them.
But Elizabeth's thoughts were all given to the Continent, and better
than any man in Ireland she probably understood the real impotence of
Spain.[145]
[Sidenote: Parliament--the Desmond attainder.]
[Sidenote: Parliament dissolved.]
In the second session of Perrott's Parliament the chief business was
the Desmond attainder, and there was so much opposition that some of
the judges were sent for to assure the House of Commons that Ormonde's
rights should be saved. In the bill which then passed, Desmond and his
brothers John and James, James Fitzmaurice, and thirty-four others were
named, their lands being vested in the Crown without inquisition, but
without prejudice to innocent parties. Eighty-two others were attainted
by name in another Act, which contained the same reservations. Some of
the late Opposition had apologised, but an Opposition still remained,
and Perrott was not allowed to punish it as he wished. The Commons
rejected a bill vesting the lands of persons thereafter attainted in
the Crown without the usual formalities, and they finally refused to
grant a subsidy of 13_s._ 4_d._ upon every ploughland. The session
lasted less than three weeks. At the dissolution Speaker Walshe
addressed the Lord Deputy at length, praising the constitution,
lamenting that the Queen was an absentee, and hinting pretty plainly
that the subject was overburdened. 'Lamps,' he said, 'cannot give light
that are not maintained with oil.' Perrott's answer, if he gave one, is
not recorded; but Elizabeth was so little pleased with her Parliament
of Ireland, that she summoned no other during the remaining sixteen
years of her reign.[146]
[Sidenote: The MacDonnells in Antrim.]
[Sidenote: Sorley Boy becomes a subject,]
[Sidenote: and a great landowner.]
Perrott's last invasion of Ulster, and his correspondence with the King
of Scotland, had done little good. Dunluce was now in Sorley Boy's
hands, and the English Government inclined to make friends with him.
Sorley hesitated to go to Dublin, and in the meantime his eldest son
Alaster was killed in Tyrconnell. After being wounded in a skirmish he
swam across a river, but we found him, says Captain Price, 'by great
chance in a deep grave, strewn over with rushes, and on every side six
old calliox weeping... but a quick corse therein, and in memory of
Dunluce we cried quittance with him, and sent his head to be set on
Dublin Castle.' Perrott was inclined to make the most of success, and
to break off the negotiations, 'as though,' said Fenton, 'by this blow
hydra's head were seared up.' But his loss made the old chief readier
to treat, and he came to Dublin on protection, after writing a humble
letter. It is said that an official brutally showed him his son's head
over the Castle gate, and that he proudly answered, as if to justify
Fenton's simile, 'my son has many heads.' He made a formal submission,
prostrating himself before a portrait of Queen Elizabeth, admitting
that he had no legal right in Ulster, and particularly condemning his
own folly 'in leaving such men in the Castle of Dunluce, within this
her Highness's land, as should say they kept it in the name, or to the
use of, the King of Scots, a Prince that honoureth her Majesty and
embraceth her favour.' The land he held had been taken by force, and he
was willing to keep it on such terms as the Queen might be pleased to
grant. Upon this basis a treaty was concluded, by which Sorley had a
grant by knight service of all the land between the Bann and the Bush,
and of much to the eastward, and he was made Constable of Dunluce,
while resigning his claim to property in it. He became a denizen,
and having got all that he had fought for, gave Perrott no further
trouble. A great part of the Glynns, comprising the coast between Larne
and Ballycastle, had already been granted to his nephew Angus. Thus
were the MacDonnells confirmed in the possessions for which they had
struggled so long.[147]
[Sidenote: Bingham in Connaught.]
[Sidenote: The Mayo Burkes rebel,]
[Sidenote: and are harried by Bingham,]
[Sidenote: who strikes terror into all.]
Bingham soon tried how real was the submission of western Connaught,
for he held sessions at Galway, and hanged seventy persons, of whom
some were gentlemen. This he modestly called the cutting off of a few
bad members. He then, after a three weeks' siege, took Clonloan Castle
from the O'Briens and killed all the garrison. He went next against the
Hag's Castle in Lough Mask, which was held by some Burkes, who had
risen rather than attend Galway sessions. An attack in boats failed,
but the garrison slipped away by water, and resolved, according to the
annalists, to defend no more castles against the Queen of England.
Resistance was vain, and most of the chiefs came in to Bingham, among
them being Richard Burke, a noted partisan, who was called the Hedge
or Pale of Ireland. It was proved that he had been intriguing with the
Scots, and he was promptly hanged, by the sentence of a court-martial.
Peremptory orders then came from Perrott to give the rest protection,
and the Burkes immediately broke out again, saying that they would have
a MacWilliam, though they fetched him out of Spain. They would have no
sheriff, and attend no sessions, nor serve a heretic hag, but would
transfer their allegiance to the Pope or the Catholic king. They were
near 800 strong, and Bingham would not attack them without Perrott's
orders, who gave them as soon as he saw clearly that conciliation
had done no good. After three months' delay, Bingham again took the
field, with Clanricarde and others, and had a parley with the rebels
at Ballinrobe. They stood out for their old terms, whereupon Bingham
proclaimed them all traitors and hanged the hostages in his hands.
Three thousand cows were driven from the mountains between Mayo and
Galway; but the annalists assert that the guilty escaped, and that
only the innocent were plundered. The soldiers, they say, killed old
men, women, and boys, 'and hanged Theobald O'Toole, supporter of the
destitute and keeper of a house of hospitality.' The proclamation had,
however, the effect of making Bingham's enemies distrust each other.
The Joyces, a tribe of Welsh origin, very long settled in Galway, the
Clandonnells, or gallowglasses of Scottish descent, and the various
septs of Burkes, kept separate; while the O'Flaherties, who had lately
been in rebellion, were now glad to attack their neighbours at the
Governor's instance. Sir Murrogh of the Battleaxes, chief of the
O'Flaherties, plundered the Joyces, while his kinsman Roger, with a
flotilla, prevented them from escaping into the islands. The corn was
not yet ripe, but Bingham meant to burn it when the time came, and
thought that his subjects would then be in no case to make dangerous
alliance with the Scots. The bad spirit showed signs of spreading, and
a messenger from Munster reported that Leicester was dead in Holland,
and that his army was destroyed. Two great Spanish armies, he gave out,
had landed in England, there was a Spanish fleet at Baltimore, James of
Scotland was preparing for war, and, to crown all, Queen Elizabeth was
at the point of death. Bingham managed to catch the tale-bearer, and
hanged him as a spy, and finding that they had little chance against
this pitiless soldier, most of the rebels came in; 'so pined away for
want of food, and so ghasted with fear within seven or eight weeks, by
reason they were so roundly followed without any interim of rest, that
they looked rather like to ghosts than men.' Except a small body of the
Burkes, who remained in arms at Castlebar, no one was left to greet the
Scots when they at last appeared.[148]
[Sidenote: The Scots invade Connaught,]
[Sidenote: and are pursued by Bingham.]
Two years before, Donnell Gorme, a brother to Angus, had been granted
nearly two-thirds of the Glynns which were then in his possession. But
he afterwards rebelled, and was ready for anything. Messengers from the
Mayo Burkes earnestly sought his help, and being joined by his brother,
Alaster, he brought 2,000 Redshanks from the isles. The brothers landed
in Innishowen, and all the loose Scots in Ireland gathered round them,
so that their force was uncertain. Only a week before their appearance
on the Erne, Wallop said they were less than 600 bare-tailed beggars,
and not at all dangerous. They plundered O'Dogherty and Maguire, and
waited at Belleek for news of their Connaught friends. Bingham, who was
at Balla in Mayo, heard that they were likely to enter his province
by the north shore of Lough Ree, hurried to Roscommon, found that he
had been misled, and then made his way to Sligo by forced marches. The
Scots were encamped on the Erne, and he sent to ask what they wanted.
The MacDonnells said their friends had drawn them over by offering the
spoil of Connaught: that like all other soldiers in the world they had
no shift but to serve the highest bidder, and that they would take what
they could until hindered by the strong hand.[149]
[Sidenote: Bingham watches the Scots.]
[Sidenote: Who draw towards Mayo.]
Bingham had with him but 60 regular horse and 400 foot. Of these 300
were half-trained Irishmen, and upon his 200 kerne and 200 Irish horse
he could place little reliance. He stood on the defensive till help
came; and after a fortnight's delay the Scots advanced stealthily
towards the Curlew hills, and passed Bingham's scouts on a very dark
and stormy night. 50 Irish horse watched the bridge at Collooney, but
they made no fight, and 400 Scots passed before the infantry came up.
The rest of the intruders crossed higher up by a ford Bingham had never
heard of, but they lost some 50 men in subsequent skirmishes. Bingham
then discharged his Irish auxiliaries. 'They were,' he said, 'to me
a great trouble, and very chargeable, and during their being in my
company, I could keep no enterprise secret, and yet but mean men when
they come to action, for at the charge they forsook me.' Their hearts
were not in the work, and no real help was given but by Clanricarde
and two or three of his men. While waiting for reinforcements, Bingham
crossed the Slieve Gamp mountains near the sea, with a view to saving
the great herds of cattle in Tireragh. Mayo was the real destination
of the Scots, but Bingham's information was uncertain, and he moved
towards Lough Gara, where he was joined by 40 horse and 250 foot
which Perrott had ordered up from Munster. He had now nearly 600
men, of which less than 100 were horse, and this was his greatest
strength. It had been supposed that the Scots would seize Roscommon;
but they moved 'the clean contrary way' towards Ballina, giving out,
and perhaps believing, that Bingham's forces had abandoned him, and
that the country was theirs. Sir Richard's spies brought the news at
noon, 'before our men could kill their beef and prepare it to refresh
themselves with'; and he followed the Scots at once through the woods
to Bannada Abbey. A priest and two gentlemen of the O'Haras guided him
by Aclare to Ardnarea on the Moy, where the strangers lay waiting for
the Burkes to join them.
[Sidenote: Bingham follows the Scots by night,]
[Sidenote: and annihilates them at the Moy.]
Bingham left Castlemore-Costello in the afternoon of Wednesday, halted
at Bannada Abbey two hours after nightfall, and marched by moonlight
to Aclare. With the morning light, he says, 'we forsook the highway,
and took through the mountains with horsemen, footmen, and carriage,
carrying all our own forces as in a "heyrse" together, keeping the
bottoms and lowest passages as near as we might by circumferent ways,
and with as great silence as was possible.' Reaching firm ground about
nine o'clock, Bingham learned that the enemy were only two miles away,
and pushed on at once with his cavalry, the advanced guard actually
riding into their camp unchallenged. The Scots got into order as
quickly as they could, Bingham skirmishing until his foot came up.
He had the advantage of ground, and the Redshanks broke at the first
charge. 'I was never,' said Captain Woodhouse, 'so weary with killing
of men, for I protest to God, for as fast as I could I did but hough
and paunch them.' In an hour all was over. About eighty swam naked
over the Moy, and were mostly killed by the natives whom they had come
to fight for; the rest became entangled in each other, and, to use
Bingham's own expression, were carried out to sea in 'plumpes.' Both
their leaders were slain. A thousand corpses lay on the field, and 500
more were found next day about the banks and shallows. 'The number of
their fighting-men slain and drowned that day we estimated and numbered
to be 1,400 or 1,500, besides boys, women, churls, and children, which
could not be so few as as many more and upwards.' If it be true that
Bingham only lost two or three men, and those chiefly through their own
folly, the surprise must have been more complete than we should infer
from the English accounts. 'They were,' says the Four Masters, 'first
aroused from their profound slumbers by the shrieks of their military
attendants, whom the Governor's people were slaughtering throughout the
town. The Scots then arose expertly, and placed themselves, as well as
they were able, in order and battle array.'[150]
[Sidenote: Perrott insists on going to Connaught.]
[Sidenote: Bad feeling between Perrott and Bingham.]
Bingham had asked for only 250 men from Perrott, and had particularly
requested that the Deputy should not enter Connaught. He complained
that the aid was tardily sent, and that much of the effect of his
victory would be taken away if he were not left to follow it up in
his own way. The Council also opposed Perrott's expedition, but
notwithstanding this and the rebuke he had received from the Queen
for visiting Ulster under similar circumstances, he set out upon the
journey, but had only reached Mullingar at the date of Bingham's
victory. He went on to Galway, though his retinue were a heavy burden
to the province. He took cattle for their use at a forced price, and
thus broke the composition which had been made in his name, but chiefly
through Bingham's exertions. Perrott afterwards declared that the
journey only cost the Queen 100_l._, that Bingham had requested his
presence, and that the Council had given him leave to go. But it is
impossible to reconcile these statements with those made in a hostile
sense. At first the Council altogether refused their consent, and then,
when some of Perrott's opponents were absent and more of his supporters
present, they agreed, by no means unanimously, that he should go to the
borders of Connaught only. After the overthrow of the Scots there was
no longer any valid reason for going forward. Bingham complained that
at Galway the Lord Deputy did nothing but hunt up evidence against
him, so as, if possible, to make it appear that his misgovernment
had made the Burkes rebel. The chief men of the clans were, however,
induced to sign a paper in which they declared their confidence in the
Governor. They said their revolt was caused by what they could not deny
to be commendable reforms. It had been reported that 'this new governor
would make their churls their masters, and that the gentlemen were
like to become beggars for want of their cuttings and spendings, and
such other exactions as they compelled the tenants to yield unto them
at their own devotion.' This and the destruction of their old tribal
organisation, by abolishing the name and power of MacWilliam, were
the real causes of the outbreak; and surely we need look no farther.
It is impossible to say whether Perrott was jealous, or whether he
really disapproved of Bingham's proceedings; but he indulged in strong
and even coarse language, and that could not fail to excite prejudice
against him.[151]
[Sidenote: Perrott quarrels with his Council]
Like many of his predecessors, Perrott chafed under the restraint of
the Council. The English or official party at the Board were inclined
to lessen his power by frequent references to the Home Government.
On this side were Lord Chancellor Loftus, Sir Nicholas Bagenal the
Knight-Marshal, Vice-Treasurer Wallop, and Secretary Fenton. The Great
Seal was in the Chancellor's hands, the signet in the Secretary's, and
Perrott had thus the mortification of seeing his opponents concerned
in every act of importance. Most lawyers of Irish birth took the other
side, and of these the most active were Sir Nicholas White and Chief
Baron Sir Lucas Dillon. Loftus and his friends generally leaned on
Walsingham, while their opponents had more hope from Burghley. Fenton
was in England during the latter half of 1585 and until March in the
next year, and Perrott, who knew what the Secretary's influence would
be, expected his recall, and was ready to welcome it.
[Sidenote: and thereby displeases the Queen.]
The Queen did not blame her representative directly; but she sent home
despatches by Fenton which he greatly disliked, though they were very
moderate and considerate in terms. The Council was to be more often
consulted, and the Secretary was directed to read all instructions
from headquarters openly at the Board at least once a quarter. This
was no new thing, but a rebuke may have been implied in giving Fenton
the initiative. In secret matters the Deputy was to confer with the
English councillors, and offices in his gift were to be bestowed only
on fit persons, which seems to suggest that he had made some improper
appointments. Perrott considered these orders derogatory to his
dignity, and he begged to be relieved.[152]
[Sidenote: Perrott quarrels with Archbishop Loftus,]
[Sidenote: and sends the Chief Secretary to gaol.]
[Sidenote: Challenges the Governor of Connaught,]
[Sidenote: and assaults the marshal.]
The argument between the Lord Deputy and the Lord Chancellor about St.
Patrick's was so loud that it reached the Queen's ear, and she wrote
to them both, enjoining a reconciliation. Burghley added some fatherly
advice to Loftus, and an open breach was avoided. But the Archbishop
lost no opportunity of doing the Deputy an ill turn. "Contempt of God's
religion," "immoderate government," "abhorred and loathed of the best
sort of this people," were among the expressions he allowed himself
to use in writing to Walsingham. With Burghley he was more guarded,
acknowledging that the private mislike between him and the Deputy
made open complaint unbecoming, yet complaining very strongly at the
same time. There was not much outward scandal, for the Chancellor's
mitre protected him in some measure, and a dignified ecclesiastic had
probably enough self-restraint to avoid irritating language. Others
were less fortunate. Secretary Fenton owed 20_l._ to the Deputy, and
50_l._ to one of his retainers; and for this small debt--the liability
to pay which he had not denied--Perrott had this high official hurried
off through the streets on market-day, and ignominiously cast into
the common gaol. For this extraordinary proceeding the Queen took her
Deputy severely to task, and ordered Fenton's immediate enlargement.
'Considering,' she said, 'how inconvenient it is at all times, but
especially in so doubtful and perilous a season as this, to have
you and the rest of our Council there divided, as we hear you are
by factions and partialities, to our just offence and mislike, the
slander of your government and prejudice of our service, whereof we
doubt not but you will, for your own part, have that regard that in
honour and duty appertaineth.' Bingham's duties in Connaught kept him
from the Council-board, but Perrott gave him as little countenance as
possible. There was a standing dispute about the house at Athlone,
which was in the Deputy's hands, and which Bingham naturally wanted
for an official residence. Perrott's journey into the province against
the Governor's advice made things worse, and Bingham complained of
hard usage, 'especially in bad speeches and uncourteous terms, such as
for modesty's sake I omit to write here.' Theobald Dillon, collector
of composition rents in Connaught, was supported by the Lord Deputy
against Bingham; but the Council heard Dillon's charges, and declared
them unfounded. The evening before the Council gave their decision, and
doubtless after the result of the hearing was known, Stephen Seagrave,
constable of the Castle, came to Bingham, on Perrott's part, with a
great white truncheon in his hand, and informed him that his lordship
was ready for the combat. Bingham said he never heard of any such
combat before, and the Lord Deputy admitted having sent Seagrave. The
provocation alleged was mere hearsay: that Lord Delvin had told Perrott
that Sir Richard had told Lieutenant Jacques that he would fight the
Deputy if he were out of office; and Seagrave was told to tell Bingham
that the duel might take place at once. Still worse was the treatment
of Sir Nicholas Bagenal, who was near eighty years old, and who had
served the State well for half a century. A dispute arising in the
Council Chamber, Perrott actually struck the old man. According to
Bagenal, he knocked him down; others thought the blow was nothing,
but that the aged marshal fell in the confusion. Bagenal held up his
stick, but not till the Deputy had first laid hands on him. They were
separated; and then this edifying dialogue took place: 'You do lie,'
said the Deputy, 'if you think I have dealt evil in anything.'
'You lie,' said the Marshal, and to mend it said, 'if you were not
Deputy, I would say you lie, for I care not for Sir John Perrott.'
'If I were but Sir John Perrott,' said the Deputy, 'I would teach him
that came from a tailor's stall, to use me thus.'
'It makes no matter,' said the Marshal.
'Well,' said the Deputy, 'because you doat, I will bear with you;
otherwise I would commit you to the prison.'
'If you did,' said he, 'I would come out, whether you would or not.'
'Very well, Mr. Marshal,' said the Deputy, 'get you hence, for it is
not reason to talk with you. A man would think you are drunk.'
'Nay, you are drunk,' said the Marshal to the Deputy.
After this it is hardly worth while to repeat Wallop's complaints,
that his labours in Munster were slighted, and that the Lord Deputy
sometimes indulged in violent language against him, and against Chief
Justice Gardiner.[153]
[Sidenote: Perrott's troubles.]
Perrott's health may partly excuse him, for he suffered much. 'By God,
Mr. Carew,' he wrote, 'I daily grow weaker and weaker of body through
the great pain I have of the stone, growing more and more upon me in
this slimy country. In Connaught, if I travelled one day, through the
grating of the stone in my kidneys I was fain to rest another; and in
the end the Irish ague took me, that I was seven days like to die in
Galway, and am not yet thoroughly recovered thereof, nor shall not (I
believe) pass this next year, except her Majesty, of her great grace,
give me licence to go to the Spa the next spring; a suit that I made
to her Highness nine years agone. It were better her Majesty preserved
me to serve her in some other place, than I to be wilfully cast away
here.' Ireland was a prison where he could do no good to himself nor to
any other man. 'Help your poor friend out of this hell,' was his prayer
to Leicester. If he could but see Elizabeth all would be well, for she
had promised not to listen to detractors who were his enemies because
he served one God and one Queen; but now her Deputy was brought into
greater contempt than ever Sir John Perrott was. One can sympathise
with the man; but no good work could be expected from a governor who
had personally quarrelled with all the more important members of the
Council, by whose advice he was bound to act.[154]
[Sidenote: An Irish regiment sent to Holland,]
[Sidenote: under Sir William Stanley,]
[Sidenote: who deserts to the Spaniards.]
[Sidenote: Stanley wished to invade Ireland,]
[Sidenote: but never effected anything.]
Ireland being comparatively peaceful, it occurred to Elizabeth, or to
some of her advisers, that an Irish force might be raised for service
in the Netherlands. Perhaps it was also thought that the more loose
swordsmen were sent out of the country the more likely it was to
remain quiet. The officer chosen was Sir William Stanley, who had done
good service in many parts of Ireland, and who had been rewarded by
a reversionary grant of the Mastership of the Ordnance. The Catholic
party was at this time in the ascendency at Deventer, and had given
trouble by introducing provisions into the beleaguered city of Zutphen.
Leicester sent Sir William Pelham to secure Deventer, and Stanley, whom
he must have known well in Ireland, was ordered to support him. Pelham
secured the municipality in Protestant hands, and Leicester then handed
over the place to Stanley, who was known to favour the old religion,
and suspected of being concerned in plots, and who had been associating
with Spaniards for months. Leicester's chief object in making this
appointment seems to have been to annoy Sir John Norris, from whose
control, with almost incredible folly, he specially excepted Stanley
and his Irishmen. The fort of Zutphen, which had been lately taken,
was entrusted to Rowland Yorke, an adventurer of the worst character,
who soon opened communications with the Spanish garrison of the town.
Stanley's Irish soldiers were allowed into Zutphen to hear mass; and
Leicester, though he was warned of what was going on, took no steps to
prevent it. When the Earl went to England, Yorke and Stanley had ample
time for plotting, and Deventer was given up to the Spaniards in due
course. But treason rarely prospers. Yorke, who was promised a large
reward, died under suspicious circumstances before he could enjoy it.
Stanley seems to have been more disinterested; but he received money
from Philip, joined Parma's army, and was seen by Robert Cecil during
his mission to France in 1598, who notes that the renegade was fain to
pull his cap over his face. Nor did all Spaniards approve Stanley's
conduct, if it be true that in passing through Seville 'he was well
handled of the country, for they unarmed him, unhorsed him, reviled him
for his lewd doings towards his prince, and made him go on foot; but
coming to the King he was in favour, and punishment used on such as
thus dealt with him, and the officers displaced for suffering it.' An
invasion of Ireland was contemplated under Stanley's leadership, and he
looked forward with pleasure to the service. 'I will,' he said, 'ruin
the whole country as far as Holland and the parts about Wezel (Ijssel)
and Emden in six days, and in Ireland I will open such a game of war as
the Queen has never seen in her life.' Against his advice the descent
on Ireland was abandoned, and he sank into obscurity; it was even
reported that he had gone mad. An Italian named Giacomo de Francesqui,
and sometimes called Captain Jacques, who had been his lieutenant
in Ireland, was arrested by Burghley's orders. This officer was on
friendly terms with Florence MacCarthy, and was known to have been
acquainted with Ballard; and it was thought that he might be utilised
by the Spaniards in Munster. Most of Stanley's Irish levies doubtless
left their bones in the Low Countries, but a few returned to Ireland,
and eleven of these poor men were pardoned by Elizabeth nearly seven
years after the treason at Deventer. 'They were,' she said, 'innocently
forced to disobey us.' For many years there were reports that Stanley
was coming to Ireland, but he never came. In Cheshire old Sir Rowland
Stanley 'grievously lamented his son William the traitor, maintaining
his son in Cambridge, and also relieving his wife and children, having
no other maintenance.'[155]
[Sidenote: The Irish in Spain.]
[Sidenote: Drake is the terror of Spain.]
[Sidenote: Irish merchants partisans of Spain.]
If Stanley's advice had been taken, Elizabeth might have been reduced
to serious straits, for it was impossible to prevent a Spanish descent,
and there were but scant preparations to meet an enemy on shore. Early
in 1586 it was rumoured that there would be an invasion on May Day, and
Perrott asked for a small cruiser to gather news on the Biscay coast.
Merchants from Spain and Portugal reported that Irishmen were free from
the embargo laid on English shipping, and that the many Irish residents
in the peninsula made no secret of what was going on. Forty thousand
men had been collected; eighty-five ships were ready, all but the
rigging; Irish refugees from Rome and elsewhere flocked to Spain. Irish
sailors were often detained by the Spanish Government, and occasionally
told their adventures to Perrott, who also employed a secret agent,
one Davy Duke, who knew Italian and Spanish, passed as a Jesuit, and
had letters of introduction from a papal bishop imprisoned in Dublin
Castle. Miles Brewett, mariner of Dublin, told how he had been taken
before Santa Cruz, and how the Marquis had said that he knew Perrott
very well, regretting that he was such a Lutheran, and wishing for one
of his best horses and for one of his best hawks. The Admiral asked
Brewett much about Ireland, and he answered that he had never known it
so quiet. One of James Fitzmaurice's sons boasted to him that 5,000
men were going to Ireland, that Feagh MacHugh was ready to welcome
them, and that all Ireland would do the same, except Dublin, Waterford,
and Drogheda. But Brewett heard from others that Philip was weary of
the Irish, and that his subjects called them beggars. Their priests
cried out against Duke, who, after learning all he could, went over
to Bayonne and wrote boldly to say that he was going to his mistress
Queen Elizabeth. He bade the Pope farewell, saying that he liked of
his countrymen's company, but not of their learning. As the plot
thickened, news of Santa Cruz came constantly to Waterford, and Drake's
very successful predatory cruise was freely discussed by merchants and
others. One said that the great sailor must have taken Cadiz if he had
landed at once; for that the whole population were at a comedy, where
eighteen persons were crushed to death in the panic caused by his
appearance--a lady with 16,000 ducats a year being among the victims.
Even in the heart of Castille, Spaniards hardly thought themselves
safe. Philip and his train were amusing themselves on some artificial
water, and a lady who was invited to enter the royal barge refused to
do so, 'for fear of Sir Francis Drake.' The usually impassive monarch
is said to have lost his temper, and banished the timid, or perhaps
only sarcastic, lady from court, swearing a great oath that he would
be revenged on England. To bring this happy result about, he ordered
that all Irishmen and Scots should be used as Spaniards. Baltinglas had
left a brother who assumed his title, and offered to invade Ireland if
the King would give him 5,000 men. Philip was willing to do so much,
but the Irish gentlemen clamoured for twice or thrice as many, and he
then said they did not know their own minds, and should have none at
all. Despairing of Spain, Fitzmaurice's son and some others proposed
to go to Ireland and make terms with Perrott, but this plan was given
up, owing to rumours of some severe measures of the Irish Government,
and they again began to talk glibly of invasion. Santa Cruz had good
information about Ireland from Limerick and Waterford merchants, 'who,
under colour of their conscience lie at Lisbon these two years past,
and hath their wives and children at home, and doth nothing but hearken
for news of the state of England and Ireland, and whatever they can
hear they report to the Cardinal and Marquis, and deliver the same
with more than they can learn, and all to win themselves credit.' The
English court were not blind to the danger of Ireland, though almost to
the last Elizabeth seems hardly to have realised the Armada. Everything
was wanting for the defence of Ireland, and the Queen would not listen.
'If,' said Perrott, 'any number of enemies arrive here, the cities and
towns of this kingdom, and consequently the realm itself, will stand
in great danger of losing, and the few Englishmen that be here in like
danger of perishing.... I wish that the desire of peace (whereof I have
little hope) may not cause forgetfulness, or breed peril to lose that
we have.'[156]
[Sidenote: The cess.]
The regular revenue of Ireland was small, and as an army was absolutely
necessary, it had been usual to levy irregular taxes upon the shires
of the Pale. There were plenty of lawyers to condemn taxation without
the consent of Parliament; but in this case the prerogative had
been allowed, though there were many long disputes as to the amount
of the aid, and as to its incidence. Cess of some kind had been
exacted since the time of Edward III., and Sidney, who understood
the subject thoroughly, describes it as a 'prerogative of the Prince
and an agreement and consent of the nobility and Council to impose
upon the country a certain proportion of victual of all kinds, to
be delivered and issued at a reasonable rate, and, as it is commonly
termed, the Queen's price, so that the rising and falling of prices
makes the matter easier or heavier to the people.' The cess had been
regularly levied since the latter years of Henry VIII., and a practice
had crept in of applying it to the Lord-Deputy's household as well
as to the army. The uncertainty of the impost was the worst part
of it, and Elizabeth wished to substitute a regular money payment.
Temporary arrangements were made, and the total sum leviable was fixed
at 2,100_l._; the cultivated parts of Kilkenny, Tipperary, Wexford,
Carlow, King's County, and Queen's County being made contributory,
as well as the original Pale. Perrott tried to abolish the cess
altogether, and to substitute a fixed land-tax of 1_l._ on every
ploughland. This was reduced to 13_s._ 4_d._, but the Bill failed in
the House of Commons, and Perrott had to fall back upon the composition
of 2,100_l._[157]
[Sidenote: Bingham is sent to Holland,]
[Sidenote: but soon returns to Ireland.]
The Council acquitted Bingham of all Dillon's charges; but no peace
followed, and Perrott continued to pile up accusations against him. For
the sake of quiet the English Government resolved to utilise Bingham's
energies in Holland, and he took the opportunity to sum up his services
for Burghley's information. Connaught was at peace, though he had
little help from his official superior, and Elizabeth was sure to be
pleased at his having made the province pay its own expenses. 'The Lord
Deputy,' he said, 'took the Composition book from myself, and would
not give me so much as a copy of that which in effect was my own work,
whereby I was driven to search it out with infinite labour and pains.'
Bingham had been given to understand that he should succeed Lord
Willoughby in Holland, and be allowed to appoint a deputy in Connaught.
But the Queen named Sir Thomas Le Strange to act during his absence,
while giving particular orders that none of his officers should be
displaced. Bingham saw no prospect of advancement in Holland after the
departure of Leicester, on whose patronage he relied, and returned
to England with him or before him. He was admitted to the Queen's
presence, the house at Athlone was given up to him, in spite of Perrott
and of Wallop's claim to a leasehold interest in it, and he returned to
Ireland much stronger than he had left it.[158]
[Sidenote: Perrott's credit declines.]
[Sidenote: Perrott leaves Ireland.]
The restoration of Bingham to his government marks the time when the
scale finally turned against Sir John Perrott. His faults of temper
have been already sufficiently commented on; he was in bad health; and
worse things than ill-health or ill-temper were whispered about him.
But Ireland was manifestly peaceful, and by appointing Sir William
Fitzwilliam the Queen showed that she expected quiet times and wished
for an unambitious policy. Whatever chagrin Perrott may have felt at
his supersession, he certainly expressed none. All he asked was that
his successor might come at once, so as to let him take the waters
at Bath; Spa being now out of the question. Fitzwilliam, however,
lingered six months; and when at last the time came for delivering the
sword Perrott presented to the Corporation of Dublin a silver gilt
bowl bearing his arms and crest, and the words _relinquo in pace_. In
handing over the badge of office he called his successor to witness
that all was peaceful, and hoped that he would say so to the Queen's
Council. Fitzwilliam answered that if he could leave it half as well
he should do his Queen and country good service. 'There is,' continued
Perrott, 'no ill-minded or suspected person in this kingdom, which can
carry but six swords after him into the field, but if you will name him
and shall desire to have him, notwithstanding that I have resigned the
sword, yet... if they come not in on my word, I will lose the merit and
reputation of all my service.' Fitzwilliam replied that it needed not,
for all was well. Three days later Perrott left Ireland for ever. A
great number of noblemen and gentlemen came to see him off, among whom
old Tirlogh Luineach was conspicuous. That representative of an order
that had almost passed away accompanied him to the ship and would not
put off until the last moment. He watched the retreating sail until it
was below the horizon, and then shed tears 'as if he had been beaten.'
Nor was it only lords and chiefs who mourned for Perrott. The poor came
forty miles to see him pass, praying for his long life and striving to
take his hand if possible, or to touch the hem of his garment. When he
asked them why they did so, they answered, 'that they never had enjoyed
their own with peace before his time, and did doubt they should never
do so again when he was gone.'[159]
[Sidenote: State of Ireland when Perrott left--Connaught and Leinster.]
The quiet state of Connaught is perhaps most justly attributable to
Bingham, but the Lord Deputy might take full credit for Leinster.
Yet it was perhaps well that Fitzwilliam was polite, for the home
province, though not in rebellion, was full of brigands who would
certainly not have come at Perrott's call. Feagh MacHugh, with his
100 swordsmen, gave a ready refuge to vain and light persons, but
he thought it politic to pay his respects to the new governor. His
son-in-law, Walter Reagh, one of the bastard Geraldines who had long
given trouble, was ready for any desperate feat. Captain Thomas Lee
planned his destruction, but Mrs. Lee was an Irishwoman and kept
the outlaw well-informed. Walter Reagh promptly murdered one of his
followers who had been in communication with Lee, and the captain, not
unnaturally, separated from his wife. Sir George Carew had assigned his
constableship of Leighlin to Dudley Bagenal, son of the old marshal,
whom Perrott justly called a 'very unadvised man.' Bagenal had treated
many of his Irish neighbours abominably, yet he neglected to keep his
proper quota of English, and garrisoned his fort with kerne at 40_s._
or 3_l._ a year. Walter Reagh having stolen some cattle, the constable
pursued with eighteen men, was drawn into an ambuscade, killed and
mutilated. Walter Reagh was not hanged until ten years later.[160]
[Sidenote: Munster. The Desmond forfeitures.]
[Sidenote: The settlement hangs fire.]
[Sidenote: Irish and English tenants.]
Munster was exhausted by war, and the only danger was from Spain. Some
said soldiers were as little needed in Kerry as in Surrey or Middlesex,
but little could be done in the way of colonisation while rumours of
the Armada filled the air. The land, however, was roughly surveyed, and
the seignory of 12,000 acres was fixed as the basis of a plantation,
fractional parts being assigned in proportion to the colonists'
means. The younger sons of gentlemen and substantial yeomen were to
be encouraged to take leases under the undertakers, as the great
grantees were called, and English artisans and labourers were also to
be provided, while settlers from the same country were to be placed
near one another. Difficulties soon arose. A disposition was shown to
stretch the Queen's title, and this caused universal distrust. Thus
Fitzgerald of Decies, who had been created a viscount for his staunch
loyalty against the Desmonds, and who had always claimed to hold of
the Queen, was required to prove his title strictly. If he could be
made out Desmond's tenant, then was Decies at the Queen's mercy. It
was no wonder that Mr. Surveyor Robins had stones thrown at him. Legal
questions sprang up like mushrooms after rain. Who were innocent of
rebellion, and how far were conveyances to uses fraudulent? 'At Cork,
Kilmallock, and Clonmel,' said the Solicitor-General, 'we spent five
weeks in hearing the claims and titles to her Majesty's lands found by
office. We had every man's bills, and fair evidence showed us, whereby
it appears that the Irishry (especially by their daily feofments to
uses) have practised as many fraudulent shifts for preserving their
lands from forfeiture as in England; and albeit their evidence be fair
and very lawlike without exception, yet because fraud is secret and
seldom found for her Majesty by jury, we have put the undertakers for
the most part in possession, who, dwelling but half a year upon the
lands, shall have better intelligence to discover the false practices
than the commissioners can possibly learn out. They plead their cause
by lawyers, who almost all of them in those parts have purchased titles
against her Majesty, so as we have had much trouble to pacify and
content them in some reasonable sort by persuasion of further hearing
hereafter, and full allowance of their good titles.' The Irish took
advantage of the delay to take possession of land everywhere, and three
or four years after Desmond's death, the population was five times as
great as it had been at the end of the war. A native squatter would
offer a higher rent than any English settler, and everyone saw that
the Plantation would fail in its main provisions. Between surveyors,
lawyers, and undertakers it was impossible to make a clear title to
anything, and the settlement hung fire during Perrott's administration.
But some of the undertakers came over and resided, leaving the final
measurement of lands to a future day. They quarrelled among themselves,
and made confusion more confounded.[161]
[Sidenote: Ulster.]
[Sidenote: Tyrone and Tirlogh Luineach.]
[Sidenote: Ambition of Tyrone.]
In Ulster Tirlogh Luineach was getting old, while Hugh O'Neill,
representing the bastard Dungannon branch, grew daily stronger. Hugh
was now Earl of Tyrone, with a title to all he held in his country or
district, reserving 240 acres to the Crown for the fort at Blackwater,
and with a grant of markets and fairs. The new Earl covenanted to let
Tirlogh enjoy the chiefry during his life, to abide by the decision of
a royal commission as to boundaries, rents, and services, and not to
make estates to any of the smaller chiefs called _urraughts_, without
consent of the State. Tirlogh was thus placed in possession of that
part of Tyrone which lies north and west of the Mullaghcarne mountains,
while receiving 1,000 marks from the Earl for the remainder. But Tyrone
grasped at all which Con Bacagh or Shane had enjoyed, and Perrott saw
that he was restrained by fear only. His wife was O'Donnell's daughter,
and with that chief's help he hoped to crush Tirlogh. But Hugh, the son
of Calvagh, claimed the succession in Tyrconnell, and joining his force
to that of Tirlogh he attacked Tyrone's camp at night. The latter's
force was much superior, but he was surprised, defeated, and obliged to
fly to Dungannon. Hugh was afterwards murdered by order of Ineen Duive,
who wished to clear the succession for her own son. When Fitzwilliam
reached Dublin, he found the Earl and Tirlogh there, lodging complaints
against each other. Tyrone's defeat gave great delight to many, and
David Power, who had some personal experience of his dealings, said
publicly at Dundalk that he would climb so high as to break his neck,
while Perrott thought 'nothing had done so much good in the North these
nine years.' But the troubles in Ulster were only beginning.[162]
FOOTNOTES:
[131] Perrott to Walsingham, Nov. 16 and 27, 1584 (with enclosures);
to Burghley (with enclosures), Jan. 15, 1585.--Gregory's _Western
Highlands_, chap. iv., where Perrott's siege of Dunluce, and other
matters belonging to 1584, are placed under 1585.
[132] Stanley to Walsingham, Jan. 5, 1585; George Peverley, victualler,
to Walsingham, Jan. 5; to Burghley, Jan. 20; Perrott to Walsingham,
Nov. 16, 1584; to Burghley, Jan 15, 1585. The Master of the Ordnance
was the same Jacques Wingfield who so narrowly escaped professional
ruin in 1561.
[133] Composition of Lord Deputy and Council with Sorley Boy, Oct. 17,
1575; Sorley Boy to Perrott and to Captain Carleile, Feb. 5, 1585;
Captain Barkley to Perrott, Feb. 26; Norris to the Privy Council and
Fenton to Walsingham, March 7; Beverley to Burghley, April 1; Perrott
to Walsingham, April 24.
[134] Lists printed from the roll in _Tracts relating to Ireland_,
vol. ii. p. 134. Kildare, who died in England this year, no doubt had
his writ of summons, but does not seem to have attended. He was ill in
London on Aug. 3.
[135] _Lists_ as above.
[136] _Lists_ as above. Perrott's _Life_, p. 199; see also a partial
list of members calendared at May 11, 1586. The _Four Masters_, under
1585, give a sort of Homeric catalogue of the chiefs present.
[137] _Tracts relating to Ireland_, vol. ii. p. 143. Ormonde to
Burghley, Oct. 20, 1583; Sir N. White to Burghley, May 27, 1585.
[138] Sir N. White to Burghley, May 27, 1585; Perrott to Walsingham,
May 30; the Poyning's Suspension Bill is in _Carew_, June 1585, No. 578.
[139] Perrott to Walsingham, May 30 and June 18, 1585. He believed that
the opposition would collapse if firmly handled, and that firmness
would save the Queen's pocket. 'If they escape,' he said, 'farewell to
my reputation both with Irish and English.'
[140] Irish _Statutes_, 27 Eliz.; Perrott's _Life_.
[141] Norris to Walsingham, March 3; Fenton to Walsingham, May 24;
Loftus to Burghley, May 31. 'I am forced to play at small game to set
the beasts here a-madding, merely for want of better game.... You
think, as I ought to think, that it is time for me to have done with
the world; and so I would, if I could get into a better, before I was
called into the best, and not die here in a rage, like a poisoned rat
in a hole.'--Swift to Bolingbroke, from Dublin, March 21, 1729.
[142] Perrott's _Life_; James VI. to Perrott, Aug. 8, in _Carew_;
Perrott to Walsingham, Aug. 10 and Nov. 11; to Burghley, Sept. 8
and 24; Sir H. Bagenal to Perrott, Sept. 3; Wallop to Burghley and
Walsingham, Nov. 18; Walsingham to Archbishop Long, Dec.
[143] Composition Book of Connaught and Thomond, Oct. 3. Details may
be studied in the appendix to Hardiman's edition of O'Flaherty's _West
Connaught_. As to the measurement it may be observed that Clare, to
take one county as an example, is estimated at 1,260 quarters. Making
allowance for the difference between Irish and English measure, this
gives rather less than 250,000 statute acres for all Clare. The real
area is about 828,000 acres. The gross acreage of all Connaught and
Clare is about five millions and a quarter, and a rental of 4,000_l._
gives much less than a farthing per acre.
[144] Perrott to Burghley, Sept. 8 and 24, 1585. The 'Articles'
referred to were sent to Ireland by Fenton in the following spring, and
are printed in _Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica_, i. 63.
[145] Perrott to Walsingham, Jan. 27, 1586; Sir G. Carew to Walsingham
Feb. 27; to Burghley, Aug. 2, 1588, in _Carew_; Lord Deputy and Council
to the Privy Council, Jan. 28, 1586; description of Munster, 1588, p.
530; Wallop to Burghley, Oct. 1585 (No. 19) and Nov. 18; to Walsingham,
March 7, 1586; Vice-President Norris to the Privy Council, Oct. 18,
1586.
[146] Printed statutes, 28 Eliz. caps. 7 and 8; Perrott to Walsingham,
June 18, 1585; Lords Gormanston, Slane, Howth, and Trimleston to the
Queen, Dec. 10, 1585. Parliament was dissolved May 14, 1586; and see
Speaker Walshe's speech on that day.
[147] Perrott's _Life_, p. 216; Hill's _MacDonnells of Antrim_, pp.
171-187; the Queen to the Lord Chancellor and Council, Feb. 26, 1586;
Captain Price to Walsingham, March 31; to Burghley, April 15; Fenton to
Burghley, April 19 and June 14, 1586; Submission of Sorley Boy, June
14. The Indentures are in _Carew_ ii. 427.
[148] Docwra's _Relation_; _Four Masters_, 1586; Bingham to Walsingham,
Feb. 5, 1586; to Perrott, July 30 and Aug. 16 and 26; to Loftus, Aug.
30; Wallop to Walsingham, Aug. 23. The execution of Richard Oge Burke,
called _Fal fo Erinn_, was made a principal charge against Bingham in
1595 and 1596, when his accusers seemed to have driven him finally
from Ireland. Bingham justified this execution, since most of the
Burkes (including the Blind Abbot, afterwards MacWilliam) declared,
under their hands and under the sanction of an oath, that Richard Oge
had persuaded them to resist the Governor, to bring in Scots, and
to hold the Hag's Castle against him. Seven members of the Council
of Connaught were present at the execution, 'Sir Richard having no
other means of ordinary trial at that time by reason of the great
troubles.'--Discourse of the late rebellion of the Burkes, with all the
signatures, Nov. 17, 1586; O'Flaherty's _West Connaught_, p. 186.
[149] Wallop to Walsingham, Aug. 23, 1586; Maguire to Perrott, Aug. 28;
Bingham to Loftus, Aug. 30; answer of Donnell Gorme, &c. (Sept. 22).
Bingham says he marched seventy-two miles in two days.
[150] Docwra's _Relation_ ('not slain past two persons'); _Four
Masters_, 1586; Stowe's _Chronicle_; Bingham to Burghley, Oct. 6, 1586,
'not one man slain by the enemy;' to Loftus and Perrott, Sept. 23; to
Wallop, Oct. 18; Captain Woodhouse to Fenton, Sept. 23. Bingham owns to
'divers men hurt and galled.'
[151] Bingham to Burghley, Oct. 8 and Dec. 5, 1586; to Wallop, Oct.
18; Wallop to Burghley, Nov. 15; Irish Council to Burghley, Sept. 27;
true discourse of the cause, &c., Nov. 16 and 17; Perrott's note of his
expenses, Sept. (No. 43).
[152] The despatch sent by Fenton is printed in _Desiderata Curiosa
Hibernica_, i. 49; Perrott to Walsingham, Jan. 12, 1586, and four
letters to Burghley, on April 12, 15, 16, and 26, from White, Fenton,
Perrott, and Wallop respectively.
[153] Perrott's _Life_, p. 243. Loftus to Burghley, April 26 and Dec.
4 and 12 1586; to Walsingham, Sept. 30; Bingham to Burghley, Dec. 5
and Feb. 26, 1587; acquital of Bingham under the hands of the Council
(Loftus, Bagenal, Bishop Garvey of Kilmore, Gardiner, C.J., and
Fenton), Feb. 20, 1587; Wallop to Walsingham, May 31, 1586; Perrott to
Leicester, April 18, 1587, in _Carew_; the Queen to Perrott, Feb. 9,
1587. For the altercation with Bagenal see the Marshal's own passionate
and affecting letter to the Privy Council, May 15, 1587, and another
to Leicester in _Carew_; the Council's account, May 15; and White's
account, May 23. See also, for Perrott's behaviour, Wallop to Burghley
and Walsingham, April 26, and July 5, 1588.
[154] Perrott to Sir George Carew, April 27 and Oct. 30, 1586, and Aug.
9, 1587; to Leicester, April 18, 1587 (all in _Carew_); Perrott to
Walsingham, March 7, 1588.
[155] The above is chiefly from Motley's _United Netherlands_, chap.
xiii.; the story of Stanley's ill-treatment at Seville is in a letter
of Dec. 17, 1587, from Bishop Lyons of Cork to Fenton, on the authority
of Galway merchants lately from Spain; Privy Council to Perrott, Jan.
30, 1587; warrant for arrest of Captain Jacques, Feb. 9. For reports
about Stanley see the Irish and Foreign S. P. _passim_; the pardon for
the eleven soldiers is in Morrin's _Patent Rolls_ 35 Eliz. No. 31. For
Sir Rowland Stanley see Sir Roger Wilbraham to Burghley, May 10, 1590.
[156] Perrott to the Privy Council, Jan. 28, 1586; to Walsingham, Feb.
7, 11, and 20, and March 7; Examination of Miles Brewett, April 26,
1587; James Wyse, Mayor of Waterford, to Perrott, July 30; Perrott
to Walsingham, Aug. 9; news by Tyrrell and Woode, Aug. 21; Gaspar
Thunder's report, Oct. 5; Instructions for Sir W. Fitzwilliam, Dec.;
Perrott to Walsingham, May 12, 1588.
[157] Sidney's Brief Relation, 1583; Sidney to the Privy Council, Jan.
27, 1577, in _Carew_; petition of N. Nugent and others, July 1563, in
_Carew_; Answer of B. Scurlock and others, Jan. 11, 1577, in _Carew_;
Fenton to Burghley, Aug. 22 and Sept. 4, 1586; Perrott to Burghley,
June 10, 1585; Note of acts, 1586, in _Carew_, ii. 425. The composition
is in Morrin's _Patent Rolls_ (note to 39 Eliz.)
[158] Acquittal of Sir R. Bingham, Feb. 20, 1587; his discourse, July;
Bingham to Burghley, Oct. 3, 1587, and Feb. 13, 1588.
[159] Perrott to Walsingham, March 7, 18, and 21, and April 1, 1588,
and Perrott's _Life_; Fitzwilliam's patent is dated Feb. 17, but he was
not sworn till June 30.
[160] Perrott to Carew, March 27, 1587, in _Carew_; Sir N. Bagenal to
Burghley, March 26; H. Sheffield to Burghley, March 29; Andrew Trollope
to Burghley, Oct. 27 (for Lee's case); Perrott's declaration, June 29,
1588, and Fitzwilliam to Burghley, July 31.
[161] Wallop to Burghley, April 26, 1586; St. Leger to Burghley, May
30; Sir Roger Wilbraham, S.G., to the Munster Commissioners, Sept.
11, 1587; Arthur Robins to Walsingham, Sept. 17; Andrew Trollope to
Burghley, Oct. 19; Sir W. Herbert to Burghley, April 30, 1587, and to
Walsingham, July 12, 1588.
[162] Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, May 10, 29 Eliz., and May 13; Tyrone's
answer, April 1587 (No. 58); Andrew Trollope to Burghley, Oct. 26,
1587; Tyrone to Perrott, Jan. 4, 1588; Perrott to Walsingham, May 12;
Bingham to Burghley, May 15; Wallop to Walsingham, June 21.