The whole commerce of the company was now a joint concern, and the

embarrassing principle of trading on separate ventures came to an end.

Experience had amply demonstrated that detached equipments exposed the

whole trade to danger in the East, in their efforts to establish trade.

The first twelve voyages were, therefore, regarded in the light of an

experiment to establish a solid commerce between England and India.

Upon such terms the period known as the first joint stock was entered

upon, which comprised four voyages between the years 1613 and 1616. The

purchase, repair, and equipment of vessels during these four years

amounted to two hundred seventy-two thousand five hundred forty-four

pounds, which, with the stock and cargoes, made up the total sum raised

among the members at the beginning of the period, viz., four hundred

twenty-nine thousand pounds.

Under this new system Captain Downton was given command of the fleet, in

the company's merchantmen, the New Year's Gift, thus named because it

had been launched on January 1st--an armed ship of five hundred fifty

tons--and three other vessels. Downton went equipped with legal as well

as military implements. King James made him master of the lives of the

crews, and empowered him to use martial law in cases of

insubordination.

"We are not ignorant," said the monarch, in the royal commission which

he vouchsafed to the company's commander, "of the emulation and envy

which doth accompany the discovery of countries and trade, and of the

quarrels and contentions which do many times fall out between the

subjects of divers princes when they meet the one with the other in

foreign and far remote countries in prosecuting the course of their

discoveries." Consequently Captain Downton was warned not to stir up bad

blood among the nations, but if he should be by the company's rivals

unjustly provoked he was at liberty to retaliate, but not to keep to

himself any spoils he might take, which were to be rendered account of,

as by ancient usage, to the King.

Before Downton could reach his destination, the chief energies of the

company's agents in India appear to have been bent upon forming a series

of exchanges between the west coast and the factory at Bantam. The

little band of servants at the new factory at Surat, headed by the

redoubtable Aldworth, gave it as their opinion not only that sales of

English goods could be effected at this port, but that they might be

pushed to the inland markets and the adjoining seaports. Aldworth stated

that in his journey to Ahmedabad he had passed through the cities of

Baroche and Baroda, and had discovered that cotton, yarn and "baftees"

could be bought cheaper from the manufacturers in that country than at

Surat. At Ahmedabad he was able to buy indigo at a low rate, but in

order to establish such a trade capital of from twelve to fifteen

thousand pounds was required to be constantly in the hands of the

factor. It was thought at Surat that it would be expedient to fix a

resident at the Mogul's court at Agra to solicit the protection of that

monarch and his ministers.

Downton arrived at Surat, October 15, 1614, to find the attitude of the

Portuguese toward the English more than ever hostile. At the same time

trouble impended between the Portuguese and the Nawab of Surat. In order

to demolish all opposition at one blow, the former collected their total

naval force at Goa for a descent upon both natives and new-comers at

Surat. Their force consisted of six large galleons, several smaller

vessels, and sixty native barges, or "frigates" as they were called, the

whole carrying a hundred thirty-four guns and manned by twenty-six

hundred Europeans and six thousand natives. To meet this fleet, Downton

had but his four ships, and three or four Indian-built vessels called

"galivats," manned altogether with less than six hundred men. The

appearance of the Portuguese was the signal for fright and submission on

the part of the Nawab; but his suit was contemptuously spurned by the

Viceroy of Goa, who, on January 20th, advanced upon the company's little

fleet. He did not attempt to force the northern entrance of Swally Hole,

where the English lay, which would have necessitated an approach singly,

but sent on a squadron of the native "frigates" to cross the shoal,

surround and attack the Hope, the smallest of the English ships, and

board her. But in this they were foiled after a severe conflict. Numbers

of the boarders were slain and drowned, and their frigates burned to the

water's edge. Again and again during the ensuing three weeks did the

Portuguese make efforts to dislodge the English; but the dangerous

fire-ships they launched were evaded by night and their onslaught

repulsed by day, and so at length, with a loss of five hundred men, the

Portuguese viceroy, on February 13th, withdrew.

His withdrawal marked a triumph for the company's men. Downton was

received in state by the overjoyed Nawab, who presented him with his own

sword, "the hilt of massive gold, and in lieu thereof," says Downton, "I

returned him my suit, being sword, dagger, girdle, and hangers, by me

much esteemed of, and which made a great deal better show, though of

less value."

A week later Downton set out with his great fleet for Bantam. Just off

the coast the enemy's fleet was again sighted approaching from the west.

For three days the English were in momentary apprehension of an attack,

but the Viceroy thought better of it, and on the 6th "bore up with the

shore and gave over the hopes of their fortunes by further following of

us."

DUTCH SETTLEMENT OF NEW YORK

A.D. 1614

DAVID T. VALENTINE

Greater fame ordinarily attaches to the discovery of some vast

region of the earth than to the finding or exploring of a

limited coast, district, or river-course. There are, however,

some instances in which geographical conditions or historical

developments magnify the seemingly lesser achievements. This

has been the case with Henry Hudson's timely exploration of the

river called after him.

The enterprising Dutch people, under whose auspices he

accomplished this brilliant feat, had just emerged from their

long contest with Spain. The return of peace to the Netherlands

found many active spirits in readiness for fresh adventures,

and Hudson's work opened for them a new and inviting field.

Increasing celebrity gathered about the name of Hudson from the

very first settlements in the remarkable region which he made

known to the world, and which was destined to become the seat

of the world's second--perhaps of its greatest--metropolis, and

the home of an imperial commonwealth. The simple beginnings of

this mighty growth are as simply but quite adequately told in

the following pages from the historian of New York city.

Having explored the river which bears his name, Hudson put to sea on

October 4th, making directly for Europe, with news of his discovery of

this fine river and its adjacent country, which he described as offering

every inducement for settlers or traders that could be desired.

Besides the fertility of the soil, which was satisfactorily shown by the

great abundance of grain and vegetables found in the possession of the

Indians, a still more enticing prospect was held out to the view of the

merchant, in the abundance of valuable furs observed in the country,

which were to be had at a very little cost.

Hudson had, therefore, scarcely made publicly known the character of the

country visited by him when several merchants of Amsterdam fitted out

trading-vessels and despatched them to this river. Their returns were

highly satisfactory, and arrangements were immediately made to establish

a settled agency here to superintend the collection of the furs and the

trade with the Indians while the ships should be on their long journey

between the two hemispheres. The agents thus employed pitched their

cabins on the south point of Manhattan Island, the head man being

Hendrick Corstiaensen, who was still the chief of the settlement in

1614, at which period an English ship sailing along the coast from

Virginia entered the harbor on a visit of observation. Finding

Corstiaensen here, with his company of traders, the English captain

summoned him to acknowledge the jurisdiction of Virginia over the

country or else to depart. The former alternative was chosen by the

trader, and he agreed to pay a small tribute to the Governor of Virginia

in token of his right of dominion. The Dutch were thereupon left to

prosecute their trade without further molestation.

The government of Holland did not, however, recognize the claims of

England to jurisdiction over the whole American coast, and took measures

to encourage the discovery and appropriation of additional territory, by

a decree giving to discoverers of new countries the exclusive privilege

of trading thither for four successive voyages, to the exclusion of all

other persons. This enactment induced several merchants to fit out five

small ships for coasting along the American shores in this vicinity. One

of these vessels, commanded by Captain Block, soon after its arrival on

the coast, was accidentally destroyed by fire. Block immediately began

the construction of another, of thirty-eight-feet keel, forty-four and a

half feet on deck, and eleven and a half feet beam, which was the first

vessel launched in the waters of New York. She was called the Unrest, or

Restless, and ploughed her keel through the waters of Hell Gate and the

Sound, the pioneer of all other vessels except the bark canoes of the

aboriginal inhabitants.

The several ships despatched on this exploring expedition having

returned to Holland, from their journals and surveys a map of a large

extent of country was made, over which the Dutch claimed jurisdiction,

and to which they gave the name of "New Netherlands." The owners of

these vessels, as the reward of their enterprise, were granted the

promised monopoly of trade hither for four voyages, to be completed

within three years, commencing on January 1, 1615.

These merchants seemed to have been composed in part of those who had

established the first trading-post here, but having increased their

number and capital, and enlarged their former designs of trade, formed

themselves into a company under the name of the "United New Netherlands

Company." Corstiaensen was continued the principal agent here, and they

likewise established a post at the head of the river, on an island

opposite the present site of Albany. Forts, of a rude description--being

merely enclosures of high palisades--were erected at both places.

The privileges granted to the United New Netherlands Company being,

however, limited in respect to time, their establishment on this island

can hardly be considered as a permanent settlement; the cabins of the

settlers were nearly of equal rudeness with those of their Indian

neighbors; and but few of the luxuries of civilization found their way

into their habitations. The great object of the settlement was, however,

successfully carried on, and stores of furs were in readiness to freight

the ships on their periodical visits from the fatherland. No

interruption of the friendly intercourse carried on with the Indians

took place, but, on the contrary, the whites were abundantly supplied by

the natives with food and most other necessaries of life, without

personal labor and at trifling cost.

The Indian tribes in the neighborhood of this trading-post were the

Manhattans, occupying this island; the Pachamies, the Tankiteks, and the

Wickqueskeeks, occupying the country on the east side of Hudson River

south of the Highlands; the Hackingsacks and the Raritans on the west

side of the river and the Jersey shore; the Canarsees, the Rockways, the

Merrikokes, the Marsapeagues, the Mattinecocks, the Nissaquages, the

Corchaugs, the Secataugs, and the Shinecocks on Long Island.

The trade of this colony of settlers was sufficiently profitable to

render its permanency desirable to the United New Netherlands Company,

as it is found that at the termination of their grant, in the year 1618,

they endeavored to procure from the government in Holland an extension

of their term, but did not succeed in obtaining more than a special

license, expiring yearly, which they held for two or three subsequent

years.

In the mean time a more extensive association had been formed among the

merchants and capitalists in Holland, which in the year 1621, having

matured its plans and projects, received a charter under the title of

the West India Company. Their charter gave them the exclusive privilege

of trade on the whole American coast, both of the northern and southern

continents, so far as the jurisdiction of Holland extended.

This great company was invested with most of the functions of a distinct

and separate government. It was allowed to appoint governors and other

officers; to settle the forms of administering justice; to make Indian

treaties and to enact laws.

Having completed arrangements for the organization of its government in

New Netherlands, the West India Company despatched its pioneer vessel

hither in the year 1623. This was the ship New Netherlands, a stanch

vessel, which continued her voyages to this port as a regular packet for

more than thirty years subsequently. On board the New Netherlands were

thirty families to begin the colony. This colony being designed for a

settlement at the head of the river, the vessel landed her passengers

and freight near the present site of Albany, where a settlement was

established. The return cargo of the New Netherlands was five hundred

otter-skins, one thousand five hundred beavers, and other freight valued

at about twelve thousand dollars.

It having been determined that the head-quarters of the company's

establishment in New Netherlands should be fixed on Manhattan Island,

preparations for a more extensive colony to be planted here were made,

and in 1625 two ships cleared from Holland for this place. On board of

these vessels were shipped one hundred three head of cattle, together

with stallions, mares, hogs, and sheep in a proportionate number.

Accompanying these were a considerable number of settlers, with their

families, supplied with agricultural implements and seed for planting,

household furniture, and the other necessaries for establishing the

colony. Other ships followed with similar freight, and the number of

emigrants amounted to about two hundred souls.

On the arrival of the ships in the harbor the cattle were landed in the

first instance on the island now called Governor's Island, where they

were left on pasturage until convenient arrangements could be made on

the mainland to prevent their straying in the woods. The want of water,

however, compelled their speedy transfer to Manhattan Island, where,

being put on the fresh grass, they generally throve well, although about

twenty died, in the course of the season, from eating some poisonous

vegetable.

The settlers commenced their town by staking out a fort on the south

point of the island, under the direction of one Kryn Frederick, an

engineer sent along with them for that purpose; and a horse-mill having

been erected, the second story of that building was so constructed as to

afford accommodations for the congregation for religious purposes. The

habitations of the settlers were of the simplest construction, little

better, indeed, than those of their predecessors. A director-general had

been sent to superintend the interests of the company in this country,

in the person of Peter Minuit, who, in the year 1626, purchased

Manhattan Island from the Indian proprietors for the sum of sixty

guilders, or twenty-four dollars, by which the title to the whole

island, containing about twenty-two thousand acres, became vested in the

West India Company.

The success of the company proved itself, for a short period, by the

rise in the value of its stock, which soon stood at a high premium in

Holland. Various interests, however, were at work in the company to turn

its advantages to individual account, and in 1628 an act was passed

under the title of "Freedoms and Exemptions granted to all such as shall

plant Colonies in New Netherlands." This edict gave, to such persons as

should send over a colony of fifty souls above fifteen years old, the

title of "patroons," and the privileges of selecting any land, except on

the island of Manhattan, for a distance of eight miles on each side of

any river, and so far inland as should be thought convenient; the

company stipulating, however, that all the products of the plantations

thus established should be first brought to the Manhattans, before being

sent elsewhere, for trade. They also reserved to themselves the sole

trade with the Indians for peltries in all places where they had an

agency established.

With respect to such private persons as should emigrate at their own

expense, they were allowed as much land as they could properly improve,

upon satisfying the Indians therefor.

These privileges gave an impetus to emigration, and assisted, in a great

degree, in permanently establishing the settlement of the country. But

from this era commenced the decay of the profits of the company, as with

all its vigilance it could not restrain the inhabitants from

surreptitiously engaging in the Indian trade, and drawing thence a

profit which would otherwise have gone into the public treasury.

HARVEY DISCOVERS THE CIRCULATION OF THE BLOOD

A.D. 1616

THOMAS H. HUXLEY

Contemporary with Galileo, and ranking but little below him in

influence upon the modern world, was William Harvey. Harvey's

discovery of the circulation of the blood, combined with the

truly scientific methods by which he reached, and afterward

proved, his great result, has placed his name high on the roll

of science. Not only does his work stand at the foundation of

modern anatomy and medicine, but it has given him place in the

ranks of great philosophers as well. Huxley, himself so long

and justly renowned in modern science, rises to enthusiasm in

the following account of his mighty predecessor.

Harvey was born at Folkestone, England, in 1578, and lived till

1657. He was educated as a physician, studying at Padua in

Italy, and was early appointed a lecturer in the London College

of Physicians. In his lectures, somewhere about the year 1616

or a little later, he began to explain his new doctrine to his

students; but it was not until the publication of his book

_Exercitatio Anatomica de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis_, in 1628,

that the theory spread beyond his immediate circle.

Huxley's account will perhaps give a clearer idea of Harvey's

relation to his predecessors and contemporaries, and of the

value of his services to mankind, than would a far longer

biography of the great physician, physiologist, and anatomist.

Many opinions have been held respecting the exact nature and value of

Harvey's contributions to the elucidation of the fundamental problem of

the physiology of the higher animals; from those which deny him any

merit at all--indeed, roundly charge him with the demerit of

plagiarism--to those which enthrone him in a position of supreme honor

among great discoverers in science. Nor has there been less controversy

as to the method by which Harvey obtained the results which have made

his name famous. I think it is desirable that no obscurity should hang

around these questions; and I add my mite to the store of disquisitions

on Harvey, in the hope that it may help to throw light upon several

points about which darkness has accumulated, partly by accident and

partly by design.

About the year B.C. 300 a great discovery, that of the valves of the

heart, was made by Erasistratus. This anatomist found, around the

opening by which the vena cava communicates with the right ventricle,

three triangular membranous folds, disposed in such a manner as to allow

any fluid contained in the vein to pass into the ventricle, but not back

again. The opening of the vena arteriosa into the right ventricle is

quite distinct from that of the vena cava; and Erasistratus observed

that it is provided with three pouch-like, half-moon-shaped valves; the

arrangement of which is such that a fluid can pass out of the ventricle

into the vena arteriosa, but not back again. Three similar valves were

found at the opening of the aorta into the left ventricle. The arteria

venosa had a distinct opening into the same ventricle, and this was

provided with triangular membranous valves, like those on the right

side, but only two in number. Thus the ventricles had four openings, two

for each; and there were altogether eleven valves, disposed in such a

manner as to permit fluids to enter the ventricles from the vena cava

and the arteria venosa respectively, and to pass out of the ventricles

by the vena arteriosa and the aorta respectively, but not to go the

other way.

It followed from this capital discovery that, if the contents of the

heart are fluid, and if they move at all, they can only move in one way;

namely, from the vena cava, through the ventricle, and toward the lungs,

by the vena arteriosa, on the right side; and, from the lungs, by way of

the arteria venosa, through the ventricle, and out by the aorta for

distribution in the body, on the left side.

Erasistratus thus, in a manner, laid the foundations of the theory of

the motion of the blood. But it was not given to him to get any further.

What the contents of the heart were, and whether they moved or not, was

a point which could be determined only by experiment. And, for want of

sufficiently careful experimentation, Erasistratus strayed into a

hopelessly misleading path. Observing that the arteries are usually

empty of blood after death, he adopted the unlucky hypothesis that this

is their normal condition, and that during life they are filled with

air. And it will be observed that it is not improbable that

Erasistratus' discovery of the valves of the heart and of their

mechanical action strengthened him in this view. For, as the arteria

venosa branches out in the lungs, what more likely than that its

ultimate ramifications absorb the air which is inspired; and that this

air, passing into the left ventricle, is then pumped all over the body

through the aorta, in order to supply the vivifying principle which

evidently resides in the air; or, it may be, of cooling the too great

heat of the blood? How easy to explain the elastic bounding feel of a

pulsating artery by the hypothesis that it is full of air! Had

Erasistratus only been acquainted with the structure of insects, the

analogy of their tracheal system would have been a tower of strength to

him. There was no _prima-facie_ absurdity in his hypothesis--and

experiment was the sole means of demonstrating its truth or falsity.

More than four hundred years elapsed before the theory of the motion of

the blood returned once more to the strait road which leads truthward;

and it was brought back by the only possible method, that of experiment.

A man of extraordinary genius, Claudius Galenus, of Pergamus, was

trained to anatomical and physiological investigation in the great

schools of Alexandria, and spent a long life in incessant research,

teaching, and medical practice. More than one hundred fifty treatises

from his pen, on philosophical, literary, scientific, and practical

topics, are extant; and there is reason to believe that they constitute

not more than a third of his works. No former anatomist had reached his

excellence, while he may be regarded as the founder of experimental

physiology. And it is precisely because he was a master of the

experimental method that he was able to learn more about the motions of

the heart and of the blood than any of his predecessors, and to leave to

posterity a legacy of knowledge which was not substantially increased

for more than thirteen hundred years.

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