REVOLUTION IN POETRY.--The strict limit which the French dramatists

marked out with regard to unity of action, time and place, construction

of style, verse and sentence, selection of words and ideas, was

a school as important as that of counterpoint and fugue in the

development of modern music or that of the Gorgianic figures in Greek

oratory. Such a restriction may appear absurd; nevertheless there is

no means of getting out of naturalism except by confining ourselves

at first to the strongest (perhaps most arbitrary) means. Thus we

gradually learn to walk gracefully on the narrow paths that bridge

giddy abysses, and acquire great suppleness of movement as a result,

as the history of music proves to our living eyes. Here we see how,

step by step, the fetters get looser, until at last they may appear to

be altogether thrown off; this _appearance_ is the highest achievement

of a necessary development in art. In the art of modern poetry there

existed no such fortunate, gradual emerging from self-imposed fetters.

Lessing held up to scorn in Germany the French form, the only modern

form of art, and pointed to Shakespeare; and thus the steadiness of

that unfettering was lost and a spring was made into naturalism--that

is, back into the beginnings of art. From this Goethe endeavoured to

save himself, by always trying to limit himself anew in different ways;

but even the most gifted only succeeds by continuously experimenting,

if the thread of development has once been broken. It is to the

unconsciously revered, if also repudiated, model of French tragedy

that Schiller owes his comparative sureness of form, and he remained

fairly independent of Lessing (whose dramatic attempts he is well

known to have rejected). But after Voltaire the French themselves

suddenly lacked the great talents which would have led the development

of tragedy out of constraint to that apparent freedom; later on

they followed the German example and made a spring into a sort of

Rousseau-like state of nature and experiments. It is only necessary

to read Voltaire's "Mahomet" from time to time in order to perceive

clearly what European culture has lost through that breaking down of

tradition. Once for all, Voltaire was the last of the great dramatists

who with Greek proportion controlled his manifold soul, equal even to

the greatest storms of tragedy,--he was able to do what no German

could, because the French nature is much nearer akin to the Greek than

is the German; he was also the last great writer who in the wielding

of prose possessed the Greek ear, Greek artistic conscientiousness,

and Greek simplicity and grace; he was, also, one of the last men able

to combine in himself the greatest freedom of mind and an absolutely

unrevolutionary way of thinking without being inconsistent and

cowardly. Since that time the modern spirit, with its restlessness and

its hatred of moderation and restrictions, has obtained the mastery on

all sides, let loose at first by the fever of revolution, and then once

more putting a bridle on itself when it became filled with fear and

horror at itself,--but it was the bridle of rigid logic, no longer that

of artistic moderation. It is true that through that unfettering for a

time we are able to enjoy the poetry of all nations, everything that

has sprung up in hidden places, original, wild, wonderfully beautiful

and gigantically irregular, from folk-songs up to the "great barbarian"

Shakespeare; we taste the joys of local colour and costume, hitherto

unknown to all artistic nations; we make liberal use of the "barbaric

advantages" of our time, which Goethe accentuated against Schiller in

order to place the formlessness of his _Faust_ in the most favourable

light. But for how much longer? The encroaching flood of poetry of all

styles and all nations _must_ gradually sweep away that magic garden

upon which a quiet and hidden growth would still have been possible;

all poets _must_ become experimenting imitators, daring copyists,

however great their primary strength may be. Eventually, the public,

which has lost the habit of seeing the actual artistic fact in the

_controlling_ of depicting power, in the organising mastery over all

art-means, _must_ come ever more and more to value power for power's

sake, colour for colour's sake, idea for idea's sake, inspiration for

inspiration's sake; accordingly it will not enjoy the elements and

conditions of the work of art, unless _isolated,_ and finally will

make the very natural demand that the artist _must_ deliver it to them

isolated. True, the "senseless" fetters of Franco-Greek art have been

thrown off, but unconsciously we have grown accustomed to consider all

fetters, all restrictions as senseless;--and so art moves towards its

liberation, but, in so doing, it touches--which is certainly highly

edifying--upon all the phases of its beginning, its childhood, its

incompleteness, its sometime boldness and excesses,--in perishing

it interprets its origin and growth. One of the great ones, whose

instinct may be relied on and whose theory lacked nothing but thirty

years _more_ of practice, Lord Byron, once said: that with regard to

poetry in general, the more he thought about it the more convinced

he was that one and all we are entirely on a wrong track, that we are

following an inwardly false revolutionary system, and that either our

own generation or the next will yet arrive at this same conviction.

It is the same Lord Byron who said that he "looked upon Shakespeare

as the very worst model, although the most extraordinary poet." And

does not Goethe's mature artistic insight in the second half of his

life say practically the same thing?--that insight by means of which

he made such a bound in advance of whole generations that, generally

speaking, it may be said that Goethe's influence has not yet begun,

that his time has still to come. Just because his nature held him fast

for a long time in the path of the poetical revolution, just because

he drank to the dregs of whatsoever new sources, views and expedients

had been indirectly discovered through that breaking down of tradition,

of all that had been unearthed from under the ruins of art, his later

transformation and conversion carries so much weight; it shows that

he felt the deepest longing to win back the traditions of art, and to

give in fancy the ancient perfection and completeness to the abandoned

ruins and colonnades of the temple, with the imagination of the eye at

least, should the strength of the arm be found too weak to build where

such tremendous powers were needed even to destroy. Thus he lived in

art as in the remembrance of the true art, his poetry had become an

aid to remembrance, to the understanding of old and long-departed ages

of art. With respect to the strength of the new age, his demands could

not be satisfied; but the pain this occasioned was amply balanced by

the joy that they have _been_ satisfied once, and that we ourselves can

still participate in this satisfaction. Not individuals, but more or

less ideal masks; no reality, but an allegorical generality; topical

characters, local colours toned down and rendered mythical almost to

the point of invisibility; contemporary feeling and the problems of

contemporary society reduced to the simplest forms, stripped of their

attractive, interesting pathological qualities, made _ineffective_ in

every other but the artistic sense; no new materials and characters,

but the old, long-accustomed ones in constant new animation and

transformation; that is art, as Goethe _understood_ it later, as the

Greeks and even the French _practised_ it.

222.

WHAT REMAINS OF ART.--It is true that art has a much greater value in

the case of certain metaphysical hypotheses, for instance when the

belief obtains that the character is unchangeable and that the essence

of the world manifests itself continually in all character and action;

thus the artist's work becomes the symbol of the _eternally constant,_

while according to our views the artist can only endow his picture with

temporary value, because man on the whole has developed and is mutable,

and even the individual man has nothing fixed and constant. The same

thing holds good with another metaphysical hypothesis: assuming that

our visible world were only a delusion, as metaphysicians declare,

then art would come very near to the real world, for there would then

be far too much similarity between the world of appearance and the

dream-world of the artist; and the remaining difference would place

the meaning of art higher even than the meaning of nature, because

art would represent the same forms, the types and models of nature.

But those suppositions are false; and what position does art retain

after this acknowledgment? Above all, for centuries it has taught us

to look upon life in every shape with interest and pleasure and to

carry our feelings so far that at last we exclaim, "Whatever it may

be, life is good." This teaching of art, to take pleasure in existence

and to regard human life as a piece of nature, without too vigorous

movement, as an object of regular development,--this teaching has grown

into us; it reappears as an all-powerful need of knowledge. We could

renounce art, but we should not therewith forfeit the ability it has

taught us,--just as we have given up religion, but not the exalting and

intensifying of temperament acquired through religion. As the plastic

arts and music are the standards of that wealth of feeling really

acquired and obtained through religion, so also, after a disappearance

of art, the intensity and multiplicity of the joys of life which it had

implanted in us would still demand satisfaction. The scientific man is

the further development of the artistic man.

223.

THE AFTER-GLOW OF ART.--Just as in old age we remember our youth and

celebrate festivals of memory, so in a short time mankind will stand

towards art: its relation will be that of a _touching memory_ of the

joys of youth. Never, perhaps, in former ages was art dealt with so

seriously and thoughtfully as now when it appears to be surrounded

by the magic influence of death. We call to mind that Greek city in

southern Italy, which once a year still celebrates its Greek feasts,

amidst tears and mourning, that foreign barbarism triumphs ever more

and more over the customs its people brought with them into the land;

and never has Hellenism been so much appreciated, nowhere has this

golden nectar been drunk with so great delight, as amongst these fast

disappearing Hellenes. The artist will soon come to be regarded as a

splendid relic, and to him, as to a wonderful stranger on whose power

and beauty depended the happiness of former ages, there will be paid

such honour as is not often enjoyed by one of our race. The best in us

is perhaps inherited from the sentiments of former times, to which it

is hardly possible for us now to return by direct ways; the sun has

already disappeared, but the heavens of our life are still glowing and

illumined by it, although we can behold it no longer.

[Footnote 1: The allusion is to Goethe's lines:

_Die Sterne, die begehrt man nicht,_

_Man freut sich ihrer Pracht._

We do not want the stars themselves,

Their brilliancy delights our hearts.--J.M.K.

]

FIFTH DIVISION.

THE SIGNS OF HIGHER AND LOWER CULTURE.

224.

ENNOBLEMENT THROUGH DEGENERATION.--History teaches that a race of

people is best preserved where the greater number hold one common

spirit in consequence of the similarity of their accustomed and

indisputable principles: in consequence, therefore, of their common

faith. Thus strength is afforded by good and thorough customs, thus

is learnt the subjection of the individual, and strenuousness of

character becomes a birth gift and afterwards is fostered as a habit.

The danger to these communities founded on individuals of strong and

similar character is that gradually increasing stupidity through

transmission, which follows all stability like its shadow. It is on

the more unrestricted, more uncertain and morally weaker individuals

that depends the _intellectual progress_ of such communities, it is

they who attempt all that is new and manifold. Numbers of these perish

on account of their weakness, without having achieved any specially

visible effect; but generally, particularly when they have descendants,

they flare up and from time to time inflict a wound on the stable

element of the community. Precisely in this sore and weakened place the

community is _inoculated_ with something new; but its general strength

must be great enough to absorb and assimilate this new thing into its

blood. Deviating natures are of the utmost importance wherever there

is to be progress. Every wholesale progress must be preceded by a

partial weakening. The strongest natures _retain_ the type, the weaker

ones help it to _develop._ Something similar happens in the case of

individuals;'a deterioration, a mutilation, even a vice and, above all,

a physical or moral loss is seldom without its advantage. For instance,

a sickly man in the midst of a warlike and restless race will perhaps

have more chance of being alone and thereby growing quieter and wiser,

the one-eyed man will possess a stronger eye, the blind man will have a

deeper inward sight and will certainly have a keener sense of hearing.

In so far it appears to me that the famous Struggle for Existence is

not the only point of view from which an explanation can be given of

the progress or strengthening of an individual or a race. Rather must

two different things converge: firstly, the multiplying of stable

strength through mental binding in faith and common feeling; secondly,

the possibility of attaining to higher aims, through the fact that

there are deviating natures and, in consequence, partial weakening and

wounding of the stable strength; it is precisely the weaker nature, as

the more delicate and free, that makes all progress at all possible.

A people that is crumbling and weak in any one part, but as a whole

still strong and healthy, is able to absorb the infection of what is

new and incorporate it to its advantage. The task of education in a

single individual is this: to plant him so firmly and surely that, as

a whole, he can no longer be diverted from his path. Then, however,

the educator must wound him, or else make use of the wounds which fate

inflicts, and when pain and need have thus arisen, something new and

noble can be inoculated into the wounded places. With regard to the

State, Machiavelli says that, "the form of Government is of very small

importance, although halfeducated people think otherwise. The great aim

of State-craft should be duration, which out-weighs all else, inasmuch

as it is more valuable than liberty." It is only with securely founded

and guaranteed duration that continual development and ennobling

inoculation are at all possible. As a rule, however, authority, the

dangerous companion of all duration, will rise in opposition to this.

225.

FREE-THINKER A RELATIVE TERM.--We call that man a free-thinker who

thinks otherwise than is expected of him in consideration of his

origin, surroundings, position, and office, or by reason of the

prevailing contemporary views. He is the exception, fettered minds are

the rule; these latter reproach him, saying that his free principles

either have their origin in a desire to be remarkable or else cause

free actions to inferred,--that is to say, actions which are not

compatible with fettered morality. Sometimes it is also said that

the cause of such and such free principles may be traced to mental

perversity and extravagance; but only malice speaks thus, nor does

it believe what it says, but wishes thereby to do an injury, for the

free-thinker; usually bears the proof of his greater goodness and

keenness of intellect written in his face so plainly that the fettered

spirits understand it well enough. But the two other derivations

of free-thought are honestly intended; as a matter of fact, many

free-thinkers are created in one or other of these ways. For this

reason, however, the tenets to which they attain in this manner might

be truer and more reliable than those of the fettered spirits. In the

knowledge of truth, what really matters is the _possession_ of it,

not the impulse under which it was sought, the way in which it was

found. If the free-thinkers are right then the fettered spirits are

wrong, and it is a matter of indifference whether the former have

reached truth through immorality or the latter hitherto retained hold

of untruths through morality. Moreover, it is not essential to the

free-thinker that he should hold more correct views, but that he should

have liberated himself from what was customary, be it successfully or

disastrously. As a rule, however, he will have truth, or at least the

spirit of truth-investigation, on his side; he demands reasons, the

others demand faith.

226.

THE ORIGIN OF FAITH.--The fettered spirit does not take up his position

from conviction, but from habit; he is a Christian, for instance, not

because he had a comprehension of different creeds and could take

his choice; he is an Englishman, not because he decided for England,

but he found Christianity and England ready-made and accepted them

without any reason, just as one who is born in a wine-country becomes

a wine-drinker. Later on, perhaps, as he was a Christian and an

Englishman, he discovered a few reasons in favour of his habit; these

reasons may be upset, but he is not therefore upset in his whole

position. For instance, let a fettered spirit be obliged to bring

forward his reasons against bigamy and then it will be seen whether his

holy zeal in favour of monogamy is based upon reason or upon custom.

The adoption of guiding principles without reasons is called _faith._

227.

CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM THE CONSEQUENCES AND TRACED BACK TO REASON AND

UN-REASON.--All states and orders of society, professions, matrimony,

education, law: all these find strength and duration only in the faith

which the fettered spirits repose in them,--that is, in the absence of

reasons, or at least in the averting of inquiries as to reasons. The

restricted spirits do not willingly acknowledge this, and feel that

it is a _pudendum._ Christianity, however, which was very simple in

its intellectual ideas, remarked nothing of this _pudendum,_ required

faith and nothing but faith, and passionately repulsed the demand

for reasons; it pointed to the success of faith: "You will soon feel

the advantages of faith," it suggested, "and through faith shall ye

be saved." As an actual fact, the State pursues the same course, and

every father brings up his son in the same way: "Only believe this,"

he says, "and you will soon feel the good it does." This implies,

however, that the truth of an opinion is proved by its personal

usefulness; the wholesomeness of a doctrine must be a guarantee for

its intellectual surety and solidity. It is exactly as if an accused

person in a court of law were to say, "My counsel speaks the whole

truth, for only see what is the result of his speech: I shall be

acquitted." Because the fettered spirits retain their principles on

account of their usefulness, they suppose that the free spirit also

seeks his own advantage in his views and only holds that to be true

which is profitable to him. But as he appears to find profitable just

the contrary of that which his compatriots or equals find profitable,

these latter assume that his principles are dangerous to them; they say

or feel, "He must not be right, for he is injurious to us."

228.

THE STRONG, GOOD CHARACTER.--The restriction of views, which habit has

made instinct, leads to what is called strength of character. When

any one acts from few but always from the same motives, his actions

acquire great energy; if these actions accord with the principles of

the fettered spirits they are recognised, and they produce, moreover,

in those who perform them the sensation of a good conscience. Few

motives, energetic action, and a good conscience compose what is called

strength of character. The man of strong character lacks a knowledge

of the many possibilities and directions of action; his intellect is

fettered and restricted, because in a given case it shows him, perhaps,

only two possibilities; between these two he must now of necessity

choose, in accordance with his whole nature, and he does this easily

and quickly because he has not to choose between fifty possibilities.

The educating surroundings aim at fettering every individual, by always

placing before him the smallest number of possibilities. The individual

is always treated by his educators as if he were, indeed, something

new, but should become a _duplicate._ If he makes his first appearance

as something unknown, unprecedented, he must be turned into something

known and precedented. In a child, the familiar manifestation of

restriction is called a good character; in placing itself on the side

of the fettered spirits the child first discloses its awakening common

feeling; with this foundation of common sentiment, he will eventually

become useful to his State or rank.

229.

THE STANDARDS AND VALUES OF THE FETTERED SPIRITS.--There are four

species of things concerning which the restricted spirits say they

are in the right. Firstly: all things that last are right; secondly:

all things that are not burdens to us are right; thirdly: all things

that are advantageous for us are right; fourthly: all things for which

we have made sacrifices are right. The last sentence, for instance,

explains why a war that was begun in opposition to popular feeling

is carried on with enthusiasm directly a sacrifice has been made for

it. The free spirits, who bring their case before the forum of the

fettered spirits, must prove that free spirits always existed, that

free-spiritism is therefore enduring, that it will not become a burden,

and, finally, that on the whole they are an advantage to the fettered

spirits. It is because they cannot convince the restricted spirits on

this last point that they profit nothing by having proved the first and

second propositions.

230.

_ESPRIT FORT._--Compared with him who has tradition on his side and

requires no reasons for his actions, the free spirit is always weak,

especially in action; for he is acquainted with too many motives and

points of view, and has, therefore, an uncertain and unpractised hand.

What means exist of making him _strong in spite of this,_ so that he

will, at least, manage to survive, and will not perish ineffectually?

What is the source of the strong spirit (_esprit fort_)! This is

especially the question as to the production of genius. Whence comes

the energy, the unbending strength, the endurance with which the one,

in opposition to accepted ideas, endeavours to obtain an entirely

individual knowledge of the world?

231.

THE RISE OF GENIUS.--The ingenuity with which a prisoner seeks the

means of freedom, the most cold-blooded and patient employment of every

smallest advantage, can teach us of what tools Nature sometimes makes

use in order to produce Genius,--a word which I beg will be understood

without any mythological and religious flavour; she, Nature, begins it

in a dungeon and excites to the utmost its desire to free itself. Or

to give another picture: some one who has completely _lost his way_

in a wood, but who with unusual energy strives to reach the open in

one direction or another, will sometimes discover a new path which

nobody knew previously, thus arise geniuses, who are credited with

originality. It has already been said that mutilation, crippling,

or the loss of some important organ, is frequently the cause of the

unusual development of another organ, because this one has to fulfil

its own and also another function. This explains the source of many a

brilliant talent. These general remarks on the origin of genius may be

applied to the special case, the origin of the perfect free spirit.

232.

CONJECTURE AS TO THE ORIGIN OF FREE-SPIRITISM.--Just as the glaciers

increase when in equatorial regions the sun shines upon the seas

with greater force than hitherto, so may a very strong and spreading

free-spiritism be a proof that somewhere or other the force of feeling

has grown extraordinarily.

233.

THE VOICE OF HISTORY.--In general, history _appears_ to teach the

following about the production of genius: it ill-treats and torments

mankind--calls to the passions of envy, hatred, and rivalry--drives

them to desperation, people against people, throughout whole centuries!

Then, perhaps, like a stray spark from the terrible energy thereby

aroused, there flames up suddenly the light of genius; the will, like

a horse maddened by the rider's spur, thereupon breaks out and leaps

over into another domain. He who could attain to a comprehension of the

production of genius, and desires to carry out practically the manner

in which Nature usually goes to work, would have to be just as evil and

regardless as Nature itself. But perhaps we have not heard rightly.

234.

THE VALUE OF THE MIDDLE OF THE ROAD.--It is possible that the

production of genius is reserved to a limited period of mankind's

history. For we must not expect from the future everything that

very defined conditions were able to produce; for instance, not the

astounding effects of religious feeling. This has had its day, and

much that is very? good can never grow again, because it could grow

out of that alone. There will never again be a horizon of life and

culture that is bounded by religion. Perhaps even the type of the

saint is only possible with that certain narrowness of intellect,

which apparently has completely disappeared. And thus the greatest

height of intelligence has perhaps been reserved for a single age;

it appeared--and appears, for we are still in that age--when an

extraordinary, long-accumulated energy of will concentrates itself,

as an exceptional case, upon _intellectual_ aims. That height will no

longer exist when this wildness and energy cease to be cultivated.

Mankind probably approaches nearer to its actual aim in the middle of

its road, in the middle time of its existence than at the end. It may

be that powers with which, for instance, art is a condition, die out

altogether; the pleasure in lying, in the undefined, the symbolical,

in intoxication, in ecstasy might fall into disrepute. For certainly,

when life is ordered in the perfect State, the present will provide

no more motive for poetry, and it would only be those persons who had

remained behind who would ask for poetical unreality. These, then,

would assuredly look longingly backwards to the times of the imperfect

State, of half-barbaric society, to _our_ times.

235.

GENIUS AND THE IDEAL STATE IN CONFLICT.--The Socialists demand a

comfortable life for the greatest possible number. If the lasting house

of this life of comfort, the perfect State, had really been attained,

then this life of comfort would have destroyed the ground out of which

grow the great intellect and the mighty individual generally, 11 mean

powerful energy. Were this State reached, mankind would have grown too

weary to be still capable of producing genius. Must we not hence wish

that life should retain its forcible character, and that wild forces

and energies should continue, to be called forth afresh? But warm and

sympathetic hearts desire precisely the _removal_ of that wild and

forcible character, and the warmest hearts we can imagine desire it

the most passionately of all, whilst all the time its passion derived

its fire, its warmth, its very existence precisely from that wild

and forcible character; the warmest heart, therefore, desires the

removal of its own foundation, the destruction of itself,--that is,

it desires something illogical, it is not intelligent. The highest

intelligence and the warmest heart cannot exist together in one

person, and the wise man who passes judgment upon life looks beyond

goodness and only regards it as something which is not without value

in the general summing-up of life. The wise man must _oppose_ those

digressive wishes of unintelligent goodness, because he has an interest

in the continuance of his type and in the eventual appearance of the

highest intellect; at least, he will not advance the founding of the

"perfect State," inasmuch as there is only room in it for wearied

individuals. Christ, on the contrary, he whom we may consider to have

had the warmest heart, advanced the process of making man stupid,

placed himself on the side of the intellectually poor, and retarded

the production of the greatest intellect, and this was consistent.

His opposite, the man of perfect wisdom,--this may be safely

prophesied--will just as necessarily hinder the production of a Christ.

The State is a wise arrangement for the protection of one individual

against another; if its ennobling is exaggerated the individual will at

last be weakened by it, even effaced, --thus the original purpose of

the State will be most completely frustrated.

236.

THE ZONES OF CULTURE.--It may be figuratively said that the ages of

culture correspond to the zones of the various climates, only that they

lie one behind another and not beside each other like the geographical

zones. In comparison with the temperate zone of culture, which it

is our object to enter, the past, speaking generally, gives the

impression of a _tropical_ climate. Violent contrasts, sudden changes

between day and night, heat and colour-splendour, the reverence of

all that was sudden, mysterious, terrible, the rapidity with which

storms broke: everywhere that lavish abundance of the provisions of

nature; and opposed to this, in our culture, a clear but by no means

bright sky, pure but fairly unchanging air, sharpness, even cold at

times; thus the two zones are contrasts to each other. When we see

how in that former zone the most raging passions are suppressed and

broken down with mysterious force by metaphysical representations,

we feel as if wild tigers were being crushed before our very eyes in

the coils of mighty serpents; our mental climate lacks such episodes,

our imagination is temperate, even in dreams there does not happen

to us what former peoples saw waking. But should we not rejoice at

this change, even granted that artists are essentially spoiled by the

disappearance of the tropical culture and find us non-artists a little

too timid? In so far artists are certainly right to deny "progress,"

for indeed it is doubtful whether the last three thousand years show an

advance in the arts. In the same way, a metaphysical philosopher like

Schopenhauer would have no cause to acknowledge progress with a regard

to metaphysical philosophy and religion if he glanced back over the

last four thousand years. For us, however, the _existence_ even of the

temperate zones of culture is progress.

237.

Human, All-Too-Human: A Book for Free Spirits, Part 1 Complete Works, Volume Six · 第 12 / 22 段