DID FRENCHMEN LEARN ENGLISH IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY?
It is generally supposed that no Frenchman before Voltaire's time ever took
the trouble to learn English. Much evidence has been adduced in support of
this opinion. In one of Florio's Anglo-Italian dialogues, an Italian
traveller called upon to say what he thinks of English, answers that it is
worthless beyond Dover.[35] In 1579, Jean Bernard, "English Secretary" to
Henri III. of France, deplored the fact that English historians wrote in
their mother-tongue, because no one understood them on the Continent.[36]
Not one contributor to the _Journal des Savans_, then the best French
literary paper, could read in 1665 the _Transactions_ of the Royal Society.
"It is a pity," wrote Ancillon in 1698, "that English writers write only in
English, because foreigners are unable to make use of their works."[37]
Misson, a French traveller, said: "The English think their language the
finest in the world, though it is spoken only in their isle."[38] "I know
by experience," wrote Dennis the critic in 1701, "that a man may travel
over most of the western parts of Europe without meeting there foreigners
who have any tolerable knowledge of English."[39] As late as 1718, Le Clerc
regretted that only a very small number of Continental scholars knew
English.[40] Those who had learned to speak it out of necessity, soon
forgot it when they went back to France.[41]
To Frenchmen, English appeared a barbarous dialect, most difficult to
master. "Few foreigners, above all Frenchmen," said Harrison, "are able to
pronounce English well."[42] A hundred years later, Le Clerc declared it
"as difficult to pronounce English well as it is easy to read an English
book; one must hear Englishmen speak, otherwise one is unable to master the
sound of certain letters and especially of the _th_, which is sometimes a
sound approaching _z_ and sometimes _d_, without being either."
So, while the English not only watched the progress of French literature
but were carefully informed about the internal difficulties of France, the
French knew the English writers merely by their Latin works; and at a
turning-point in history the French diplomatists, through their ignorance
of the real situation of James II., were caught napping when the Revolution
broke out.
No doubt all this is true; but it remains, nevertheless, a little
venturesome to assert that up to the eighteenth century Frenchmen neglected
to learn English. The intercourse between the two countries has always been
so constant that, in all ages, English must have been familiar, if not to
large sections of society, at least to certain individuals in France. In
the Middle Ages, the authors of the _Roman de Renart_ had a smattering of
English,[43] and in the sixteenth century Rabelais was able not only to put
a few broken sentences in the mouth of his immortal Panurge, but to risk a
pun at the expense of the Deputy-Governor of Calais.[44]
In an inquiry the like of which we are now instituting, it is expedient not
to lose sight of leading events. A war will make trade slack and hinder
relations between the two countries; on the contrary, emigration caused by
civil war or religious persecution, an alliance, a royal marriage, may
bring the neighbouring countries into closer touch. Then the inquiry must
concern the different classes: the nobles, the merchants and bankers, the
travellers, men of letters, and artisans. Even under Charles II., it must
have been imperative in certain callings for a Frenchman to understand
English.
At the Court of France, it would have been thought absurd to learn English.
"Let the gentleman, if he findeth dead languages too hard and the living
ones in too great number, at least understand and speak Italian and
Spanish, because, besides being related to our language, they are more
extensively spoken than any others in Europe, yea, even among the Moors."
The advice thus tendered by Faret[45] was followed to the letter. The
French ambassadors in London were hardly ever able to spell correctly even
a proper name.[46] Jean du Bellay wrote _Guinvich_ for Greenwich, _Hempton
Court_ for Hampton Court, _Nortfoch_ for Norfolk, and called Anne Boleyn
_Mademoiselle de Boulan_. Sully, though sent twice to England, did not
trouble to learn a word of the language. When Cromwell gave audience to
Bordeaux, the "master of the ceremonies" acted as interpreter. Gourville,
of whom Charles II. said that he was the only Frenchman who knew anything
about English affairs, acknowledges in his _Memoires_ that he could not
understand English. M. Jusserand tells us in a delightful book[47] how one
of Louis XIV.'s envoys wrote to his master that some one at Whitehall had
greeted a speech by exclaiming "very well": "the Count de Gramont," he
added, "will explain to your Majesty the strength and energy of this
English phrase."
Ministers of State were as ignorant as ambassadors. In the Colbert papers,
the English words are mangled beyond recognition. Jermyn becomes _milord
Germain_; the Lord Inchiquin, _le Comte d'Insequin_; the right of scavage,
_l'imposition d'esdavache_; and no one apparently knows to what mysterious
duty on imports the famous minister referred when he complained of the
English _imposition de cajade_.
The marriage of Henri IV.'s daughter Henrietta with an English king ought
to have incited Frenchmen to learn English. We know that the Queen learned
English and even wrote it.[48] She gathered round her quite a Court of
French priests, artists, and musicians. There were "M. Du Vall, Monsieur
Robert, Monsieur Mari,"[49] and "Monsieur Confess."[50] Even as Queen
Elizabeth, Henrietta had French dancing-masters. Her mother-in-law, Queen
Anne, chose Frenchmen as precentors in the Chapel Royal. Nicolas Lanier,
one of these, became a favourite to Charles I., who employed him in buying
abroad pictures for the Royal Gallery. When a mask was played at Court,
Corseilles, a Frenchman, painted the scenery. It is owing to Queen
Henrietta that French players, for the first time since the remote days of
Henry VII., came over to London in 1629 and 1635 and were granted special
privileges, such as the permission to perform in Lent.[51] They were not
welcome to the people: a riot broke out at Blackfriars on their first
visit, and, for reflecting on the Queen on the occasion of their second
visit, Prynne the Puritan was prosecuted and cruelly punished.
At the Restoration, Charles II. followed his mother's example. Yet we must
guard against the tendency to exaggerate in the King a gallomania dictated
more by reasons of policy than determined by taste. When he came to Paris
for the first time in 1646 he could not speak a word of French,[52] and
later on, he often hesitated to use a language that seemed unfamiliar.[53]
Yet he had been taught French by an official in the Paris Post-house, who
tampered with the letters coming into his hands, and in his hours of
leisure wrote pamphlets in favour of the fallen House.[54]
The Frenchmen invited over to England after the Restoration do not appear
to have known English. However, the Count de Gramont was an exception to
the rule. They formed in Whitehall quite a colony: Cardinal D'Aubigny was
the Queen's almoner, and Mademoiselle de Keroualle, Duchess of Portsmouth,
the King's mistress; Louis de Duras, Earl of Feversham, commanded one of
the regiments of guards; Nicolas Lefevre, sometime professor of chemistry
in Paris, was at the head of the Royal laboratory; Blondeau engraved the
English coins; Fabvolliere was the King's engineer, Claude Sourceau, the
King's tailor; Paris players, the famous Bellerose among them, went to
London and acted before the Court; Frenchmen were to be found even in the
Royal kitchens, witness Rene Mezandieu, a serjeant in the Poultry
Office.[55]
The Pepys papers yield proof of the general use then made of the French
tongue. An Italian named Cesare Morelli writing to Pepys from Brussels in
1686 discards his mother-tongue; probably knows no English, so naturally
uses French.
If the Frenchmen at the Court of Charles II. did not learn English, the
English summoned to Paris by Louis XIV. helped but little to make their
language known. A curious thing happened: through living long in a foreign
country, the exiled Englishman would forget his mother-tongue. Macaulay
tells how the Irish Catholics that hurried back to England under James II.
appeared to be out of their element. Their uncouthness of expression
stirred their countrymen's laughter.[56] One Andrew Pulton, returning after
eighteen years' absence, asked leave, when called upon to dispute with Dr.
Tenison, to use Latin, "pretending not to any perfection of the English
tongue."
Colbert had occasion to reciprocate Charles II. in inviting a few
Englishmen to serve Louis XIV., such as one Kemps, "employed in the
laboratory," and the portrait-painter Samuel Cooper. The minister's
attention was often directed towards England, in which his political genius
divined latent possibilities. But the financial transactions of Charles II.
had revolted his habits of honesty, and he distrusted the English, of whom
his master Mazarin had had occasion to complain.[57] So he prepared to have
recourse to Frenchmen. "M. Duhamel," writes his secretary De Baluze, "says
that M. de Saint-Hilaire has written a memoir on the State of the Church in
England and on the diversity of religions there, and has left the paper in
England; but he will send it over as soon as he gets back."[58]
On the list of payments made to scholars can be read the name of M. de
Beaulieu, "busy translating English manuscripts." Others besides Colbert
needed English translators: "Pere de la Chaise," Henry Savile wrote to
ambassador Jenkins (29th July 1679), "has had the speeches of the five last
Jesuits hanged in England translated into French."[59]
The rule laid down by Colbert was followed by his successors. By the side
of ambassadors it became the habit to set interpreters or unofficial
agents. Such, for instance, was Abbe Renaudot, "who knew English so well
that he could not only translate Lord Perth's letters, but compose in
English, either letters addressed to the French agents in England, or
drafts of ordinances and proclamations in the name of James II."[60] To
him was due the French translation of the papers of Charles II. and the
Duchess of York, published by command of James II.
No one about Henrietta of England, Charles II.'s sister, wife to the Duc
d'Orleans, seems to have thought of learning English. The Princess could
discourse with the Duke of Buckingham about the "passion of the Count de
Guiche for Madame de Chalais" without letting her voice drop to a whisper.
No one among the bystanders understood what she was saying.[61] On her
death-bed she summoned the English ambassador Montague and began talking
English; at a certain moment she uttered the word "poison." "As the word,"
says Madame de la Fayette, "is common to both languages, M. Feuillet, the
father-confessor, heard it and interrupted the conversation, saying she
should give up her life to God and not dwell on any other
consideration."[62] In her death throes, the unfortunate princess seems to
have found relief in talking her mother-tongue, for it is in English that
she instructed her senior waiting-woman to "present the Bishop of Condom
(Bossuet) with an emerald."
The men of letters were in close touch if not with the Court at least with
the nobles their patrons. In the sixteenth century, many French writers and
poets crossed the Channel. The list includes Ronsard, Du Bartas, Jacques
Grevin, Brantome.[63] The latter uses the word _good cheer_, and it is said
that Ronsard learned English.
In the following century there came to London, Boisrobert, Voiture,
Saint-Amant, Theophile de Viau. Saint-Evremond lived in England many years
without learning more than a few words, such as those he quotes in his
works: _mince pye_, _plum-porridge_, _brawn_, and _Christmas_. Albeit
Saint-Evremond is credited with a free translation of Buckingham's
"Portrait of Charles II.," Johnson was probably right in saying that
"though he lived a great part of a long life upon an English pension, he
never condescended to understand the language of the nation that maintained
him."[64] But Jean Bulteel, the son of a refugee living in Dover, adapted a
comedy of Corneille to the English stage (1665).
Scholars were more curious of reading the works of their English confreres.
The English then had the reputation of being born philosophers. "Among
them," wrote Muralt the traveller, "there are men who think with more
strength and have profound thoughts in greater number than the wits of
other nations."[65] The works of Hobbes had caused a great stir on the
Continent. His frequent and prolonged stays in France, his disputes with
Descartes, his relations with Mersenne and Sorbiere, contributed to his
fame. A little later, the names of Locke and Newton were known. As early
as 1668, Samuel Puffendorf inquired of his friend Secretary Williamson
whether there existed an English-French or English-Latin dictionary.[66]
Bayle wished to read the works of those new thinkers. "My misfortune is
great," he wrote, "not to understand English, for there are many books in
that tongue that would be useful to me."[67] Barbeyrac learned English on
purpose to read Locke.[68] Leibniz was proud enough to inform Bishop Burnet
that he knew enough English "to receive his orders in that tongue"; yet,
for him Aberdeen University remained _l'universite d'Abredon_.[69]
The teachers of French in England were almost men of letters, the number
and variety of books they wrote showing how vigorously they wielded the
pen. We may remember here Bernard Andre of Toulouse, who taught Henry VIII.
French, Nicolas Bourbon, a friend of Rabelais, Nicolas Denisot, French
master to Somerset's daughters. Then came Saint-Lien, whose productions
would fill a library,[70] James Bellot,[71] Pierre Erondel,[72] Charles
Maupas,[73] Paul Cougneau.[74]
After the Restoration may be noted Claude Mauger,[75] Guy Miege,[76] Paul
Festeau, "maitre de langues a Londres,"[77] d'Abadie,[78] Pierre Berault,
"chapelain de la marine britannique." "If," wrote the latter in his quaint
_Nosegay or Miscellany of Several Divine Truths_ (1685), "any gentleman or
gentlewoman hath a mind to learn French or Latin, the author will wait upon
them; he lives in Compton Street, in Soo-Hoo Fields, four doors of the
Myter." These men spread the taste of French manners and French books. One
of the more obscure among them, Denis, a schoolmaster at Chester, taught
Brereton, the future translator of Racine.
The most unpardonable ignorance was that of most of the travellers. Under
Etienne Perlin's pen (1558) Cambridge and Oxford are transmuted into
_Cambruche_ and _Auxonne_; Dartford becomes _Datford_ with Coulon (1654);
Payen calls the English coins _crhon_, _toupens_, _farden_ (1666); even
sagacious Misson prefers the phonetic form _coacres_ (quakers) and
_coacresses_ (quakeresses) (1698). Sorbiere travelled about England,
meeting some eminent men of the time, without knowing a word of
English.[79] They have for excuse their extraordinary blindness. Thus
Coulon does not hesitate to deliver his opinions on the English language,
which he calls "a mixture of German and French, though it is thought that
it was formerly the German language in its integrity." As for Le Pays, he
candidly owns that he would have found London quite to his taste if the
inhabitants had all spoken French (1672).
If the travellers, like the ambassadors, were content to glance
contemptuously at the strange country, the Huguenots, who were compelled by
fate or the royal edicts to live in England, showed more curiosity. On
those foreign colonies of London and the southern ports we now possess
accurate information.
Let us leave aside Shakespeare's Huguenot friends;[80] we have the evidence
of Bochart, minister at Rouen; the Huguenot settlers in England in the
first half of the seventeenth century would learn English, attend church
services, and receive communion at the hands of the bishops.[81] The
earliest translations of English works came from Huguenot pens. In August
1603, Pierre De l'Estoile, the French Evelyn, records how "Du Carroy and
his son, together with P. Lebret, were released from prison, where they
were confined for printing in Paris the _Confession of the King of England_
(a pamphlet by James I. setting forth his Anglican faith); whence they
should have been liberated only to be hanged but for the English
ambassador's intercession; so distasteful to the people was that
confession, in which mass was termed an abomination."[82]
A glance at the _Nouvelles ordinaires de Londres_, the weekly French
gazette published in French during the Commonwealth and the
Protectorate,[83] will convince any one that the editor knew English well:
in those pages there are no traces of "coacres" for "quakers." Proper names
are always spelt correctly, be they ever so numerous. The readers know both
languages, otherwise what use would there be to advertise in the gazette a
recently-published devotional English work?[84] However, they could not be
expected to help their countrymen to read Shakespeare, for they felt the
Puritan's dislike for the stage; witness the satisfaction with which is
recorded the arrest by Cromwell's musketeers of a company of players "at
the Red Bull in St. John's Street."[85]
If the translation of _Eikon Basilike_ was due to Porree and Cailloue, both
Huguenots, Milton's reply was translated by a pupil of the Huguenot Academy
of Sedan, the Scotsman John Dury.
After the Restoration, the information is still more abundant. In 1662,
Mauger writes that "he has seen many Frenchmen in London, able to speak
English well."[86] Translations become more plentiful, as the _Term
Catalogues_ testify. Then there are precise facts: for instance, the first
time Evelyn met Allix, the pastor at Charenton, Allix spoke Latin, in order
to be understood by Archbishop Sancroft.[87] Three years later, Allix, now
an English divine, was able to publish a book in English. M. de Luzancy, an
ex-Carmelite, fled to England and abjured the Catholic faith at the Savoy
in 1675. Becoming minister at Harwich, he had occasion to write to Pepys,
and accordingly penned some excellent English. Another refugee, Francois de
la Motte, was sent to Oxford by Secretary Williamson. A few months later,
he was reported as able "to pronounce English better than many strangers
who preach there," and, to show that he had not wasted his time, he wrote
his benefactor a letter in English, preserved in the Record Office.[88] The
quarrel that broke out in 1682 between French artisans living in Soho gave
some humble Huguenot the opportunity of proving his knowledge of
English.[89] When Saint-Evremond wished to read Asgill the deist's works,
he had recourse to his friend Silvestre. Born in Tonneins, in South-Western
France, in 1662, Silvestre had studied medicine at Montpellier, then went
to Holland, and settled in London in 1688; "the King wished to send him to
Flanders, to be an army-surgeon, but he preferred to stay in London, where
he had many friends."[90]
After the Revolution, the number of Huguenots in England was so
considerable that many of them became English authors: it is enough to
quote the names of Guy Miege, Motteux, and Maittaire. But we now come to
the eve of the eighteenth century when England and France, as in the Middle
Ages, were brought into close touch. "Whereas foreigners," wrote Miege in
1691, "used to slight English as an insular speech, not worth their taking
notice, they are at present great admirers of it."[91]
The merchants had to know English even as the refugees. While the French
gentlemen at Court had no need to mix with the middle or lower classes, the
merchants often had to see in person their English buyers. During the
sixteenth century, simple grammars and lists of words were available. The
Flanders merchants might learn from Gabriel Meurier, teacher of English in
Antwerp, the author of a text-book printed at Rouen in 1563. Pierre De
l'Estoile mentions in 1609 one Tourval, an "interpreter of foreign
languages," then living in Paris;[92] none other, most probably, than the
Loiseau de Tourval who contributed to Cotgrave's famous Dictionary. In
1622, a Paris printer issued _La Grammaire angloise de George Mason,
marchand de Londres_.[93] Three years later appeared _L'alphabet anglois,
contenant la prononciation des lettres avec les declinaisons et les
conjugaisons_, and _La grammaire angloise, pour facilement et promptement
apprendre la langue angloise_. These publications must have found readers.
Information on the French merchants in England is scanty. They did not
care to draw attention upon business transactions which a sudden
declaration of war might at any time render illicit. But something is known
about the printers.
About 1488, Richard Pynson, a native of Normandy and a pupil of the Paris
University, settled in England. He became printer to Henry VII. and
published some French translations. From the few extant specimens we may
conclude that Pynson hardly knew how to write English. But he was the first
of a line of French printers in England, the most famous of whom were
Thomas Berthelet and the Huguenot Thomas Vautrollier.
As in 1912 an English firm print in England for sale on the Continent our
French authors, so in 1503 Antoine Verard, a Paris printer, published
English books. When Coverdale had finished his translation of the Bible, he
carried the manuscript over to France and entrusted it to Francois
Regnault. This printer seems to have been an enterprising man, having in
London an agency for the sale of the English books that he set up in type
in Paris. The printing of the "Great Bible" was a lengthy task. In spite of
the French king and the English ambassador Bonner, Regnault got into
trouble with the authorities and the clergy. The "lieutenant-criminel"
seized the sheets, but, instead of having them burnt by the hangman, as it
was his duty to do, the greedy official sold them to a mercer who restored
them to Regnault for a consideration. In the meantime presses and type and
even workmen had been hurried to London, where the work was completed
(1539). Nor must the provincial printers be forgotten, thus from 1516 to
1533 almost the whole York book-trade was in the hands of the Frenchman
Jean Gachet.[94] Many books sold by English booksellers came from the
presses of Goupil of Rouen or Regnault of Paris.
The tradition of French printers in England was continued in the following
century by Du Gard, the printer of certain Milton pamphlets and of the
_Nouvelles ordinaires de Londres_, and Bureau, "marchand libraire dans le
Middle Exchange, dans le Strand," most obnoxious to the French ambassador
because a determined opponent of the French Court.
About French artisans and servants the information is, of course, of the
most meagre description. There are merely allusions by the contemporary
playwrights to the French dancing-master, fencer, or sweep, equally unable
to pronounce English correctly, to the great merriment of the
"groundlings."[95] However, a French valet, Jean Abbadie, who served many
noblemen at the close of the seventeenth century, took the trouble to learn
and could even write English.[96]
Now and then a name emerges from the obscure crowd. That, for instance, of
"John Puncteus, a Frenchman, professing physick, with ten in his company,"
licensed "to exercise the quality of playing, for a year, and to sell his
drugs";[97] or of Madame Le Croy (De La Croix), the notorious
fortune-teller,
"Who draws from lines the calculations,
Instead of squares for demonstrations,"
and
"Imposes on
The credulous deluded town,"[98]
and no doubt carried on the dubious trade of her countrywoman "la
devineresse," as recorded by Arnoult the engraver. We may fancy Madame La
Croix slyly handing the billet-doux to the daughter, under the unsuspecting
mother's very eyes.
Lower still we shall reach the criminal classes: adventurers, gamblers,
robbers, and murderers. If the notorious poisoner, the Marquise de
Brinvilliers, stayed in England but a short time in her chequered career,
Claude Du Val the highwayman became famous in his adopted country as well
for his daring robberies as for his gallantry to ladies:
"So while the ladies viewed his brighter eyes,
And smoother polished face,
Their gentle hearts, alas! were taken by surprise."[99]
The _State Trials_ have preserved the name of a French gambler, De La Rue,
who in 1696 acted as informer at the trial for high treason of Charnock and
his accomplices.
It is difficult to go lower than these infamous men: our inquiry is at
end. We shall conclude that if it is an exaggeration to state that the
French as a rule learned English in the seventeenth century, it is true
that individual instances may be found of Frenchmen learning English, and
even speaking and writing it.[100] Though they did not help to spread
either English manners or literature in France, they contributed in a most
marked manner to make the English familiar with the French language.
FOOTNOTES:
[35] Einstein, _Italian Renaissance in England_, p. 103.
[36] _Guide des Chemins d'Angleterre_, Preface.
[37] Jusserand, _Shakespeare en France_, p. 97.
[38] _Memoires et observations faites par un voyageur en Angleterre_, 1698.
[39] _Adv. and Ref. of Mod. Poetry_, Ep. dedic.
[40] _Bibliotheque choisie_, xxviii., Preface.
[41] "Monsr Boyd ... has forgott, I believe, most of his
English."--_Original Letters of Locke_, etc., p. 229.
[42] _Description of Britain_, bk. i. (1577).
[43] Jusserand, _Histoire litteraire du peuple anglais_, i. p. 149 n.
[44] _Pantagruel_, iii. ch. xlvii.
[45] _L'honnete homme ou l'art de plaire a la cour._
[46] D'Estrades should be excepted. He knew English, so he was sent to the
Hague.
[47] _French Ambassador at the Court of Charles II._
[48] See Chap. III.
[49] Reyher, _Masques_, p. 81 sq.
[50] _Ibid._ p. 79.
[51] See _Anglia_, xxxii.
[52] _Memoires de Mlle de Montpensier_, i. pp. 126, 211.
[53] Jusserand, _French Ambassador_, p. 203.
[54] _Proces de Charles I., traduit de l'anglois, par le Sieur de Marsys,
interprete et maistre pour la langue francoise du Roy d'Angleterre._
[55] _Angliae Notitia_, p. 154.
[56] _History of England_, ch. vi.
[57] Cardinal Mazarin employed many secret agents under the Protectorate;
he spoke of them as "double-dealing minds, whom no one can trust"
(_Correspondence_, 25th April 1656).
[58] _Lettres, memoires et instructions de Colbert_, vii. p. 372.
[59] Savile, _Correspondence_, p. 112.
[60] A. Villien, _L'abbe Renaudot_, p. 56.
[61] Madame de la Fayette, _Histoire de Madame Henriette d'Angleterre_, p.
182.
[62] _Ibid._ p. 205.
[63] See for details Sir Sidney Lee, _French Renaissance_.
[64] _Life of Waller._
[65] _Lettres sur les Francois et les Anglois_, p. 10.
[66] _State Papers, Dom., 1667-1668_, p. 604.
[67] _Lettres choisies_, ii. p. 737.
[68] _Essai sur l'Entendement_ (2nd ed.), _Avis_ by Coste.
[69] Clarke and Foxcroft, _Life of Burnet_, pp. 361-62.
[70] _The French Littleton_, 1566; _The French Schoole-Maister_, 1573; _A
Dictionarie_, 1584, etc.
[71] _The French Grammar_, 1578.
[72] _The French Garden_, 1605.
[73] _A French Grammar and Syntax_, 1634.
[74] _A Sure Guide to the French Tongue_, 1635.
[75] _French Grammar_, 1662.
[76] _Dictionary_, 1677.
[77] _Nouvelle Grammaire Angloise_, 1678.
[78] _A New French Grammar_, 1675.
[79] _Relation d'un voyage_, pp. 20, 169 (1664).
[80] See Chap. VII.
[81] Bochart, _Lettre a M. Morley_, p. 7.
[82] _Journal de Henri IV._, i. p. 354.
[83] See Chap. VIII.
[84] _Nouvelles ordinaires de Londres_, p. 1550.
[85] _Ibid._ p. 956.
[86] _French Grammar_, p. 288.
[87] _Diary_, 8th July 1686.
[88] See the letters of De la Motte and De Luzancy, printed in Chap. III.
[89] See Chap. IX.
[90] Saint-Evremond, _Works_, x. xxiii.
[91] _New State of England_, ii. p. 15.
[92] _Journal de Henri IV._, p. 526.
[93] Reprinted by Dr. Brotanek, Halle, 1905.
[94] E. Gordon Duff, _English Provincial Printers_, p. 58.
[95] Beaumont and Fletcher, _Women Pleased_, Act IV. Sc. 3.
[96] See Chap. III.
[97] Gildersleeve, _Government Regulations of the Elizabethan Drama_, p.
70.
[98] _Poems on State Affairs_, ii. p. 152.
[99] Butler, _Pindarick Ode to the Happy Memory of the most renowned Du
Val_.
[100] Chap. III.