THE STRIKE LOST.
Through the machination of the general managers, the courts and the
press and the Benedict Arnolds of labor, the cause of the railroad
corporations was beginning to triumph. Discouraged and disheartened by
the treachery in their own ranks, a great many strikers had lost
confidence in the success of their undertaking and were now silently
awaiting the result of the convention called at Chicago. This was made
known on the return of the delegates.
The action taken was to decide by a majority vote of each system whether
the strike would continue in force or be declared off.
After thoroughly discussing the matter, it was decided to call off the
strike owing to the fact that they were forced to fight against
overwhelming odds and rank treachery, and the men were instructed to
make application for their positions at once, in view of getting as many
as possible re-instated.
This action was taken on all roads with the exception of the Chicago and
Eastern Illinois, the Santa Fe and the Northern Pacific.
Very few of the men were successful in securing positions, for instance
at Minnesota Transfer the switchmen waited on the superintendent in a
body (all who were still in the city) and made applications to be
reinstated.
Mr. Dudgeon the superintendent, who, by the way, was appointed during
the strike to fill the vacancy made by the resignation of Mr. Sullivan,
informed the men that he had more applications already than would fill
all vacancies for the next two years. He said: "I will not mislead you
boys for one minute, not one of you will be taken back."
I was not present at this interview, but being informed that Mr.
Hastings, president of the company, had signified his willingness to
hear us, we consulted together and decided to call on him at his office.
John F. Keenan and myself were appointed as a committee to confer with
him, and, after introducing ourselves, stated our mission.
He received us in a gentlemanly manner, said that he was always ready to
listen to the switchmen, as he had been a switchmen himself at one
time, and while he assured us that he knew we had not interfered with
the company property during the strike and conducted ourselves in a
creditable manner, he could do nothing for us. He also said that he had
more respect for us than he had for those who were hanging on the fence,
but he had nothing to do with the employes of the Minnesota Transfer, as
he had left that matter entirely in the hands of the superintendent. We
told him that we were informed that Mr. Dudgeon would take some of the
men back if the president of the company was satisfied.
"Whatever arrangements you boys make with Mr. Dudgeon will be
satisfactory to me," answered Mr. Hastings.
He then referred us to Mr. Dudgeon who was present and who then said
that he had already given us our answer which was final. He said that he
had promised steady work to the men he had already employed if they
proved themselves competent, and as they were doing the work
satisfactorily, he would not consider any more applications.
This statement regarding the work we knew to be a bluff, as it would
take an old switchman, if unacquainted with this yard, at least three
months under the most favorable circumstances to learn, if unaided,
enough to enable him to give efficient service, as the yard is very
complicated. And again in contradiction of this statement it is known
that freight was refused from different roads for four days at a time to
enable them to get the yard in shape, and after the freight of
twenty-four hours was received, the same operation would be necessary,
although they had the services of competent switchmen from the Omaha and
other railroads.
So speaking for the Minnesota Transfer the general managers were winners
so to speak, in the game of freeze out waged against the switchmen. The
men in all other departments were taken back with but few exceptions,
but it was now a settled fact that the switchmen must look elsewhere for
employment. The officials were credited with saying that they would
permanently close the transfer, rather than reinstate a single
switchman.
It would be nothing more than justice at this time to say that the
former superintendent, Mr. D. M. Sullivan, had resigned his position
during the strike for the reason that the management would not allow him
to take back the old men. Mr. Sullivan contended that it would be
impossible to operate the yard without the assistance of a goodly
portion of the old employes.
In a newspaper article he denied that his resignation was handed in on
that account, but it is nevertheless credited by those who know him
well, and by the employes themselves.
We then applied at all the yards in the Twin Cities but with like
result, and although not told in so many words, we were given to
understand that we were blacklisted, and this was the case not only with
us, but with men all over the country.
The Soo Line had now put in force an ironclad agreement that all
employes were obliged to sign if they wished to remain in the service of
the company. This debarred the men from belonging to any labor
organization for five years. Another rule put in force at this time was
that engineers would hire their own firemen. This would appear to be a
blow at the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen.
The railroad corporations exulting in their victory, determined to
boycott every striker and sympathizer throughout the country, as far as
it was in their power.
The weapon, that it was made a criminal offense for a striker to use,
and for which the officers of the American Railway Union were sent to
jail, was now in the hands of the railroad corporations to use at will.
What was decided by the courts unlawful in the hands of the American
Railway Union was legal in the hands of the General Managers
Association. This the federal judges made no effort to investigate.
Judge Wood said regarding the charge of a combination on the part of the
railroads, that while it was irrelevant he would hear it as a matter of
curiosity.
Expressions like this emanating from a judge of the United States court,
immediately following his ruling against the strikers, are too plain to
be misunderstood. While he might condescend to hear the charges against
the general managers, it is very evident that a motion to quash any
proceeding against the corporation would be granted.
The greatest pressure of evidence brought to bear by the American
Railway Union against this illegal combination would have no weight with
the judge, therefore it could not be wondered that when the General
Managers Association started a systematic course of boycotting the
American Railway Union by blacklisting its members, there was no action
taken to prosecute them.
The Union Pacific, now in the hands of the government, not only
discharged every striker and sympathizer but blacklisted them also.
This is a sample of justice. Some of the men had worked for the company
for twenty years, and the only charge against them was that of being
members of the American Railway Union and struck in sympathy with the
starving Pullman employes.
Their system of blacklisting is so perfect that every avenue of escape
is closed against an employe.
They have what is known as the blacklist book. The names of the strikers
are entered in the book of which a copy is held by all railroads. When a
man makes application his name is taken and the book is then consulted.
If his name is registered he is told that no more men are wanted, if
not, he is told to call the next day, by which time, if he is a striker,
it is known, and he will have to travel.
An assumed name will do no good, as he will be asked to give reference
signed by his last employer, so you will see very plainly that the
strikers lot is not a bed of roses.
President Debs has been accused of being responsible for this condition
of affairs. There is absolutely no truth in that accusation, as in the
first place it was directly against his wishes and advice that the
Pullman employes struck, and only after a personal investigation of the
case--and realizing that the causes which led to it would admit of no
denial that the men were justified in their action--did he approve of
it.
The boycott that followed the Pullman strike, as has been previously
stated, was not ordered by Mr. Debs. He did not have the power to order
it, therefore he could not be held responsible for the result.
The men who were the victims of this unfortunate boycott, were
themselves responsible for its beginning, as by an almost unanimous vote
they ordered it. Perhaps they may have acted hastily, it has been stated
many times that this was the case, but when the brutal inhuman treatment
of the Pullman employes came to light through the investigation of the
delegates to the convention, they would be less than human if they had
refused to come to the assistance of these men who were being ground
down by a merciless corporation.
After reading the facts brought to light by the witnesses before the
strike commission appointed by President Cleveland, and also Gov.
Altgeld's personal investigation I do not believe that any one with a
spark of humanity in his heart will condemn them for their actions.