the character is represented by the “woman seated” only. The name of
this man is not “Sits-like-a-Woman,” but High-Wolf--Shúnka mánita
wa^ngátia. This is an instance of giving one name in a pictograph and
retaining another by which the man is known in camp to his companions.
No. 250. The word medicine is in the Indian sense, before explained,
and would be more correctly expressed by the word _sacred_, or
_mystic_, as is also indicated by the waving lines issuing from the
mouth.
No. 289. The character for _sacred_ again appears, attached to the end
of the line issuing from the mouth.
PROPERTY MARKS.
The Serrano Indians in the vicinity of Los Angeles, California,
formerly practiced a method of marking trees to indicate the corner
boundaries of patches of land. According to Hon. A. F. Coronel, of the
above-named city, the Indians owning areas of territory of whatever
size would cut lines upon the bark of the tree corresponding to certain
cheek lines drawn on their own faces, _i. e._, lines running outward
and downward over the cheeks or perhaps over the chin only, tattooed
in color. These lines were made on the trees on the side facing the
property, and were understandingly recognized by all. The marks were
personal and distinctive, and when adopted by land owners could not be
used by any other person. This custom still prevailed when Mr. Coronel
first located in Southern California, about the year 1843. So is the
account, but it may be remarked that the land was probably owned or
claimed by a gens rather than by individuals, the individual ownership
of land not belonging to the stage of culture of any North American
Indians. Perhaps some of the leading members of the gens were noted in
connection with the occupancy of the land, and their tattoo marks were
the same as those on the trees. The correspondence of these marks is of
special importance. It is also noteworthy that the designations common
to the men and the trees were understood and respected.
[Illustration: FIG. 80.--Boat paddle. Arikara.]
Among the Arikara Indians a custom prevails of drawing upon the blade
of a canoe or bull-boat paddle such designs as are worn by the chief
and owner to suggest his personal exploits. This has to great extent
been adopted by the Hidatsa and the Mandans. The marks are chiefly
horseshoes and crosses (see Figure 80), referring to the capture of the
enemy’s ponies and to _coups_ in warfare or defense against enemies.
The squaws being the persons who generally use the boats during the
course of their labors in collecting wood along the river banks,
or in ferrying their warriors across the water, have need of this
illustration of their husbands’ prowess as a matter of social status,
it being also a matter of pride. The entire tribe being intimately
acquainted with the courage and bravery of any individual, imposition
and fraud in the delineation of any character are not attempted, as
such would surely be detected and the impostor would be ridiculed if
not ostracised. See in connection with the design last figured, others
under the heading of Signs of Particular Achievements, page 186.
The brands upon cattle in Texas and other regions of the United States
where ranches are common, illustrate the modern use of property marks.
A collection of these brands made by the writer compares unfavorably
for individuality and ideography with the marks of Indians for similar
purposes.
The following translation from Kunst and Witz der Neger (Art and
Ingenuity of the Negro) is inserted for the purpose of comparison
between Africa and America. The article was published at Munich,
Bavaria, in Das Ausland, 1884, No. 1, p. 12.
“Whenever a pumpkin of surprisingly fine appearance is growing, which
promises to furnish a desirable water-vase, the proprietor hurries to
distinguish it by cutting into it some special mark with his knife,
and probably superstitious feelings may co-operate in this act. I have
reproduced herewith the best types of such property marks which I have
been able to discover.”
These property marks are reproduced in Figure 81.
[Illustration: FIG. 81.--African property mark.]
STATUS OF THE INDIVIDUAL.
Several notices of pictographs under this head appear in other parts
of this paper; among others, designations of chiefs, sub-chiefs,
partisans, medicine men or shamans, horse thieves, and squaw men,
are shown in the Winter Counts and in the Ogalala Roster. See also
Figure 120, page 204. Captives are drawn in Figure 180, page 242. With
reference to the status of women as married or single see pages 64 and
232. For widow, see page 197. Marks for higher and lower classes are
mentioned on page 64.
To these may be added the following, contributed by Mr. Gatschet:
Half-breed girls among the Klamaths of Oregon appear to have but one
perpendicular line tattooed down over the chin, while the full-blood
women have four perpendicular lines on the chin. Tattooing, when
practiced at this day, is performed with needles, the color being
prepared from charcoal.
SIGNS OF PARTICULAR ACHIEVEMENTS.
Eagle feathers are worn by the Hidatsa Indians to denote acts of
courage or success in war. The various markings have different
significations, as is shown in the following account, which, with
sketches of the features made from the original objects, were obtained
by Dr. Hoffman from the Hidatsa at Fort Berthold, Dakota, during 1881.
[Illustration: FIG. 82.--First to strike enemy. Hidatsa.]
A feather, to the tip of which is attached a tuft of down or several
strands of horse-hair, dyed red, denotes that the wearer has killed an
enemy and that he was the first to touch or strike him with the coup
stick. Figure 82.
[Illustration: FIG. 83.--Second to strike enemy. Hidatsa.]
A feather bearing one red bar, made with vermilion, signifies the
wearer to have been the second person to strike the fallen enemy with
the coup stick. Figure 83.
[Illustration: FIG. 84.--Third to strike enemy. Hidatsa.]
A feather bearing two red bars signifies that the wearer was the third
person to strike the body. Figure 84.
[Illustration: FIG. 85.--Fourth to strike enemy. Hidatsa.]
A feather with three bars signifies that the wearer was the fourth to
strike the fallen enemy. Figure 85. Beyond this number honors are not
counted.
[Illustration: FIG. 86.--Wounded by an enemy. Hidatsa.]
A red feather denotes that the wearer was wounded in an encounter with
an enemy. Figure 86.
[Illustration: FIG. 87.--Killed a woman. Hidatsa.]
A narrow strip of rawhide or buckskin is wrapped from end to end with
porcupine quills dyed red, though sometimes a few white ones are
inserted to break the monotony of color; this strip is attached to
the inner surface of the rib or shaft of the quill by means of very
thin fibers of sinew. This signifies that the wearer killed a woman
belonging to a hostile tribe. The figure so decorated is shown in
Figure 87. In very fine specimens it will be found that the quills are
directly applied to the shaft without resorting to the strap of leather.
[Illustration: FIG. 88.--Killed an enemy. Dakota.]
The following scheme, used by the Dakotas, is taken from Dahcotah,
or Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling, by Mrs. Mary
Eastman. New York, 1849. Colors are not given, but red undoubtedly
predominates, as is known from personal observation.
A spot upon the larger web denotes that the wearer has killed an enemy.
Figure 88.
[Illustration: FIG. 89.--Cut throat and scalped. Dakota.]
Figure 89 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy, and
taken his scalp.
[Illustration: FIG. 90.--Cut enemy’s throat. Dakota.]
Figure 90 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy.
[Illustration: FIG. 91.--Third to strike. Dakota.]
Figure 91 denotes that the wearer was the third that touched the body
of his enemy after he was killed.
[Illustration: FIG. 92.--Fourth to strike. Dakota.]
Figure 92 denotes that the wearer was the fourth that touched the body
of his enemy after he was killed.
[Illustration: FIG. 93.--Fifth to strike. Dakota.]
Figure 93 denotes that the wearer was the fifth that touched the body
of his enemy after he was killed.
Figure 94 denotes the wearer has been wounded in many places by his
enemy.
[Illustration: FIG. 94.--Many wounds. Dakota.]
The following variations in the scheme were noticed in 1883 among the
Mdewakantawan Dakotas near Fort Snelling, Minnesota.
In personal ornamentation, and for marks of distinction in war,
feathers of the eagle are used as among the other bands of Dakotas.
A plain feather is used to signify that the wearer has killed an enemy,
without regard to the manner in which he was slain.
When the end is clipped transversely, and the edge colored red, it
signifies that the throat of the enemy was cut.
A black feather denotes that an Ojibwa woman was killed. Enemies
are considered as Ojibwas, the latter being the tribe with whom the
Mdewakantawan Dakotas have had most to do.
When a warrior has been wounded a red spot is painted upon the broad
side of a feather. If the wearer has been shot in the body, arms, or
legs, a similar spot, in red, is painted upon his clothing or blanket,
immediately over the locality. These red spots are sometimes worked in
porcupine quills, or in cotton fiber as obtained from the traders.
Marks denoting similar exploits are used by the Hidatsa, Mandan, and
Arikara Indians. The Hidatsa claim to have been the originators of the
devices, which were subsequently adopted by the Arikara with slight
variation. All of the information with reference to the following
figures, 95 to 103, was obtained by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, from chiefs of
the several tribes at Fort Berthold, Dakota, during the summer of 1881.
The following characters are marked upon robes and blankets, usually
in red or blue colors, and often upon the boat paddles. Frequently an
Indian may be seen who has them even painted upon his thighs, though
this is generally resorted to only on festal occasions, or for dancing:
[Illustration: FIG. 95.--Successful defense. Hidatsa, etc.]
Figure 95 denotes that the wearer successfully defended himself against
the enemy by throwing up a ridge of earth or sand to protect the body.
[Illustration: FIG. 96.--Two successful defenses. Hidatsa, etc.]
Figure 96 signifies that the wearer has upon two different occasions
defended himself by hiding his body within low earthworks. The
character is merely a compound of two of the preceding marks placed
together.
Figure 97 signifies that the one who carries this mark upon his
blanket, leggings, boat paddle, or any other property, or his person,
has distinguished himself by capturing a horse belonging to a hostile
tribe.
[Illustration: FIG. 97.--Captured a horse. Hidatsa, etc.]
[Illustration: FIG. 98.--First to strike an enemy. Hidatsa.]
Figure 98 signifies among the Hidatsa and Mandans that the wearer
was the first person to strike a fallen enemy with a coup stick. It
signifies among the Arikara simply that the wearer killed an enemy.
[Illustration: FIG. 99.--Second to strike an enemy. Hidatsa.]
Figure 99 represents among the Hidatsa and Mandans the second person to
strike a fallen enemy. It represents among the Arikara the first person
to strike the fallen enemy.
[Illustration: FIG. 100.--Third to strike an enemy. Hidatsa.]
Figure 100 denotes the third person to strike the enemy, according to
the Hidatsa and Mandan; the second person to strike him, according to
the Arikara.
[Illustration: FIG. 101.--Fourth to strike an enemy. Hidatsa.]
Figure 101 shows among the Hidatsa and Mandan the fourth person to
strike the fallen enemy. This is the highest and last number; the fifth
person to risk the danger is considered brave for venturing so near the
ground held by the enemy, but has no right to wear the mark.
The same mark among the Arikara represents the person to be the third
to strike the enemy.
[Illustration: FIG. 102.--Fifth to strike an enemy. Hidatsa.]
Figure 102, according to the Arikara, represents the fourth person to
strike the enemy.
[Illustration: FIG. 103.--Struck four enemies. Hidatsa.]
According to the Hidatsa, the wearer of the accompanying mark, Figure
103, would have figured in four encounters; in the two lateral ones,
each, he was the second to strike the fallen enemy, and in the upper
and lower spaces it would signify that he was the third person upon two
occasions.
The mark of a black hand, sometimes made by the impress of an actually
blackened palm, or drawn natural size or less, was found upon articles
of Ojibwa manufacture in the possession of Hidatsa and Arikara Indians
at Fort Berthold, Dakota, in 1881. These Indians say it is an old
custom, and signifies that the person authorized to wear the mark has
killed an enemy. The articles upon which the designs occurred came from
Red Lake Reservation, Minnesota, the Indians of the latter locality
frequently going west to Fort Berthold to trade bead and other work for
horses.
Further signs of particular achievements are given in Figures 174, 175,
176, 177, and 179, and others may be noticed frequently in the Dakota
Winter Counts.
RELIGIOUS.
Under this head pictographs already known may be divided into those
relating to--
1. Mythic personages.
2. Shamanism.
3. Dances and ceremonies.
4. Mortuary practices.
5. Charms and fetiches.
MYTHIC PERSONAGES.
Reference may be made to the considerable number of pictographs of
this character in Schoolcraft, more particularly in his first volume;
also to the Walum-Olum or Bark-Record of the Lenni-Lenape, which was
published in Beach’s “Indian Miscellany,” Albany, 1877; and since in
The Lenâpé and their Legends: By Dr. D. G. Brinton. Several examples
are also to be found in other parts of the present paper.
Some forms of the Thunder-Bird are here presented, as follows:
[Illustration: FIG. 104.--Thunder-Bird. Dakota.]
[Illustration: FIG. 105.--Thunder-bird. Dakota.]
Figures 104 and 105 are forms of the thunder-bird found in 1883 among
the Dakotas near Fort Snelling, drawn and interpreted by themselves.
They are both winged and have waving lines extending from the mouth
downward, signifying lightning. It is noticeable that Figure 105
placed vertically, then appearing roughly as an upright human figure,
is almost identically the same as some of the Ojibwa meda or spirit
figures represented in Schoolcraft, and also on a bark Ojibwa record in
the possession of the writer.
Figure 106 is another and more cursive form of the thunder-bird
obtained at the same place and time as those immediately preceding. It
is wingless, and, with changed position or point of view, would suggest
a headless human figure.
[Illustration: FIG. 106.--Thunder-Bird. Wingless. Dakota.]
The blue thunder-bird, Figure 107, with red breast and tail, is a copy
of one worked in beads, found at Mendota, Minnesota. At that place
stories were told of several Indians who had presentiments that the
thunder-bird was coming to kill them, when they would so state the case
to their friends that they might retire to a place of safety, while the
victim of superstition would go out to an elevated point of land or
upon the prairie to await his expected doom.
[Illustration: FIG. 107.--Thunder-bird. Dakota.]
Frequently, no doubt on account of the isolated and elevated position
of the person in a thunder storm, accidents of this kind do occur, thus
giving notoriety to the presentiment above mentioned.
A still different form of the Dakota thunder-bird is reproduced in Mrs.
Eastman’s Dahcotah, _op. cit._, page 262. See also page 181 _supra_.
Figure 108 is “Skam-son,” the thunder-bird, a tattoo mark copied from
the back of an Indian belonging to the Laskeek village of the Haida
tribe, Queen Charlotte’s Island, by Mr. James G. Swan.
[Illustration: FIG. 108.--Thunder-bird. Haida.]
Figure 109 is a Twana thunder-bird, as reported by Rev. M. Eells in
Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, III, p. 112.
[Illustration: FIG. 109.--Thunder-bird. Twana.]
There is at Eneti, on the reservation [Washington Territory], an
irregular basaltic rock, about 3 feet by 3 feet and 4 inches, and a
foot and a half high. On one side there has been hammered a face,
said to be the representation of the face of the thunder bird, which
could also cause storms.
The two eyes are about 6 inches in diameter and 4 inches apart and
the nose about 9 inches long. It is said to have been made by some
man a long time ago, who felt very badly, and went and sat on the
rock, and with another stone hammered out the eyes and nose. For a
long time they believed that if the rock was shaken it would cause
rain, probably because the thunder bird was angry.
Graphic representations of Atotarko and of the Great Heads are shown
in Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith’s Myths of the Iroquois, in the Second
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Mythic Personages are also
presented in aboriginal drawing by Mr. Charles G. Leland in his work,
the Algonquin Legends of New England, etc. Boston, 1884.
SHAMANISM.
The term Shamanism is a corrupted form of the Sanscrit word for
ascetic. Its original application was to the religion of certain
tribes of northern Asia, but in general it expresses the worship of
spirits with magic arts and fetich-practices. The Shaman or priest
pretends to control by incantations and ceremonies the evil spirits
to whom death, sickness, and other misfortunes are ascribed. This
form or stage of religion is so prevalent among the North American
Indians that the adoption of the term Shaman here is substantially
correct, and it avoids both the stupid expression “medicine-man” of
current literature and the indefinite title priest, the associations
with which are not appropriate to the Indian religious practitioner.
The statement that the Indians worship one “Great Spirit” or single
overruling personal god is erroneous. That philosophical conception
is beyond the stage of culture reached by them and was not found in
any tribe previous to missionary influence. Their actual philosophy
can be expressed far more objectively and therefore pictorially.
Many instances of the “Making Medicine” are shown in the Dakota
Winter Counts; also graphic expressions regarding magic. Especial
reference may be made to American-Horse’s count for the years
1824-’25 and 1843-’44, in the Corbusier Winter Counts.
Figure 110 was copied from a piece of walrus ivory in the museum of
the Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco, California, by Dr.
Hoffman, and the interpretation is as obtained from an Alaskan native.
[Illustration: FIG. 110.--Shaman exorcising Demon. Alaska.]
1, 2. The Shaman’s summer habitations, trees growing in the vicinity.
3. The Shaman, who is represented in the act of holding one of his
“demons.” These “evil spirits” are considered as under the control of
the Shaman, who employs them to drive other “evil beings” out of the
bodies of sick men.
4. The demon or aid.
5. The same Shaman exorcising the demons causing the sickness.
6, 7. Sick men, who have been under treatment, and from whose bodies
the “evil beings” or sickness has been expelled.
8. Two “evil spirits” which have left the bodies of Nos. 6 and 7.
Fig. 111 represents a record of a Shamanistic nature, and was
copied by Dr. Hoffman from an ivory bow in the museum of the Alaska
Commercial Company in 1882. The interpretation was also obtained at
the same time from an Alaskan native, with text in the Kiatexamut
dialect of the Innuit language.
The rod of the bow upon which the characters occur is here
represented in three sections, A, B, and C. A bears the beginning of
the narrative, extending over only one-half of the length of the rod.
The course of the inscription is then continued on the adjacent side
of the rod at the middle, and reading in both directions (section B
and C), towards the two files of approaching animals. B and C occupy
the whole of one side.
[Illustration: FIG. 111.--Supplication for success. Alaska.]
The following is the explanation of the characters.
A. No. 1. Baidarka or skin boat resting on poles.
2. Winter habitation.
3. Tree.
4. Winter habitations.
5. Store-house.
6. Tree. Between this and the store-house is placed a piece of
timber, from which are suspended fish for drying.
7. Store-house. From 1 to 7 represents an accumulation of
dwellings, which signifies a settlement, the home of the
person to whom the history relates.
8. The hunter sitting on the ground, asking for aid, and making
the gesture for supplication.
9. The Shaman to whom application is made by the hunter
desiring success in the chase. The Shaman has just finished
his incantations, and while still retaining his left
arm in the position for that ceremony, holds the right
toward the hunter, giving him the success requested.
10. The Shaman’s winter lodge.
11. Trees.
12. Summer habitation of the Shaman.
13. Trees in vicinity of the Shaman’s residence.
B. No. 14. Tree.
15. A Shaman standing upon his lodge, driving back game
which had approached a dangerous locality. To this
Shaman the hunter had also made application for success
in the chase, but was denied, hence the act of the Shaman.
16. Deer leaving at the Shaman’s order.
17. Horns of a deer swimming a river.
18. Young deer, apparently, from the smaller size of the body
and unusually long legs.
C. No. 19. A tree.
20. The lodge of the hunter (A. 8), who, after having been
granted the request for success, placed his totem upon the
lodge as a mark of gratification and to insure greater luck
in his undertaking.
21. The hunter in the act of shooting.
22-23. The game killed, consisting of five deer.
24. The demon sent out by the Shaman (A. 9) to drive the game
in the way of the hunter.
25-28. The demon’s assistants.
The original text above mentioned with interlinear translation, is as
follows:
Nu-nŭm´-cu-a u-xlá-qa, pi-cú-qi-a kú da ku-lú-ni, ka-xá-qa-lŭk´.
Settlement man came, hunting go wanted (to), (and) Shaman (he) asked.
Ká-xa-qlŭm´ mi-ná-qa lu-qú ta-xlí-mu-nŭk tu-dú-ia-nŭk. Ká-xlá-lŭk
Shaman gave to him five deer. Shaman
ú-qli-ni u[n]-i-lum´ kaí-na-nŭn´ ka-xá-hu pi-gú, í-u-nĭ
went to lodge (where), standing spirits [incantations] devil
the top (winter habitation) on top made he,
of
aú-qkua-glu-hu té-itc-lu-gĭ´ té xle-mĕn´ tun dú-ia-gūt, taú-na-cŭk
sent to him brought to him five deer, same man
[the hunter] (and)
pi-xlu-nĭ´ ta-xlí-mu-nŭk tun-duĭ´-a-xa-nŭk´ tú-gu-xlí-u-qi. A-xlí-lum
he caught five deer killed. Another
[secured]
Ká-xla-qlŭm´ tu-mú-qtcu-gí.
Shaman not gave them.
(To whom application had been made previously.)
DANCES AND CEREMONIES.
Plate LXXXI exhibits drawings of various masks used in dancing, the
characters of which were obtained by Mr. G. K. Gilbert from rocks at
Oakley Springs, and were explained to him by Tubi, the chief of the
Oraibi Pueblos. They probably are in imitation of masks, as used by
the Moki, Zuñi, and Rio Grande Pueblos.
[Illustration:
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXI
MOKI MASKS ETCHED ON ROCKS. ARIZONA.]
Many examples of masks, dance ornaments, and fetiches used in
ceremonies are reported and illustrated in the several papers of
Messrs. Cushing, Holmes, and Stevenson in the Second Annual Report of
the Bureau of Ethnology. Paintings or drawings of many of them have
been found on pottery, on shells, and on rocks.
In this connection the following extract from a letter dated Port
Townsend, Washington, June 1, 1883, from Mr. James G. Swan, will
be acceptable: “You may remember my calling your attention about a
year since to the fact that a gentleman who had been employed on a
preliminary survey for the Mexican National Construction Company had
called on me and was astonished at the striking similarity between
the wooden-carved images of the Haida Indians and the terra-cotta
images he had found in the railroad excavations in Mexico.