camping ground, from which point a portion of the members might leave
on a short reconnoitering expedition, the remainder, upon leaving for
a time, will erect a pole and cause it to lean in the direction taken.
At the foot of this pole a buffalo shoulder-blade or other flat bone
is placed, upon which is depicted the object causing departure. For
instance, should buffalo or antelope be discovered, an animal of the
character sighted is rudely drawn with a piece of charred wood or red
lead, the latter being a substance in the possession of nearly every
warrior to use in facial decoration, etc.
When a Hidatsa party has gone on the war path, and a certain number is
detailed to take another direction, the point of separation is taken as
the rendezvous. After the return of the first party to the rendezvous,
should the second not come up in a reasonable length of time, they
will set sticks in the ground leaning in the direction to be taken,
and notches are cut into the upper ends of the sticks to represent the
number of nights spent there by the waiting party.
A party of Hidatsa who may be away from home for any purpose whatever
often appoint a rendezvous, from which point they return to their
respective lodges. Should an individual return to the rendezvous before
any others and wish to make a special trip for game or plunder, he
will, for the information of the others, place a stick of about 3 or 4
feet in length in the ground, upon the upper end of which a notch is
cut, or perhaps split, for the reception of a thinner piece of twig or
branch having a length of about a foot. This horizontal top piece is
inserted at one end, so that the whole may point in the direction to
be taken. Should the person wish to say that the trail would turn at
a right angle, to either side, at about one-half the distance of the
whole journey in prospect, the horizontal branch is either bent in that
direction or a naturally-curved branch is selected having the turn at
the middle of its entire length, thus corresponding to the turn in the
trail. Any direction can be indicated by curves in the top branch.
NOTICE OF CONDITION.
According to Masta, chief of the Abnaki, members of that tribe remove
the bark of trees in prominent places to denote that the inhabitants of
the nearest lodge are in a starving condition.
The Ottawa and the Potawatomi Indians indicate hunger and starvation by
drawing a black line across the breast or stomach of the figure of a
man. (See Fig. 145, page 221.) This drawing is placed upon a piece of
wood, either incised or with a mixture of powdered charcoal and glue
water, or red ocher. This is then attached to a tree or fastened to a
piece of wood, and erected near the lodge on a trail, where it will be
observed by passers by, who are expected to alleviate the sufferings of
the native who erected the notice.
Figure 53 illustrates information with regard to distress in another
village, which occasioned the departure of the party giving the
notification. The drawing was made for Dr. W. J. Hoffman, in 1882,
by Naumoff, in imitation of drawings prepared by Alaska natives. The
designs are traced upon a strip of wood, which is then stuck upon the
roof of the house belonging to the recorder.
[Illustration: FIG. 53.--Alaskan notice of distress.]
1. The summer habitation, showing a stick leaning in the direction to
be taken.
2. The baidarka, containing the residents of the house. The first
person is observed pointing forward, indicating that they “go by boat
to the other settlement.”
3. A grave stick, indicating a death in the settlement.
4, 5. Summer and winter habitations, denoting a village.
The drawing, Figure 54, made for Dr. Hoffman in 1882, by a native,
in imitation of originals in Alaska, is intended to be placed in a
conspicuous portion of a settlement which has been attacked by a
hostile force and finally deserted. The last one to leave prepares the
drawing upon a strip of wood to inform friends of the resort of the
survivors.
[Illustration: FIG. 54.--Alaskan notice of departure and refuge.]
1. Represents three hills or ranges, signifying that the course taken
would carry them beyond that number of hills or mountains.
2. The recorder, indicating the direction, with the left hand pointing
to the ground, _one_ hill, and the right hand indicating the number
_two_, the number still to be crossed.
3. A circular piece of wood or leather, with the representation of a
face, placed upon a pole and facing the direction to be taken from the
settlement. In this instance the drawing of the character denotes a
hostile attack upon the town, for which misfortune such devices are
sometimes erected.
4, 5. Winter and summer habitations.
6. Store-house, erected upon upright poles.
This device is used by Alaska coast natives generally.
In connection with these figures reference may be made to a paper
by the present writer in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology, p. 369, showing the devices of the Abnaki.
Dr. George Gibbs (Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. I, p. 222)
says of “symbolic writing” of the northwest tribes:
I am not aware how far this may be carried among the Sound tribes.
Probably there is no great essential difference between them and
their neighbors of the plains in this art. It may perhaps be best
explained by an example given me by a veteran mountaineer, Dr. Robert
Newell, of Champoeg. A party of Snakes are going to hunt strayed
horses. A figure of a man, with a long queue, or scalp lock, reaching
to his heels, denoted Shoshonee; that tribe being in the habit of
braiding horse- or other hair into their own in that manner. A number
of marks follow, signifying the strength of the party. A foot-print,
pointed in the direction they take, shows their course, and a
hoof-mark turned backward, that they expect to return with animals.
If well armed, and expecting a possible attack, a little powder mixed
with sand tells that they are ready, or a square dotted about the
figures indicates that they have fortified.
The design shown in Figure 55 is in imitation of etchings made by
natives of Southern Alaska to convey to the observer the information
that the recorder had gone away to another settlement the inhabitants
of which were in distress. The drawings were put on a strip of wood and
placed at the door of the house where it might be seen by visitors or
inquirers.
[Illustration: FIG. 55.--Notice of departure to relieve distress.
Alaska.]
Naumoff gave the following explanation:
1. A native making the gesture of indicating _self_ with the right
hand, and with the left indicating direction and _going_.
2. The native’s habitation.
3. Scaffold used for drying fish. Upon the top of the pole is placed a
piece of wood tied so that the longest end points in the direction to
be taken by the recorder.
4. The baidarka conveying the recorder.
5. A native of the settlement to be visited.
6. Summer habitation.
7. “Shaman stick” or grave stick, erected to the memory of a recently
deceased person, the cause of which has necessitated the journey of the
recorder.
8. Winter habitation. This, together with No. 6, indicates a settlement.
Fig. 56, also drawn by Naumoff, means “ammunition wanted.”
[Illustration: FIG. 56.--Ammunition wanted. Alaska.]
When a hunter is tracking game, and exhausts his ammunition, he returns
to the nearest and most conspicuous part of the trail and sticks his
ihú^nŭk in the ground, the top leaning in the direction taken. The
ihú^nŭk is the pair of sticks arranged like the letter A, used as a
gun-rest. This method of transmitting the request to the first passer
is resorted to by the greater number of coast natives of Southern
Alaska.
Fig. 57, also drawn by Naumoff, means “discovery of bear; assistance
wanted.”
[Illustration: FIG. 57.--Assistance wanted in hunt. Alaska.]
When a hunter discovers a bear, and requires assistance, he ties
together a bunch of grass, or other fibrous matter, in the form of an
animal with legs, and places it upon a long stick or pole which is
erected at a conspicuous point to attract attention. The head of the
effigy is directed toward the locality where the animal was last seen.
This device is also used at times by most of the Southern Alaskan
Indians.
Figure 58 was also drawn by Naumoff, and signifies “starving hunters.”
[Illustration: FIG. 58.--Starving hunters. Alaska.]
Hunters who have been unfortunate, and are suffering from hunger,
scratch or draw upon a piece of wood characters similar to those
figured, and place the lower end of the stick in the ground on the
trail where the greatest chance of its discovery occurs. The stick
is inclined toward the locality of the habitation. The accompanying
explanation will serve to illustrate more fully the information
contained in the drawing.
1. A horizontal line denoting a canoe, showing the persons to be
fishermen.
2. An individual with both arms extended signifying _nothing_,
corresponding with the gesture for negation.
3. A person with the right hand to the mouth, signifying _to eat_, the
left hand pointing to the house occupied by the hunters.
4. The habitation.
The whole signifies that there is _nothing to eat_ in the _house_. This
is used by natives of Southern Alaska.
[Illustration: FIG. 59.--Starving hunters. Alaska.]
Figure 59, with the same signification, and from the same hand, is
similar to the preceding in general design. This is placed in the
ground near the landing place of the canoemen, so that the top points
toward the lodge.
The following is the explanation of the characters:
1. Baidarka, showing double projections at bow, as well as the two
individuals, owners, in the boat.
2. A man making the gesture for _nothing_. (See in this connection
Figure 155, page 235.)
3. Gesture drawn, denoting _to eat_, with the right hand, while the
left points to the lodge.
4. A winter habitation.
This is used by the Alaskan coast natives.
WARNING AND GUIDANCE.
An amusing instance of the notice or warning of “No thoroughfare” is
given on page 383 of the present writer’s paper, Sign Language among
North American Indians, in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology. It was taken from a rock-etching in Cañon de Chelly, New
Mexico. A graphic warning against trespass appears in Schoolcraft, Vol.
I, Plate 48, Figure B, op. page 338.
During his connection with the geographic surveys west of the one
hundredth meridian under the direction of Capt. G. M. Wheeler, U.
S. Army, Dr. Hoffman observed a practice which prevailed among the
Tivátikai Shoshoni, of Nevada, in which heaps of stones were erected
along or near trails to indicate the direction to be taken and followed
to reach springs of water.
Upon slight elevations of ground, or at points where a trail branched
into two or more directions, or at the intersection of two trails, a
heap of stones would be placed, varying from 1 to 2 or more feet in
height, according to the necessity of the case, to attract attention.
Upon the top of this would be fixed an elongated piece of rock so
placed that the most conspicuous point projected and pointed in the
course to be followed. This was continued sometimes at intervals of
several miles unless indistinct portions of a trail or intersections
demanded a repetition at shorter distances.
A knowledge of the prevalence of this custom proved very beneficial to
the early prospectors and pioneers.
Stone circles and stone heaps of irregular form were also met with,
which to a casual observer might be misleading. These resulted from
previous deposits of edible pine nuts, which had been heaped upon the
ground and covered over with stones, grass, and earth to prevent their
destruction by birds and rodents. These deposits were placed along the
trails in the timbered regions to afford sustenance to Indians who had
failed in the hunt, or who might not reach camp in time to prevent
suffering from hunger.
[Illustration:
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXX
ROCK PAINTINGS IN AZUZA CAÑON, CALIFORNIA.]
Plate LXXX (A, B, C) represents colored pictographs found by Dr.
Hoffman in 1884 on the North Fork of the San Gabriel River, also known
as the Azuza Cañon, Los Angeles County, California. Its description is
as follows:
A and B are copies, one-sixteenth natural size, of rock painting found
in the Azuza Cañon, 30 miles northeast of Los Angeles, California.
The bowlder upon which the paintings occur measures 8 feet long, about
4 feet high, and the same in width. The figures occur on the eastern
side of the rock, so that the left arm of the human figure on the right
points toward the north.
The map (C) at the bottom of the plate presents the topography of the
immediate vicinity and the relative positions of the rocks bearing the
two illustrations. The map is drawn on a scale of 1,000 yards to the
inch.
The stream is the North Fork of the San Gabriel River, and is hemmed in
by precipitous mountains, with the exception of two points marked _c_,
_c_, over which the old Indian trail passed in going from the Mojave
Desert on the north to the San Gabriel Valley below, this course being
the nearest for reaching the mission settlements at San Gabriel and Los
Angeles. In attempting to follow the water-course the distance would
be greatly increased and a rougher trail encountered. The pictograph
A, painted on the rock marked _b_ on the map C, shows characters in
pale yellow, upon a bowlder of almost white granite, which are partly
obliterated by weathering and annual floods, though still enough
remains to indicate that the right-hand figure is directing the
observer to the northeast, although upon taking that course it would
be necessary to round the point a short distance to the west. It may
have been placed as a notification of direction to those Indians who
might have come up the cañon instead of on the regular trail. Farther
west, at the spot marked _a_ on the map, is a granite bowlder bearing a
large number of paintings part of which have become almost obliterated.
These were drawn with red ocher (ferric oxide). A selection of these
is shown in B on the plate. This is on the western face of the rock,
almost vertical. This also appears to refer to the course of the trail,
which might readily be lost on account of the numerous mountain ridges
and spurs. The left-hand figure appears to place the left hand upon a
series of ridges, as if showing pantomimically the rough and ridged
country over the mountains.
The middle figure represents gesture, which in its present connection
may indicate direction, of the trail, _i. e._, toward the left, or
northward in an up-hill course, as indicated by the arm and leg, and
southward, or downward, as suggested by the lower inclination of the
leg, and lower forearm and hand on the right of the illustration.
The right-hand figure, although similar in manner of delineating
gesture and general resemblance to the Shoshonian method, is not yet
determined in that connection.
These illustrations, as well as other pictographs on the same rock, not
at present submitted, bear remarkable resemblance to the general type
of Shoshonian drawing, and from such evidence as is now attainable it
appears more than probable that they are of Chemehuevi origin, as that
tribe at one time ranged thus far west, though north of the mountains,
and also visited the valley and settlements at Los Angeles at stated
intervals to trade. It is also known that the Mojaves came at stated
periods to Los Angeles as late as 1845, and the trail indicated at
point _a_ of the map would appear to have been their most practicable
and convenient route. There is strong evidence that the Mokis sometimes
visited the Pacific coast and might readily have taken this same
course, marking the important portion of the route by drawings in the
nature of guide boards.
CHARTS OF GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES.
Dr. W. J. Hoffman states that when at Grapevine Springs, Nevada, in
1871, the Pai-Uta living at that locality informed the party of the
exact location of Las Vegas, the objective point. The Indian sat upon
the sand, and with the palms of his hands formed an oblong ridge to
represent Spring Mountain, and southeast of this ridge another gradual
slope, terminating on the eastern side more abruptly; over the latter
he passed his fingers to represent the side valleys running eastward.
He then took a stick and showed the direction of the old Spanish trail
running east and west over the lower portion of the last-named ridge.
When this was completed the Indian looked at the members of the
party, and with a mixture of English, Spanish, Pai-Uta, and gesture
signs, told them that from where they were now they would have to go
southward, east of Spring Mountain, to the camp of Pai-Uta Charlie,
where they would have to sleep; then indicating a line southeastward
to another spring (Stump’s) to complete the second day; then he
followed the line representing the Spanish trail to the east of the
divide of the second ridge above named, where he left it, and passing
northward to the first valley, he thrust the short stick into the
ground and said, “Las Vegas.”
It is needless to say that the information was found to be correct and
of considerable value to the party.
Schoolcraft (Vol. I, p. 334, Pl. 47, Fig. B) mentions that the
discovery, on one of the tributaries of the Susquehanna River, “of an
Indian map drawn on stone, with intermixed devices, a copy of which
appears in the first volume of the collections of the Historical
Committee of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, proves,
although it is thus far isolated, that stone was also employed in that
branch of inscription. This discovery was in the area occupied by the
Lenapees, who are known to have practiced the art, which they called
Ola Walum.”
The Tegua Pueblos, of New Mexico, “traced upon the ground a sketch of
their country, with the names and locations of the pueblos occupied in
New Mexico,” a copy of which, “somewhat improved,” is given in Vol.
III, Pacific R. R. Explorations, 1856, Part III, pp. 9, 10.
A Yuma map of the Colorado River, with the names and locations of
tribes within its valley, is also figured in the last mentioned volume,
page 19. The map was originally traced upon the ground.
A Pai-Uta map of the Colorado River is also figured in the same
connection, which was obtained by Lieutenant Whipple and party.
[Illustration: FIG. 60.--Lean-Wolf’s map. Hidatsa.]
Lean-Wolf, of the Hidatsa, who drew the picture of which Figure 60
is a fac-simile, made a trip on foot from Fort Berthold to Fort
Buford, Dakota, to steal a horse from the Dakotas encamped there. The
returning horse tracks show that he attained the object in view, and
that he rode home. The following explanation of characters was made to
Dr. Hoffman, at Fort Berthold, in 1881:
1. Lean-Wolf, the head only of a man to which is attached the outline
of a wolf.
2. Hidatsa earth lodges, circular in form, the spots representing the
pillars supporting the roof. Indian village at Fort Berthold, Dakota.
3. Human footprints; the course taken by the recorder.
4. The Government buildings at Fort Buford (square).
5. Several Hidatsa lodges (round), the occupants of which had
inter-married with the Dakotas.
6. Dakota lodges.
7. A small square--a white man’s house--with a cross marked upon it, to
represent a Dakota lodge. This denotes that the owner, a white man, had
married a Dakota woman who dwelt there.
8. Horse tracks returning to Fort Berthold.
9. The Missouri River.
10. Tule Creek.
11. Little Knife River.
12. White Earth River.
13. Muddy Creek.
14. Yellowstone River.
15. Little Missouri River.
16. Dancing Beard Creek.
CLAIM OR DEMAND.
Stephen Powers states that the Nishinam of California have a curious
way of collecting debts. “When an Indian owes another, it is held to be
in bad taste, if not positively insulting, for the creditor to dun the
debtor, as the brutal Saxon does; so he devises a more subtle method.
He prepares a certain number of little sticks, according to the amount
of the debt, and paints a ring around the end of each. These he carries
and tosses into the delinquent’s wigwam without a word and goes his
way; whereupon the other generally takes the hint, pays the debt, and
destroys the sticks.” See Contrib. to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. III, 321.
Dr. W. J. Hoffman says, “When a patient has neglected to remunerate
the Shaman [Wĭktcŏm´nĭ´ of the Yokŏtsan linguistic division] for his
services, the latter prepares short sticks of wood, with bands of
colored porcupine quills wrapped around them, at one end only, and
every time he passes the delinquent’s lodge a certain number of them
are thrown in as a reminder of the indebtedness.” See San Francisco
(Cal.) Western Lancet, XI, 1882, p. 443.
MESSAGES AND COMMUNICATIONS.
[Illustration: FIG. 61.--Letter to Little-Man from his father.
Cheyenne.]
Figure 61 is a letter sent by mail from a Southern Cheyenne, named
Turtle-following-his-Wife, at the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian
Territory, to his son, Little-Man, at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota
Territory. It was drawn on a half-sheet of ordinary writing paper,
without a word written. It was inclosed in an envelope, which was
addressed to “Little-Man, Cheyenne, Pine Ridge Agency,” in the ordinary
manner, written by some one at the first-named agency. The letter
was evidently understood by Little-Man, as he immediately called
upon Dr. V. T. McGillycuddy, Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, and
was aware that the sum of $53 had been placed to his credit for the
purpose of enabling him to pay his expenses in going the long journey
to his father’s home in Indian Territory. Dr. McGillycuddy had, by
the same mail, received a letter from Agent Dyer, inclosing $53, and
explaining the reason for its being sent, which enabled him also to
understand the pictographic letter. With the above explanation it very
clearly shows, over the head of the figure to the left, the turtle
following the turtle’s wife united with the head of the figure by a
line, and over the head of the other figure, also united by a line to
it, is a little man. Also over the right arm of the last-mentioned
figure is another little man in the act of springing or advancing
toward Turtle-following-his-Wife, from whose mouth proceed two lines,
curved or hooked at the end, as if drawing the little figure towards
him. It is suggested that the last-mentioned part of the pictograph
is the substance of the communication, _i. e._, “come to me,” the
larger figures with their name totems being the persons addressed and
addressing. Between and above the two large figures are fifty-three
round objects intended for dollars. Both the Indian figures have on
breech-cloths, corresponding with the information given concerning
them, which is that they are Cheyennes who are not all civilized or
educated.
The illustration, Figure 62, was made by a native Alaskan, and
represents a native of the Teninahs making a smoke signal to the people
of the village on the opposite shore of a lake, so that a boat may be
sent to carry the signalist across. The K’niqamūt band of the Tenina
have no boats, as they live inland, and therefore resort to signaling
with smoke when desiring transportation. On account of this custom they
are termed “Signal People.” If the pictograph could be transmitted in
advance of the necessity, the actual use of the smoke signal, with
consequent delay in obtaining the boat, would be avoided.
[Illustration: FIG. 62.--Drawing of smoke signal. Alaska.]
1. Represents the mountain contour of the country.
2. A Tenina Indian.
3. Column of smoke.
4. Bird’s-eye view of the lake.
5. The settlement on opposite shore of lake.
6. Boat crossing for the signalist.
Under this head of messages and communications may be included
the material objects sent as messages, many accounts of which are
published. It is to be expected that graphic representations of the
same or similar objects, with corresponding arrangement, should have
similar significance. Among the Indians painted arrows, bearing
messages when discharged, are familiar. The Turkish Selam, or flower
letters, are in the same category.
The following account of a “diplomatic packet” is extracted from
Schoolcraft, Vol. III, p. 306, _et seq._: