investigation, Why is it that the Haida Nation alone of all the coast
tribes tattoo their persons to such an extent, and how they acquire the
art of carving columns which bear such striking similarity to carving
in wood and stone by the ancient inhabitants of Central America, as
shown by drawings in Bancroft’s fourth volume of Native Races and in
Habel’s investigation in Central and South America?
Some of these idols in design, particularly on pages 40 to 58, and
notably on pages 49-50 (Bancroft, _op. cit._), are very like some small
carvings I have in Port Townsend which I received from Alaska, showing
a similarity of idea which could not be the result of an accident.
The tattoo marks, the carvings, and heraldic designs of the Haida are
an exceedingly interesting study, and I hope what I have thus hastily
and imperfectly written may be the means of awakening an interest to
have those questions scientifically discussed, for they seem to me to
point to a key which may unlock the mystery which for so many ages has
kept us from the knowledge of the origin of the Pacific tribes.
* * * * *
TATTOOING IN THE PACIFIC ISLANDS.
The following quotations and illustrations of tattooing in the islands
of the Pacific Ocean are presented for comparison, and in hopes that
the discussion of the subject may afford further information upon the
significance of tattoo marks. It is by no means probable that they were
originally altogether or chiefly for ornamentation.
The accompanying illustration, Figure 34, is taken from a bone obtained
from a mound in New Zealand, by Mr. I. C. Russell, of the United States
Geological Survey, several years ago. Mr. Russell says that the Maori
formerly tattooed the bones of enemies, though the custom now seems to
have been abandoned. The work consists of sharp, shallow lines, as if
made with a sharp-pointed steel instrument, into which some blackish
pigment has been rubbed, filling up some of the markings, while in
others scarcely a trace remains.
[Illustration: FIG. 34.--Tattoo designs on bone, New Zealand.]
In connection with the use of the tattoo marks as reproduced on
artificial objects see also, Figure 37, page 76, and Figure 116, page
200.
The following is extracted from Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its
inhabitants, by Rev. Richard Taylor, London, 1870, p. 320, etc.
Before they went to fight, the youth were accustomed to mark their
countenance with charcoal in different lines, and their traditions
state that this was the beginning of the tattoo, for their wars
became so continuous, that to save the trouble of thus constantly
painting the face, they made the lines permanent by the moko; it is
however a question whether it did not arise from a different cause;
formerly the grand mass of men who went to fight were the black
slaves, and when they fought side by side with their lighter colored
masters, the latter on those occasions used charcoal to make it
appear they were all one.
Whilst the males had every part of the face tattooed, and the
thighs as well, the females had chiefly the chin and the lips,
although occasionally they also had their thighs and breasts,
with a few smaller marks on different parts of the body as well.
There were regular rules for tattooing, and the artist always
went systematically to work, beginning at one spot and gradually
proceeding to another, each particular part having its distinguishing
name. Thus,
1. _Te kawe_, which are four lines on each side of the chin.
2. _Te pukawae_, six lines on the chin.
3. _Nga rere hupe_, the lines below the nostrils, six in number.
4. _Nga kohiri_, a curved line on the cheek-bone.
5. _Nga koroaha_, lines between the cheek-bone and ear.
6. _Nga wakarakau_, lines below the former.
7. _Nga pongiangia_, the lines on each side of the lower extremity
of the nose.
8. _Nga pae tarewa_, the lines on the cheek-bone.
9. _Nga rerepi_, and _Nga ngatarewa_, lines on the bridge of the nose.
10. _Nga tiwana_, four lines on the forehead.
11. _Nga rewha_, three lines below the eyebrows.
12. _Nga titi_, lines on the center of the forehead.
13. _Ipu rangi_, lines above the former.
14. _Te tonokai_, the general names for the lines on the forehead.
15. _He ngutu pu rua_, both lips tattooed.
16. _Te rape_, the higher part of the thighs.
17. _Te paki paki_, the tattooing on the seat.
18. _Te paki turi_, the lower thigh.
19. _Nga tata_, the adjoining part.
The following are female tattoos:--
1. _Taki taki_, lines from the breast to the navel.
2. _Hope hope_, the lines on the thighs.
3. _Waka te he_, the lines on the chin.
Figure 35 is a copy of a tattooed head carved by Hongi, and also of the
tattooing on a woman’s chin, taken from the work last quoted.
[Illustration: FIG. 35.--New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark.]
Figure 36 is a copy of a photograph obtained in New Zealand by Mr.
Russell. It shows tattooing upon the chin.
[Illustration: FIG. 36.--New Zealand tattooed woman.]
Two beautifully tattooed heads are in the collection of the Army
Medical Museum at Washington, D. C., of which illustrations are
presented in the accompanying Plate, III. No history of these heads
can be obtained. The skin is almost perfect, and has become much
brighter in tint than the original color. The tattooing is a blue
black, and in certain lights becomes almost bright indigo. In many of
the markings there appear slight grooves, which add greatly to the
general ornamentation, breaking the monotony of usually plain surfaces.
Whether any mechanical work was performed upon the heads after death
is not positively known, though from the general appearance of the
work it would be suggested that the sharp creases or grooves was
done subsequent to the death of the individual. The tattooing shows
sub-cutaneous coloring, which indicates that at least part of the
ornamentation was done in life.
[Illustration:
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. III
NEW ZEALAND TATTOOED HEADS.]
Figure 37 is an illustration from Te Ika a Maui, etc., _op. cit._,
facing page 378. It shows the “grave of an Australian native, with his
name, rank, tribe, etc., cut in hieroglyphics on the trees,” which
“hieroglyphics” are supposed to be connected with his tattoo marks.
[Illustration: FIG. 37.--Australian grave and carved trees.]
Mr. I. C. Russell, in his sketch of New Zealand, published in the
American Naturalist, Volume XIII, p. 72, February, 1879, remarks, that
the desire of the Maori for ornament is so great that they covered
their features with tattooing, transferring indelibly to their faces
complicated patterns of curved and spiral lines, similar to the designs
with which they decorated their canoes and their houses.
In Mangaia, of the Hervey Group, the tattoo is said to be in imitation
of the stripes on the two kinds of fish, avini and paoro, the color
of which is blue. The legend of this is kept in the song of Ina´. See
Myths and songs from the South Pacific, London, 1876, p. 94.
Mr. Everard F. im Thurn, in his work previously cited, pages 195-’96
among the Indians of Guiana, says:
Painting the body is the simplest mode of adornment. Tattooing or any
other permanent interference with the surface of the skin by way of
ornament is practiced only to a very limited extent by the Indians;
is used, in fact, only to produce the small distinctive tribal mark
which many of them bear at the corners of their mouths or on their
arms. It is true that an adult Indian is hardly to be found on whose
thighs and arms, or on other parts of whose body, are not a greater
or less number of indelibly incised straight lines; but these are
scars originally made for surgical, not ornamental purposes.
The following extracts are taken from Samoa, by George Turner, LL.D.,
London, 1884:
Page 55. Taema and Tilafainga, or Tila the _sportive_, were the
goddesses of the tattooers. They swam from Fiji to introduce the
craft to Samoa, and on leaving Fiji were commissioned to sing all the
way, “Tattoo the women, but not the men.” They got muddled over it in
the long journey, and arrived at Samoa singing, “Tattoo the _men_ and
not the women.” And hence the universal exercise of the blackening
art on the men rather than the women.
Page 88. “Herodotus found among the Thracians that the barbarians
could be exceedingly foppish after their fashion. The man who was not
tattooed among them was not respected.” It was the same in Samoa.
Until a young man was tattooed, he was considered in his minority.
He could not think of marriage, and he was constantly exposed to
taunts and ridicule, as being poor and of low birth, and as having no
right to speak in the society of men. But as soon as he was tattooed
he passed into his majority, and considered himself entitled to the
respect and privileges of mature years. When a youth, therefore,
reached the age of sixteen, he and his friends were all anxiety that
he should be tattooed. He was then on the outlook for the tattooing
of some young chief with whom he might unite. On these occasions, six
or a dozen young men would be tattooed at one time; and for these
there might be four or five tattooers employed.
Tattooing is still kept up to some extent, and is a regular
profession, just as house-building, and well paid. The custom is
traced to Taēmā and Tilafainga; and they were worshipped by the
tattooers as the presiding deities of their craft.
The instrument used in the operation is an oblong piece of human bone
(_os ilium_), about an inch and a half broad and two inches long.
A time of war and slaughter was a harvest for the tattooers to get
a supply of instruments. The one end is cut like a small-toothed
comb, and the other is fastened to a piece of cane, and looks like
a little serrated adze. They dip it into a mixture of candle-nut
ashes and water, and, tapping it with a little mallet, it sinks
into the skin, and in this way they puncture the whole surface over
which the tattooing extends. The greater part of the body, from the
waist down to the knee is covered with it, variegated here and there
with neat regular stripes of the untattooed skin, which when they
are well oiled, make them appear in the distance as if they had on
black silk knee-breeches. Behrens, in describing these natives in his
narrative of Roggewein’s voyage of 1772, says: “They were clothed
from the waist downwards with fringes and a kind of silken stuff
artificially wrought.” A nearer inspection would have shown that
the fringes were a bunch of red _ti_ leaves (_Dracæna terminalis_)
glistening with cocoa-nut oil, and the “kind of silken stuff,” the
tattooing just described. As it extends over such a large surface
the operation is a tedious and painful affair. After smarting and
bleeding for awhile under the hands of the tattooers, the patience of
the youth is exhausted. They then let him rest and heal for a time,
and, before returning to him again, do a little piece on each of the
party. In two or three months the whole is completed. The friends of
the young men are all the while in attendance with food. They also
bring quantities of fine mats and native cloth, as the hire of the
tattooers; connected with them, too, are many waiting on for a share
in the food and property.
Among the fellahs, as well as among the laboring people of the cities,
the women tattoo their chin, their forehead, the middle of the breast,
a portion of their hands and arms, as well as feet, with indelible
marks of blue and green. In Upper Egypt most females puncture their
lips to give them a dark bluish hue. See Featherman, Social Hist. of
the Races of Mankind, V, 1881, p. 545.
* * * * *
Professor Brauns, of Halle, reports (Science, III, No. 50, p. 69) that
among the Ainos of Yazo the women tattoo their chins to imitate the
beards of the men.
* * * * *
The antiquity of tattooing in the eastern hemisphere is well
established. With reference to the Hebrews, and the tribes surrounding
them, the following Biblical texts may be in point:
“Ye shall not make any cuttings in your flesh for the dead, nor print
any marks upon you.” Lev., XIX, 28.
* * * “Though thou rentest thy face with painting, in vain shalt thou
make thyself fair.” Jer., IV. 30.
ARTIFICIAL OBJECTS.
The objects of this character, on which pictographs are found, may be
mentioned as follows:
1. Lances.
2. Arrows.
3. Shields.
4. Canoes.
5. Paddles.
6. Habitations.
7. Utensils.
8. Pottery.
9. Sinews or thread.
10. Artificial beads.
It is believed that examples showing the use of each of these objects
are presented in various parts of the present paper, but the following
do not appear under other headings:
Many of the California tribes are expert workers in grass and roots in
the manufacture of baskets, upon which designs are frequently worked,
other than mere ornamentation, in geometric forms. The Yokuts, at
Tule River Agency, in the southeastern part of the State, frequently
incorporate various forms of the human body, in which the arms are
suspended at the sides of the body with the hands directed outward
to either side. Above the head is a heavy horizontal line. In the
manufacture of these vessels grass is taken, carefully cleaned, and
soaked, so as to become smooth and uniform in size.
Among the Thlinkit, boats as well as paddles are ornamented with
painted figures, and the family coat of arms. See Bancroft’s Native
Races, etc., I, 106.
There is no need to give evidence concerning the designs upon pottery,
after the numerous illustrations in the Second Annual Report of this
Bureau, from Zuñi, etc.
MNEMONIC.
This has been the most apparent, and probably the most ancient,
purpose for which pictographs have been made. It commenced by the use
of material objects which afterwards were reproduced graphically in
paintings, etchings, and carvings.
In the present paper many examples appear of objects known to have
been so used, the graphic representations of which, made with the same
purpose, are explained by knowledge of the fact. Other instances are
mentioned as connected with the evolution of pictographs, and possibly
to interpret some of the latter which are not yet understood.
The quipu of the Peruvians is one of the most instructive devices
for the general aid of memory, and as applicable to a variety of
subjects, also having value for comparison with and reference to all
other objects of this character. A good account of the quipu, quoted
from Travels in Peru, during the years 1838-1842, * * by Dr. J. J. von
Tschudi [Wiley and Putnam’s Library, Vols. XCIII-XCIV.], New York,
1847, Pt. II, pp. 344, 345, is as follows:
THE QUIPU OF THE PERUVIANS.
The ancient Peruvians had no manuscript characters for single sounds;
but they had a method by which they composed words and incorporated
ideas. This method consisted in the dexterous intertwining of knots
on strings, so as to render them auxiliaries to the memory. The
instrument consisting of these strings and knots was called the
QUIPU. It was composed of one thick head or top string, to which,
at certain distances, thinner ones were fastened. The top string
was much thicker than these pendent strings, and consisted of two
doubly twisted threads, over which two single threads were wound.
The branches, if I may apply the term to these pendent strings, were
fastened to the top ones by a single loop; the knots were made in the
pendent strings, and were either single or manifold. The length of
the strings used in making the quipu were various. The transverse or
top string often measures several yards, and sometimes only a foot
long; the branches are seldom more than two feet long, and in general
they are much shorter.
The strings were often of different colors; each having its own
particular signification. The color for soldiers was red; for gold,
yellow; for silver, white; for corn, green, &c. This writing by knots
was especially employed for numerical and statistical tables; each
single knot representing ten; each double knot stood for one hundred;
each triple knot for one thousand, &c.; two single knots standing
together made twenty; and two double knots, two hundred.
This method of calculation is still practiced by the shepherds of the
Puna. They explained it to me, and I could, with very little trouble,
construe their quipus. On the first branch or string they usually
place the numbers of the bulls; on the second, that of the cows;
the latter being classed into those which were milked, and those
which were not milked; on the next string were numbered the calves,
according to their ages and sizes. Then came the sheep, in several
subdivisions. Next followed the number of foxes killed, the quantity
of salt consumed, and, finally, the cattle that had been slaughtered.
Other quipus showed the produce of the herds in milk, cheese, wool,
&c. Each list was distinguished by a particular color, or by some
peculiarity in the twisting of the string.
In this manner the ancient Peruvians kept the accounts of their
army. On one string were numbered the soldiers armed with slings; on
another, the spearmen; on a third, those who carried clubs, &c. In
the same manner the military reports were prepared. In every town
some expert men were appointed to tie the knots of the quipu, and to
explain them. These men were called _quipucamayocuna_ (literally,
officers of the knots). Imperfect as was this method, yet in the
flourishing period of the Inca government the appointed officers had
acquired great dexterity in unriddling the meaning of the knots. It,
however, seldom happened that they had to read a quipu without some
verbal commentary. Something was always required to be added if the
quipu came from a distant province, to explain whether it related to
the numbering of the population, to tributes, or to war, &c. Through
long-continued practice, the officers who had charge of the quipus
became so perfect in their duties that they could with facility
communicate the laws and ordinances, and all the most important
events of the kingdom, by their knots.
All attempts made in modern times to decipher Peruvian quipus have
proved unsatisfactory in their results. The principal obstacle to
deciphering those found in graves consists in the want of the oral
communication requisite for pointing out the subjects to which they
refer. Such communication was necessary, even in former times, to
the most learned quipucamayocuna. Most of the quipus here alluded
to seems to be accounts of the population of particular towns or
provinces, tax-lists, and information relating to the property of
the deceased. Some Indians in the southern provinces of Peru are
understood to possess a perfect knowledge of some of the ancient
quipus, from information transmitted to them from their ancestors.
But they keep that knowledge profoundly secret, particularly from the
whites.
That the general idea or invention for mnemonic purposes appearing in
the quipus, was used pictorially is indicated in the illustrations
given by Dr. S. Habel in The Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalwhuapa
in Guatemala, etc., Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, [No. 269],
1878, Vol. XXII, page 85. Upon these he remarks:
It has been frequently affirmed that the aborigines of America had
nowhere arisen high enough in civilization to have characters for
writing and numeral signs; but the sculptures of Santa Lucia exhibit
signs which indicate a kind of cipher writing, higher in form than
mere hieroglyphics. From the mouth of most of the human beings,
living or dead, emanates a staff variously bent, to the sides of
which nodes are attached. These nodes are of different sizes and
shapes, and variously distributed on the sides of the staff, either
singly or in twos and threes,--the last named either separated or
in shape of a trefoil. This manner of writing not only indicates
that the person is speaking, or praying, but also indicates the very
words, the contents of the speech or prayer. It is quite certain that
each staff, as bent and ornamented, stood for a well-known petition
which the priest could read as easily as those acquainted with a
cipher dispatch can know its purport. Further, one may be allowed to
conjecture that the various curves of the staves served the purpose
of strength and rhythm, just as the poet chooses his various meters
for the same purpose.
In connection with the quipu, Dr. Hoffman reports a corresponding
device among the Indians formerly inhabiting the mountain valleys north
of Los Angeles, California, who frequently came to the settlements to
dispose of native blankets, skins, and robes. The man delegated by the
tribe to carry away and sell these articles was provided with a number
of strings, made of some flexible vegetable fiber, one string for each
class of goods, which were attached to his belt. Every one contributing
articles mentioned the prices to be asked therefor, and when the
salesman disposed of a blanket the proper cord was taken, and a single
knot was tied for each _real_ received, or a double knot for each
_peso_. Thus any particular string indicated the kind of goods disposed
of, as well as the whole sum realized, which was finally distributed
among the original contributors.
NOTCHED STICKS.
The use of these mnemonically was very frequent. A few instances only
of this obvious expedient need be given.
The Dakotas formerly residing at Grand River Agency, the Hidatsa, and
the Shoshoni from Idaho were observed to note the number of days during
which they journeyed from one place to another, by cutting lines or
notches upon a stick of wood.
The coup sticks carried by Dakota warriors are often found bearing a
number of small notches, which refer to the number of individuals the
owners may have hit after they had been shot or wounded.
The young men and boys of the several tribes at Fort Berthold, Dakota,
frequently carry a stick, upon which they cut a notch for every bird
killed during a single expedition.
Dr. Hoffman states that he found in the collection of the Hon. A.
F. Coronel, of Los Angeles, California, a number of notched sticks,
which had been invented and used by the Indians at the Mission of San
Gabriel. The history of them is as follows: Immediately after the
establishment of the mission the Franciscan father appointed major
domos, who had under their charge corporals or overseers of the several
classes of laborers, herders, etc. The chief herder was supplied with
a stick of hard wood, measuring about one inch in thickness each way,
and from twenty to twenty-four inches long. The corners were beveled at
the handle. Upon each of these facets were marks to indicate the kinds
of cattle herded, thus: one cut or notch, a bull; two cuts, a cow; one
cross, a heifer; and a >-shaped character, an ox. Similar characters
were also used for horses, respectively, for stallion, mare, colt, and
gelding. Where only cattle were owned no difference was made in the
upper end of the stick; but when both kinds of animals were owned near
the same localities, or by the same settler, the stick referring to
cattle was notched v-shaped at the head end, and reversed or pointed
to denote horses. Sticks were also marked to denote the several kinds
of stock, and to record those which had been branded. In all of these
sticks numbers were indicated by cutting notches into the corners,
each tenth cut extending across the face of the stick. For instance,
if the herder had thirteen oxen in charge, he selected that edge of
the stick which bore upon the handle the >-shape, and cut nine short
notches, one long one, and three short ones.
Labor sticks were also used by the Indians. On one side was a circle
intersected with cross lines to denote _money_, and on the opposite
side, which was reserved for time, either nothing or some character,
according to the fancy of the owner. Short notches on the money side
indicated _reals_, long cuts _pesos_. On the opposite side short cuts
indicated days, and long cuts weeks.
For further reference to this subject, see Reliquiæ Aquitanicæ; etc.,
by Edouard Lartet and Henry Christy, * * London, 1875, p. 183 _et seq._
ORDER OF SONGS.