On the 25th of November, 1645, a grievous calamity befell the colony

in the burning of New Gottenburg, which was set on fire, between ten

and eleven o’clock at night, by a gunner, who was tried and sentenced

by Printz, and subsequently sent to Sweden for punishment. “The whole

place was consumed,” says the Governor, “in a single hour, nought

being rescued but the dairy;” the loss to the Company amounting to

four thousand riksdaler. “The people escaped, naked and destitute; but

the winter immediately setting in with great severity, and the river

and creeks freezing, they were cut off from communication with the

mainland,” and barely avoided starvation until relief arrived in March.

Printz continued, however, to reside at Tinicum, and soon rebuilt a

storehouse, to receive “provisions and cargoes to be sold on behalf of

the Company.” He also erected a church upon the island, “decorating

it,” says he, “so far as our resources would permit, after the Swedish

fashion,” which, with its adjoining burying-ground, was consecrated by

Campanius, Sept. 4, 1646.

[Illustration]

In the summer of the same year occurred the first outbreak of the

jealousy which had existed from the beginning between the Swedes and

Hollanders, however well it may have been concealed, especially during

the need of concerted action against their common rival the English.

On the 23d of June a sloop arrived at Fort Nassau with a cargo from

Manhattan, to trade with the Indians, and was directed by Andries

Hudde, the Dutch commissary who had succeeded Jan Jansen, “to go into

the Schuylkill.” She was immediately commanded by the Swedes to leave

the place,—an order which was repeated to Hudde, and reiterated the

next day by Campanius. The result was a conference between the Dutch

commissary and Commissary Huygen, Sergeant Van Dyck, and Carl Janson,

on behalf of Printz; which was followed on the 1st of July by so

menacing an admonition from the Governor, that Jurriaen Blanck the

supercargo, fearing his vessel and goods might be confiscated, felt

constrained to yield, and abandoned his enterprise. Soon afterward

Hudde was prevented from executing a commission of Director Kieft, to

search for minerals at Sankikan, through the opposition of the Indians,

prompted by a report of the warlike intentions of the Hollanders

circulated among the savages by Printz. And when, in September,

in obedience to instructions from Manhattan, the Dutch commissary

purchased from the natives land on the “west shore” of the Delaware,

“distant about one league to the north of Fort Nassau” (within the

limits of the present city of Philadelphia), and erected the arms of

his West India Company upon it, these were pulled down “in a hostile

manner,” on the 8th of October, by Commissary Huygen, and a protest

against his action was delivered to him on the 16th by Olof Stille and

Mans Slom, on the part of the Swedish governor. The latter likewise

forbade his people to have any dealings with the Hollanders, and

treated a counter-protest, sent to him by Hudde on the 23d, with such

contempt as effectually completed the rupture.

It was now two years and three months since the “Fama” left the

Delaware, during the whole of which time no letters were received in

the colony either from Sweden or from Holland. This apparent neglect

of her offspring by the mother country was accounted for by Chancellor

Oxenstjerna through the occurrence of the war with Denmark, which

absorbed the attention of the Government and cost the life of Admiral

Fleming, who had been the chief administrator of the interests of the

settlement. Not until the 1st of October, 1646, did the sixth Swedish

expedition arrive in New Sweden, on the ship “Gyllene Hajen” (the

Golden Shark), after a tempestuous voyage of four months, in which the

vessel lost her sails, topmasts, and other rigging, and the crew almost

to a man fell sick. Few, if any, emigrants came out on this voyage;

but the cargo was valuable, comprising cloth, iron implements, and

other goods, which supplied the needs of the settlers, with something

to spare for sale in New England. Printz was also enabled to revive

his languishing trade with the Indians. He “immediately despatched

Commissary Hendrick Huygen, with Sergeant Gregorius van Dyck and eight

soldiers, to the country of the Minquas, distant five German miles, who

presented the savages with divers gifts, and induced them to agree to

traffic with the Swedes as formerly, particularly,” says the Governor,

“as the Commissary promised them higher prices than they could get from

the Hollanders.” On the 20th of February, 1647, the vessel sailed on

her return, carrying 24,177 pounds of tobacco, of which 6,920 pounds

were raised on the Delaware, while the rest was purchased elsewhere.

Lieutenant Papegåja went home in her, commissioned to execute some

private behests of the colonists, and to present the Governor’s third

Report to the Swedish West India Company.

In the document referred to, dated at New Gottenburg the day “Gyllene

Hajen” left, Printz gives a very satisfactory account of the

settlement, which, he says, at that time numbered one hundred and

eighty-three souls. “The people,” he adds, “have always enjoyed good

health, only two men and two young children having died” since the

second Report. “Twenty-eight freemen were settled, and beginning to

prosper; many more being willing to follow their example if they could

be spared from the fortified posts.” Of these, Fort Elfsborg had been

considerably strengthened; Fort Christina, which was quite decayed,

repaired from top to bottom; and Fort Nya Korsholm, on the Schuylkill,

was nearly ready for use. This last was doubtless the structure called

by Campanius “Manaijung, Skörkilen,”[926]—“a fine little fort of logs,

filled in with sand and stones, and surrounded by palisades with sharp

points at the top.” “I have also built,” says Printz, “on the other

side of Korsholm, by the path of the Minquas, a fine house called

Wasa,[927] capable of defence against the savages by four or five

men; and seven stout freemen have settled there. And a quarter of a

mile farther up the same Indian highway I have erected another strong

house, settling five freemen in the vicinity,—this place receiving the

name of Mölndal, from a water-mill I have had constructed, which runs

the whole year, to the great advantage of the country; especially,”

adds he, “as the windmill, which was here before I came, was good for

nothing, and never would work.” Both of these posts the natives were

obliged to pass in going to Fort Nassau; and the Swedish governor

hoped, by storing them with merchandise for barter, to intercept the

traffic with the Dutch. Printz insists upon the need of getting rid

of the latter, accusing them of ruining his trade, and supplying the

savages with ammunition, and inciting them against the Swedes. “The

English Puritans,” he continues, “who gave me a great deal of trouble

at first, I have been able finally to drive away; and for a long time

have heard nothing from them, except that last year Captain Clerk,

through his agent from New England, attempted to settle some hundred

families here under our flag, which I civilly declined to permit

until further instructed in the matter by her Majesty.” The Governor

earnestly solicits the sending of more people from Sweden, particularly

“families to cultivate the country,” artisans and soldiers, “and, above

all, unmarried women as wives for the unmarried freemen and others.”

He likewise mentions the names of several officers who wished to be

allowed to return home, and desires himself to be relieved, especially

as he had been in New Sweden more than a year and a half beyond the

term agreed upon.

Printz’s Report and Papegåja’s representations seem to have hastened

the sending of another vessel to the Delaware, for on the 25th of

September, 1647, the seventh expedition sailed from Gottenburg on

“Svanen,” Captain Steffen Willemsen. Papegåja returned on the ship,

bearing a letter of commendation from Queen Christina to Governor

Printz, promising to consider a request of the latter for augmentation

of his salary and a grant of “seventy farms,”[928] but requiring him to

remain in the colony until his place could be supplied.

A great deal of the ammunition asked for by the Governor was sent out

on this vessel, but very few emigrants,[929]—a circumstance which was

explained, in a communication from Chancellor Oxenstjerna in reply to

Printz’s Report, by the near approach of winter. Action was likewise

taken some months later by the Crown making good the deficiency of

the South Company through payment of the salaries of its officers in

New Sweden,—a burden which had been temporarily assumed by it in

consequence of the misappropriations, as well as insufficiency, of the

tobacco excises which had been granted towards that object by statute

of the 30th of August, 1642. And by the same royal letter, dated Jan.

20, 1648, merchandise coming from Holland for transportation to New

Sweden was freed from duty, as also tobacco and furs which arrived in

the kingdom from the colony. On the 16th of the following May “Svanen”

set out again from the Delaware, and after a remarkably quick voyage

arrived on the 3d of July at Stockholm. The clergyman Johan Campanius

Holm returned in her, and Lieutenant Papegåja wrote to Chancellor

Oxenstjerna, begging the favor of a position in Sweden, since the

people in New Sweden were too inconsiderable for him to be of any

service to the company where he was, and “the country was troublesome

to defend, both on account of the savages and of the Christians, who

inflict upon us,” says he, “every kind of injury.”

[Illustration]

This complaint is evidently directed against the Hollanders, who

now began to strengthen their position on the Delaware. Willem

Kieft, so amiably pacific in his comportment towards the Swedes, was

superseded in the government of New Netherland in May, 1647, by Peter

Stuyvesant,—a man of arbitrary and warlike character, who declared

it to be his intention to regard as Dutch territory not only New

Sweden, but all land between Cape Henlopen and Cape Cod. Meanwhile,

Governor Printz persisted in a haughty demeanor towards the Dutch,

continuing to impede or prevent their navigation of the “South

River,” and he is charged with inciting suspicion of his rivals among

both Indians and Christians,—actions which were protested against

by Stuyvesant, to whom the Swedish governor made a reply which was

transmitted to Manhattan by Commissary Hudde in December. During the

winter Printz collected a great quantity of logs for the purpose of

erecting more buildings at the Schuylkill; and when in the spring

Hudde, instigated by the natives, constructed a fort called Beversrede

at Passajung, Lieutenant Kling opposed the work, and ordered his men,

some twenty-four in number, to cut down the trees around the spot.

On news of this, and in consequence of a complaint of the Directors

of the Dutch West India Company that the limits between the Swedes,

English, and Hollanders were still unsettled, Councillors Lubbertus van

Dincklagen and Johannes la Montagne, despatched by Stuyvesant on that

mission in June, procured from the natives confirmation of a grant of

land on the Schuylkill made to Arendt Corssen on behalf of the Dutch

in 1633, and, visiting New Gottenburg, protested before the Governor

against the actions of the Swedes. No attention was paid to this,

however, and houses which two Dutchmen immediately began to build upon

the tract were destroyed by Printz’s son (Gustaf Printz) and Sergeant

Van Dyck. In September the Governor caused a house to be built within a

dozen feet of Fort Beversrede, and directly between it and the river,

while Lieutenant Sven Schute prevented the construction of houses by

the Hollanders in November. Another Dutchman obtained permission from

Director-General Stuyvesant to settle on the east side of the Delaware,

at Mantaes Hoeck (near the present Mantua Creek, New Jersey), and

solicited the aid of Governor Printz in carrying out his purpose. This

was promised him, provided he acknowledged the jurisdiction of that

officer; but, fearing some advantage might be taken of the concession

by the Hollanders, Printz immediately bought from the Indians the land

between this place and Narraticons Kil, which constituted the northern

boundary of the purchase of Governor Hollender, and erected the Swedish

arms upon it. According to Hudde, the Governor of New Sweden likewise

endeavored to acquire from the natives territory about Fort Nassau,

more completely to isolate that place from intercourse with Manhattan,

but was anticipated by the Dutch, who secured it for themselves in

April, 1649.

[Illustration]

Meanwhile, in the mother country an expedition was preparing, which

but for its untimely fate would have furnished the colony with such

ample means of security and self-defence as might very probably have

postponed or even altogether prevented the ultimate subjugation of the

latter by the Hollanders. On the 24th of March, 1649, Queen Christina

issued orders to the College of the Admiralty to equip the “Kalmar

Nyckel,” then lying at Gottenburg, for the projected voyage across the

ocean; and finding it would take too long to get her ready, on the 13th

of April her Majesty authorized the substitution of the ship “Kattan”

(the Cat), under the command of Captain Cornelius Lucifer. A certain

Hans Amundson Besk was appointed leader of this, the eighth, Swedish

expedition to New Sweden, which comprised his wife and five children,

and sixty-three other emigrants, including a clergyman, clerk, and

barber-surgeon, many mechanics, and some soldiers, with sixteen

unmarried women, designed no doubt as wives for the earlier settlers.

The fact that three hundred Finns applied for the privilege of joining

the party showed there was no lack of voluntary colonists. The cargo

embraced implements of every sort, and a large quantity of the

materials of war,—“two six-pounder brass cannon, two three-pounder,

twelve six-pounder, and two four-pounder iron cannon, powder, lead,

grenades, muskets, pistols,” and so forth, besides rigging for a ship

to be built on the Delaware. The vessel sailed on the 3d of July from

Gottenburg, and arrived in safety at the West Indies, where, through

the carelessness of the captain, on the 26th of August she struck a

rock near an island fourteen miles from Porto Rico. When ready to set

out afresh, the emigrants were pillaged by the inhabitants, who were

Spaniards, and were taken to the latter place, where certain of them

permanently settled, while others contrived in the course of one or two

years to get back to Sweden. Eighteen, only, determined to continue

their voyage to the Delaware, leaving Porto Rico with that intention

in a little bark which they were able to purchase, May 1, 1651. They

were seized the very next day, however, by a frigate, which carried

them to Santa Cruz, then in the possession of France, where they were

most barbarously treated by the Governor and his people. In a few weeks

all died but five, who were taken off by a Dutch vessel, of whom a

single survivor finally reached Holland. Commander Amundson and his

family were sent by the Governor of Porto Rico to Spain, where they

arrived in July of the same year, and whence they afterward proceeded

to Amsterdam, and at last returned to Sweden.

This expedition, therefore, effected nothing for the colonists on the

Delaware, who must have been greatly depressed by the news of its

calamities. This reached them, through a letter of Director-General

Stuyvesant to Commissary Hudde, on the 6th of August, 1650 (N.

S.).[930] Printz immediately wrote by a Dutch vessel to Peter Brahe,

referring to the report, and giving some account of the settlement

since the departure of “Svanen,” two years and three months before.

“Most of the people,” says he, “are alive and well. They are generally

supplied with oxen and cattle, and cultivate the land with assiduity,

sowing rye and barley, and planting orchards of delicious fruit, and

would do better if all had wives and servants. Last year the crops

were particularly excellent, our freemen having a hundred tuns of

grain to sell. In short, the governor who relieves me will find his

position as good as any similar one in Sweden. I have taken possession

of the best places, and still hold them. Notwithstanding repeated acts

and protests of the Dutch, nothing whatever has been accomplished

by them; and where, on several occasions, they attempted to build

within our boundaries, I at once threw down their work: so that, if

the new governor brings enough people with him, they will very soon

grow weary and disgusted, like the Puritans, who were most violent at

first, but now leave us entirely in peace. This year, however, they

had all the trade, since we received no cargoes; and so long as this

is the case we must entertain some fear of the savages, although as

yet we have experienced no hostility from them.” Further details as

to the condition of the colony were to be orally communicated to the

authorities in Sweden by Lieutenant Sven Schute, who was sent home

for that purpose. Printz earnestly renewed his appeal to be released,

urging his age and great feebleness, and recalling the services he had

rendered to his country during the past thirty years.

So determined had been the opposition of the Governor to the

encroachments of the Hollanders, that the Directors of the Dutch West

India Company now began to think of applying to Queen Christina for

a settlement of limits between the rival jurisdictions,—a purpose

they communicated to the Director-General of New Netherland in a

letter of the 21st of March, 1651, meantime requiring him, however,

to “endeavor to maintain the rights of the Company in all justice and

equity.” In accordance with these instructions, and in consequence, it

is likely, of Printz’s fresh interference in the spring with operations

of the Dutch in the neighborhood of Fort Beversrede and on an island

in the Schuylkill, the energetic Stuyvesant despatched “a ship, well

manned and equipped with cannon,” from New Amsterdam, which made her

appearance at the mouth of the Delaware on the 8th of the following

May, and “dropping anchor half a (Swedish) mile below Fort Christina,

closed the river to navigation of all vessels, large and small.”

[Illustration: VISSCHER’S MAP, 1651.

This is an extract from Visscher’s map as given by Campanius, and the

date is fixed from the presence on it of Fort Casimir (built that year)

and Fort Elfsborg (abandoned that year). The name above the latter one

is a manuscript addition in the copy used in the reproduction. It is

also reproduced in Dr. Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, p. 43.]

She was, to be sure, soon forced to withdraw by an armed yacht made

ready by Printz; but her captain sending tidings of his situation

to Manhattan, on the 25th of June Stuyvesant himself came overland,

with a hundred and twenty men, being joined at Fort Nassau by eleven

sail (including four well-furnished ships), and after proceeding up

and down the river several times, with demonstrations of hostility,

finally landed two hundred of his soldiers at a place on the west

bank between Forts Christina and Elfsborg, called Sandhoeck (near New

Castle, Delaware), where he built a small fort, to which he gave the

name of Casimir. He likewise cut down the Swedish boundary posts,

and sought by threats to compel the freemen to acknowledge the rule

of the Hollanders. Abandoning and razing Fort Nassau, because of its

less convenient position (too far up the stream), he stationed two

men-of-war at his new fort, and collected toll of foreign vessels, even

plundering and detaining several Virginia barques on account of duty

demanded on their traffic in New Sweden for the previous four years.

Printz was not strong enough to resist these acts by force; but when

the Dutch director-general found some Indians ready to deny the rights

of the Swedes, and even to undertake to sell to him the territory

which he had seized, the Governor held a meeting on the 3d of July at

Elfsborg with the heirs of the sachem who had conveyed to Governor

Minuit the land between Christina and Bomtiens Udden, embracing the

site of Fort Casimir, and obtained a confirmation of that grant, with

a denial of the title of the savages who disposed of it to Stuyvesant.

A protest was addressed to the latter from New Gottenburg on the 8th,

claiming this region as well as that above Christina to Sankikan,

and appealing for observance of “the praiseworthy alliance between

her Royal Majesty of Sweden and the High and Mighty States-General.”

Similar conferences were likewise held at New Gottenburg on the 13th

and the 16th of the same month, resulting in still more explicit

recognition, on the part of the natives, of the right of the Swedes

to the territory on the Delaware; but neither this action of the

savages nor a personal visit of Printz produced any effect on the

Dutch director-general, although, it is said, at his departure the

rival governors mutually promised to maintain “neighborly friendship

and correspondence,” and to “refrain from hostile or vexatious deeds

against each other.” The Governor of New Sweden related these events in

letters of the 1st of August to Chancellor Oxenstjerna and Councillor

Brahe, saying that he had been obliged to abandon all save his three

principal posts (New Gottenburg, Nya Korsholm, and Christina), which

he had strengthened and reinforced. In other respects the colony

had prospered, reaping “very fine harvests at all the settlements,

besides obtaining delicious crops of several kinds of fruit” that

year. “Nothing is needed,” he adds, “but a much larger emigration of

people, both soldiers and farmers, whom the country is now amply able

to sustain.”

Although the Director-General of New Netherland had informed Printz

that his invasion of New Sweden was authorized by the States of

Holland, this was not precisely true; and the Directors of the Dutch

West India Company, in a letter of the 4th of April, 1652, expressed

considerable surprise at the boldness of his action, fearing it might

be resented by her Swedish Majesty. The subject was, in fact, discussed

by the Royal Council of Sweden on the 18th of March, when “the Queen

declared it to be her opinion that redress might fairly be required

of the States-General, and the Chancellor of the Kingdom deemed the

question well worthy of deliberation.” Two days before, also, a

consultation was held on the condition of New Sweden, at which were

present, by special summons, Postmaster-General Beier (who, since the

death of Admiral Fleming, acted as superintendent of the enterprise

in Sweden), the book-keeper Hans Kramer (a zealous co-operator in the

work), Henrik Gerdtson (only known as having been a resident of New

Netherland), the assessor in the College of Commerce, and finally

Lieutenant Schute, who gave a good report of the colony and the

resources of the country, and attested the need of a greater number

of emigrants. Of these, it was stated, plenty could be found “willing

to go forth and settle;” and, in accordance with the judgment of the

Queen and the sentiments of her Chancellor, it was resolved to commit

the undertaking for the future to the care of the College of Commerce,

and to order the Admiralty to prepare a vessel for another expedition

to the Delaware. A few days later a ship was designated by her Majesty,

namely, “Svanen,” but more than a whole year elapsed before the final

execution of the project.

[Illustration]

The situation of the colony, meanwhile, awakened great anxiety in

the mind of the Governor. Not since the arrival of “Svanen,” between

four and five years before, had any message or letter been received

from Sweden, and the emigrants naturally began to fear that they

had been abandoned by their sovereign. Some of them, therefore,

left the country, while others were disposed to do so on a more

favorable opportunity. According to a letter from Printz to Chancellor

Oxenstjerna, dated Aug. 30, 1652, forty Dutch families had settled

on the east side of the Delaware, although, like the rest of their

compatriots in New Sweden, they were miserably provided for the pursuit

of agriculture, and could only sustain themselves by traffic with

the savages. In the latter particular, however, both Hollanders and

English had great advantages over the Swedes, who having no cargoes of

their own were forced to buy merchandise for barter of their rivals at

double prices, or entirely lose their trade. This year, unfortunately,

“the water spoiled the grain;” still, says Printz, the country “was

in tolerably good condition, the freemen, with their cattle and other

possessions, doing well, and the principal places being occupied and

fortified as usual.” A vessel also had been built, of ninety or a

hundred läster,[931] and was only waiting for sails and rigging, and

some cannon, which cost too dear to purchase there. On the 26th of

April, 1653, the Governor again wrote to the Chancellor, saying,—

“The people yet living and remaining in New Sweden, men, women, and

children, number altogether two hundred souls. The settled families do

well, and are supplied with cattle. The country yields a fair revenue.

Still the soldiers and others in the Company’s service enjoy but a

very mean subsistence, and consequently seek opportunity every day

to get away, whether with or without leave, having no expectation of

any release, as it is now five years and a half since a letter was

received from home. The English trade, from which we used to obtain a

good support, is at an end, on account of the war with Holland; while

the fur-trade yields no profit, particularly now that hostilities

have broken out between the Arrigahaga and Susquehanna Indians, from

whom the beavers were procured. The Hollanders have quit all their

places on the river except Fort Casimir, where they have settled about

twenty-six families. To attempt anything against them with our present

resources, however, would be of no avail. More people must be sent

over from Sweden, or all the money and labor hitherto expended on this

undertaking, so well begun, is wasted. We have always been on peaceful

terms with the natives so long as our cargoes lasted, but whenever

these gave out their friendship has cooled; for which reason, as well

as for the sustenance of our colonists, we have been compelled to

purchase a small cargo, by drawing a bill to be paid in Holland, which

we expect to discharge by bartering half of the goods for tobacco.”

Finally, on the 14th of July, Governor Printz wrote once more to

Brahe concerning a speculation of the Dutch and English for supplying

tobacco for Sweden, through the aid of a Virginia merchant sailing

under a Swedish commission; and, to give further weight to his appeals

on behalf of the colony, he sent home his son, Gustaf Printz, who

had been a lieutenant in the settlement since 1648. The situation

of the emigrants did not improve during the summer; and nothing yet

being heard from Sweden, the Governor felt he could wait no longer,

and determined to leave the country. When this resolution became

known, some of the Swedes were inclined to remove to Manhattan and

put themselves under the protection of Stuyvesant; but being refused

permission by the Director-General until instructions should come from

Holland, they seem to have abandoned the project. Before taking his

departure, Printz promised the inhabitants that he would either himself

return in ten months or send back a vessel and cargo, and appointed

in his place, as Vice-Governor of the Colony, his son-in-law Johan

Papegåja. In company with his wife and Hendrick Huygen, and some others

of the settlers, he left the Delaware in the beginning of October, and,

crossing the ocean in a Dutch vessel, by the 1st of December reached

Rochelle, from whence he went to Holland early in 1654, and in April of

that year at last arrived in Sweden.

[Illustration]

The reiterated appeals of Governor Printz to his superiors had begun

at length to produce their effect, and Aug. 13, 1653, Queen Christina

ordered the Admiralty to equip the ship “Vismar” for the expedition to

New Sweden which had been projected (and for which “Svanen” had been

selected) the previous year. Three hundred persons were to take part in

it, and rigging was to be procured for the vessel which had been built

on the Delaware. The same day, also, the College of War was enjoined

to supply ammunition for the defence of the settlement. The College of

Commerce, which was now fully organized, had, by her Majesty’s desire,

assumed the direction of the colony, and the honor of restoring and

actively conducting its affairs belongs to the President of that

College, Erik, son of Axel, Oxenstjerna.

[Illustration]

On the 25th of August Sven Schute was commanded to enrol fifty soldiers

as emigrants, preferring such as possessed mechanical skill, sending

them to Stockholm, besides two hundred and fifty persons, including

some women, to be obtained in the forests of Värmland and Dal. Instead

of the “Vismar,” the ship “Örnen” (the Eagle) was supplied by the

Admiralty, which was ready to receive her cargo by autumn, and was

put under the command of Johan Bockhorn, the mate of the ill-fated

“Kattan;” while the West India Company fitted out “Gyllene Hajen,”

which had borne the sixth expedition to New Sweden, to be commanded

by Hans Amundson, who, as Captain of the Navy, was to superintend the

construction of vessels and have charge of the defences of the colony.

Schute was to accompany the expedition as “Captain in the country, and

particularly over the emigrants to be sent out on ‘Örnen,’” both he and

Amundson having been granted patents for land on the Delaware.[932]

[Illustration]

Not aware that Printz had already left New Sweden, the Queen wrote a

letter, December 12, permitting him to come home, but deprecating his

doing so until arrangements could be made in regard to his successor;

and the same day Johan Claesson Rising, the Secretary of the College

of Commerce, was appointed Commissary and Assistant-Councillor to the

Governor, at an annual salary of twelve hundred daler-silfver, besides

receiving fifteen hundred daler-silfver for the expenses of his voyage,

with the privilege of resuming his position in the College if he

returned to Sweden.

[Illustration]

He was also granted as much land in New Sweden as he could cultivate

with twenty or thirty peasants, and received a Memoir from his

sovereign, as well as Instructions from the College of Commerce, in

twenty-four articles, signed by Erik Oxenstjerna and Christer Bonde on

the 15th, prescribing his duties in the colony. He was to aid Printz

in the administration of justice and the promotion of agriculture,

trade, fishing, and so forth; and to endeavor to extend the settlement,

encouraging the immigration of worthy neighbors of other nations. The

Dutch were to be peacefully removed from Fort Casimir and the vicinity,

if possible, care being taken that the English did not obtain a

foothold on the Delaware; and a fort might be built, if needed, at the

mouth of the river. On the way to America another commission was to be

executed by Captain Amundson, in obtaining from the Spaniards at Porto

Rico compensation for “Kattan.”

[Illustration]

The final preparations for the departure of the ninth expedition to

New Sweden were made under the directions of the book-keeper Hans

Kramer, in Stockholm, and Admiral Thijssen Anckerhelm at Gottenburg,

where “Örnen” remained for several months awaiting the arrival of

“Gyllene Hajen” from the capital. This did not occur, however, until

the close of January, 1654; and the ship having met with such disasters

at Öresund as necessitated her stopping for repairs before she could

continue her journey, “Örnen” was forced to sail alone. On the 27th of

that month the emigrants, numbering (with women and children) three

hundred and fifty souls, swore allegiance to their sovereign and to the

West India Company, and on February 2 weighed anchor for the Delaware.

No fewer than a hundred families, who had sold all their property in

expectation of uniting in the expedition, were obliged to stay behind

for lack of room. Besides Commissary Rising and Captain Schute, Elias

Gyllengren, who had accompanied Governor Printz to New Sweden, sailed

on this vessel, with the commission of lieutenant.

[Illustration]

Two Lutheran clergymen, Petrus Hjort and Matthias Nertunius, the

latter of whom had embarked on the unfortunate “Kattan,” and Peter

Lindström, a military engineer, from whose letters, journal, and maps

we derive much information concerning the Swedish colony, likewise

were of the company. After a very adventurous voyage, during which

half of the travellers fell sick, and the ship was dismantled by a

violent hurricane, and nearly captured by the Turks, “Örnen” arrived

on the 18th of May in Delaware Bay, and two days afterward at Fort

Elfsborg, now deserted and in ruins. On the 21st she cast anchor

off Fort Casimir, then in charge of Gerrit Bikker and a dozen Dutch

soldiers. Although in the general instructions of his superiors Rising

was cautioned against engaging in hostilities with the Hollanders,

such was not the personal counsel of Axel Oxenstjerna; and a letter

of Erik Oxenstjerna, dated Jan. 18, 1654, expresses the opinion that

the present was “an opportunity for action which it were culpable

to neglect.” This probably accounts for the energy exhibited by the

Commissary in inaugurating his administration of the affairs of the

colony; for, immediately on reaching the Dutch post, he sent Captain

Schute with twenty soldiers to demand the surrender of the garrison.

Not receiving a satisfactory reply, the Captain ordered Lieutenant

Gyllengren to enter the place, where the latter soon triumphantly

displayed the Swedish flag. The stronghold was named anew from the day

of its capture (Trinity Sunday), Trefaldighets Fort (Trinity Fort). The

next day “Örnen” sailed up to Christina, and on the 23d the inhabitants

of that region assembled to hear the commands of their sovereign, and

the Dutch settlers who were permitted to remain on the Delaware took

the oath of fealty to Sweden,—an act which, with the surrender of Fort

Casimir, was at once reported in a letter from Rising to Stuyvesant.

[Illustration: TRINITY FORT.

This follows the sketch given in Campanius, p. 76, copied from

Lindström.]

A meeting of the rest of the people for the same object was held at

Tinicum on the 4th of June. Since the departure of Governor Printz

the colonists had been greatly reduced in numbers through desertion

and other causes, and Fort Nya Korsholm had been abandoned, and had

afterwards been burned by the savages. Lieutenant Papegåja, therefore,

cheerfully resigned the responsibility of the government to Commissary

Rising, who retained him, however, as his counsellor, in conjunction

with Captain Schute.

The new Governor spent several days in visiting the various settlements

on the river, in company with Engineer Lindström, and on the 17th of

June concluded a treaty of peace and friendship with the Indians,

represented by ten of their sachems, at a council at Printzhof. The

day after, “Lawrence Lloyd, the English commandant of Virginia,”

took supper with Rising, and intimated the claim made by his nation

to the Delaware, referring especially to the grant to Plowden,

already spoken of. The Swedes defended their title to the territory

by an appeal to the donations and concessions of the natives. The

Virginians subsequently desiring to buy land and settle it with

colonists, Rising, remembering the encroachments of the Puritans in

New Netherland, felt constrained to deny their request until special

instructions on the subject should be received from Sweden. On the

other hand, an open letter was addressed by the Governor, July 3, to

all Swedes who had gone to Virginia, inviting them to return to the

Delaware, and promising that they should then be granted permission

to betake themselves wherever they wished. On the 8th of the same

month still further recognition of the Swedish dominion over the west

shore of the river, from Fort Trinity to the Schuylkill, was obtained

from two Indian chieftains, who met Rising for that purpose at Fort

Christina. The relations with New England at this period were quite

friendly, and a shallop was despatched thither, under the charge of

Jacob Svenson, to procure a larger supply of food. At the same time

an “Ordinance” was promulgated, determining many details “concerning

the people, land, agriculture, woods, and cattle,” designed to promote

the internal welfare of the colony. The progress made during the first

two months of Governor Rising’s administration was very satisfactory;

and hopeful letters were addressed by him, July 11 and 13, to Erik

and Axel Oxenstjerna, respectively, and a full Report of measures

recommended and adopted, bearing the latter date, was rendered to the

College of Commerce. “For myself,” says the Governor, “thank God,

I am very contented. There is four times more ground occupied at

present than when we arrived, and the country is better peopled; for

then we found only seventy persons, and now, including the Hollanders

and others, there are three hundred and sixty-eight.” Some of the

old freemen, induced by the immunity from taxation which had been

accorded to persons who occupied new land, requested fresh allotments.

These relinquished ground already cleared, which was purchased for

the Company and settled with young freemen, who were supplied with

seed and cattle, subject to an equal division with the Company of the

offspring and of the crops. Rising also deemed it advisable to found a

little town of artisans and mechanics, and for that purpose selected

a field near Fort Christina, which Lindström laid out in lots, naming

the place Christinahamn (Christina Haven), where he proposed “to build

houses in the autumn;” and among sites for cities and villages he

mentions Sandhoeck, or Trinity, where about twenty-two houses had been

erected by the Hollanders. The Dutch fort at the latter spot, which

he had captured, was reconstructed by Captain Schute, who armed it

with four fourteen-pounder cannon taken from “Örnen.” In accordance

with the permission granted, Rising selected for himself a piece of

“uncleared land below Fort Trinity;” and since this was rather remote

from his place of residence, Christina, he requested the privilege of

cultivating “Timmerön (Timber Island), with the land to Skölpaddkilen

(Tortoise-shell Creek).”

“Örnen” sailed from New Sweden in July, carrying home some of the

older colonists, with Lieutenant Papegåja, who was deputed to give

further information about the condition of the settlement. It was

impossible to provide the vessel with a sufficient cargo, but Rising

shipped some tobacco, which he had purchased in Virginia, to be sold on

his private account in Sweden.

[Illustration]

We now know that news of Printz’s departure from the Delaware was

received soon after “Örnen” had left Gottenburg for America; and

on the 28th of February, 1654, Queen Christina commissioned Rising

as temporary Governor of New Sweden. By the same royal letter Hans

Amundson was removed from the supervision of “the defence of the

land and the forts,” and this duty was intrusted to Sven Schute, in

unwitting anticipation of a request in Rising’s report of the following

July. In consequence of incapacity exhibited on the voyage of “Gyllene

Hajen” from Stockholm to Gottenburg, he was likewise replaced in the

command of his vessel on the 4th of March, by Sven Höök, subject to the

superior orders of Henrich von Elswich, of Lübeck, who was deputed to

succeed Huygen as commissary in the colony, taking care of the cargoes

and funds, and keeping the books of the Company.

[Illustration]

In the hope of further developing the growth of the settlement, on the

16th of the same month Queen Christina granted a “_privilegium_ for

those who buy land or traffic in New Sweden or the West Indies,” in

accordance with which, whoever purchased ground of the Company or of

the Indians, with recognition of the jurisdiction of her Majesty was

assured allodial enfranchisement for himself and his heirs forever;

while subjects who exported goods which had already paid duty in the

kingdom or dependencies of Sweden, should be free from all imposts

on the Delaware, and were required to pay only two per cent (and

nothing in Sweden) on what they exported from that river. On the 15th

of April “Gyllene Hajen” was at last able to leave Gottenburg, with

a number of emigrants and a quantity of merchandise, and arrived at

Porto Rico on the 30th of June. Commissary Elswich was kindly received

by the Spanish governor of the island, Don Diego Aquilera, and on

presenting letters from his Catholic Majesty and Antonio de Pimentelli,

the Spanish ambassador to Sweden, with his claim for damages for

“Kattan,” he was offered 14,030 Spanish dollars as compensation from

the Governor, but not deeming that sum sufficient declined to accept

it, in view of the good-will of the Spaniards and the prospect of more

satisfactory negotiations on the subject in the future. Amundson,

who had been permitted to accompany the expedition with his family,

to press his personal demands at Porto Rico, and settle as a private

individual upon the Delaware, died on the 2d of July, and was buried

on the island. The ship continued her voyage in August, and arrived off

the continent September 12, when, either through the rashness or the

malice of the mate, she was conducted into a bay, believed to be the

Delaware, which was in fact the present New York harbor,—an error not

discovered till she had reached Manhattan. So favorable an opportunity

to retaliate the seizure of Fort Casimir by the Swedish governor

was not suffered to pass unimproved by the energetic Stuyvesant,

who detained the vessel and cargo, and on the refusal of Rising to

visit New Amsterdam, or restore or pay for the Dutch fort, the Dutch

governor confiscated the goods, and equipped “Gyllene Hajen,” under the

name of “Diemen,” for the Curaçoa trade, in the service of his West

India Company. Most of the emigrants remained in New Netherland; and

Commissary Elswich, who vainly protested against such hostile actions,

did not arrive at the Delaware until the close of November.

On the occasion of the English Minister Whitelocke’s embassy to Sweden,

in May, 1654, a convention was adopted for the observance of friendship

between New Sweden and the English colonies in America, and for the

adjustment of their boundaries. Probably in ignorance of this, during

the ensuing summer the colonists of New Haven renewed their project of

forming a settlement on the Delaware. By order of the General Court of

July 5, Governor Theophilus Eaton addressed a letter on the subject to

Governor Rising, to which the latter replied August 1, affirming the

right of his sovereign to “all the lands on both sides Delaware Bay and

River,” and referring to “a conference or treaty before Mr. Endicott,

wherein New Haven’s right was silenced or suppressed.” This was deemed

unsatisfactory by the Commissioners of the United Colonies, to whom

the letters were submitted by Governor Eaton on the 23d of September,

and the same day another letter was written by these gentlemen to the

Governor of New Sweden, reciting their purchases of land from the

Indians, and desiring explanations. These communications being read at

a General Court at New Haven on the 2d of November, a committee was

appointed to receive applications from persons willing to emigrate,

a company of whom appealed to the Court for aid in their enterprise

on the 30th of the following January. This was readily accorded, and

one of the number visited the Delaware to ascertain the sentiment of

the people residing there; but returning in March, announced “little

encouragement in the Bay,” while “a report of three ships being come to

the Swedes seemed to make the business more difficult.” Although the

undertaking was favored by the town of New Haven both then and during

April, no attempt appears to have been made to carry it on.

During the summer of 1654 occurred the abdication of Queen Christina

and the death of her aged Chancellor, Axel Oxenstjerna; but these

events entailed no diminution of interest on the part of Sweden in

the welfare of her colony in America. Observing that the partners in

the West India Company “had not entered into their work with proper

zeal,” on the 23d of December King Charles X. (Gustavus) instructed

the College of Commerce “to admonish them to do their duty, under

penalty of forfeiting their share of future profits,” and for their

encouragement renewed the privilege of the monopoly of the tobacco

trade in Sweden and her dependencies, which had been withdrawn Oct. 25,

1649.

[Illustration]

In April, 1655, members of the Company, including Johan Oxenstjerna,

son of the late chancellor, and Jöran Fleming, son of the late admiral,

were summoned before the College of Commerce, now presided over by

Olof Andersson Strömsköld, who at the same time became Director of the

Company, to decide “whether they would contribute the capital needed

to carry on the enterprise, or relinquish their pretensions.” The

associates not relishing the latter alternative, the resolution was

taken to disburse the last of their funds, and to try to induce other

persons to join them in their work.

[Illustration]

It was even proposed to form a new company, enjoying proprietorship of

the land subject to the Crown of Sweden, with increased privileges and

immunities,—the scheme for this (dated in May) being still preserved

in the Archives of the kingdom, although it does not seem to have been

adopted, since it lacks the royal signature, and is not comprised in

the registry. On the 30th of July Johan Rising was commissioned by

the College of Commerce “Commandant” in New Sweden,—the budget for

1655 also embracing a captain, a lieutenant, an ensign, a sergeant,

two gunners, a corporal, a drummer, and thirty-six soldiers, a

provost, and an executioner, with three clergymen, a commissary, an

assistant-commissary, a fiscal, a barber-surgeon, and an engineer,

at an annual expense of 4,404 riksdaler for the colony. In addition,

certain employés were occupied in Stockholm, at a charge of 834

riksdaler. The Company likewise succeeded in fitting out the tenth

and last Swedish expedition to the Delaware, under the command of

the former Commissary, Hendrick Huygen, including Johan Papegåja, a

Lutheran minister called Herr Matthias, six Finnish families from

Värmland, and other emigrants, numbering in all eighty-eight souls, a

hundred more being turned away for want of room. The vessel selected

on this occasion was the “Mercurius,” which was ready to receive her

cargo, consisting chiefly of linen and woollen stuffs and salt, in

July, but was obliged to wait for cannon and ammunition, and did not

sail from Gottenburg until the 16th of October. She bore a letter to

Rising promising that another ship should very soon follow.

The efforts of the last two years to strengthen the Swedish dominion

on the Delaware were certainly sufficiently earnest to merit success;

but they were made too late. Their inadequacy to the present extremity

rather hastened the bursting of the storm which engulfed the political

destiny of the settlement. The Dutch West India Company had never

entirely abandoned their claim to jurisdiction over the shores of the

“South River,” and in April, 1654, apparently apprehending danger

from the expedition under Rising, determined to occupy Fort Casimir

with a force of two hundred men, who had been enlisted for service in

New Netherland against the English,—a duty for which they were not

needed, in consequence of the recent conclusion of peace. The surrender

of this fort by Bikker was severely censured by the Directors,

who addressed letters to Stuyvesant, in November, authorizing and

urging the immediate undertaking of an expedition projected by him,

“to avenge this misfortune, not only by restoring matters to their

former condition, but also by driving the Swedes at the same time

from the river.” Documents were likewise called for, to be sent

to Holland, confirmatory of the claim of the Dutch company to the

territory on the Delaware, in anticipation, doubtless, of diplomatic

controversies likely to arise between the governments of Sweden and the

States-General. Before the receipt of these communications, however,

Stuyvesant had gone on a voyage to the West Indies, whence he did not

return to New Amsterdam until the middle of the following summer.

Meanwhile the Dutch Directors wrote to him approving of his seizure

of “Gyllene Hajen,” and informing him that they had chartered “one of

the largest and best ships” of Amsterdam, carrying thirty-six guns and

two hundred men, to unite in the enterprise against New Sweden, which

was to be undertaken by the authorities of New Netherland immediately

on her arrival, in view of the “great preparations making in Sweden

to assist their countrymen on the South River.” At the same time the

orders of November were modified, so that the Swedes might be permitted

to retain the ground on which Fort Christina was built, “with a certain

amount of garden-land for the cultivation of tobacco,” provided they

considered themselves subjects of the Dutch “State and Company.”

The ship referred to, called “De Waag” (the Balance), reached New

Amsterdam on the 4th of August, 1655, and Director-General Stuyvesant

at once completed his preparations for the invasion of New Sweden. A

small army of six or seven hundred men[933] was at length assembled,

and distributed upon “De Waag,” commanded by the Director-General in

person, and six other vessels, comprising a galiot, flyboat, and two

yachts, each mounting four guns. The whole force sailed on the 26th of

August, arriving off Delaware Bay the following afternoon, and casting

anchor the day after before the old Fort Elfsborg. On the night of

the 30th their presence was made known to the Swedes by a vigorous

discharge of cannon, and by the capture of some colonists by a party

who had landed at Sandhoeck. The next morning the Dutch appeared in

front of Fort Trinity. In consequence of intimations received from

the Indians, and confirmed by the testimony of two spies who had been

sent by Rising to Manhattan, the advent of the Hollanders was not

unexpected, and the garrison had been increased to forty-seven men,

while orders had been issued by the Governor to Captain Schute, who

still commanded at that post, to fire upon the Dutch in case they

should attempt to pass. This fact was communicated by that officer to

persons sent by Stuyvesant to demand the surrender of the fort; and

in a personal interview with the Director-General, Schute solicited

the privilege of transmitting an open letter to Rising asking for

further instructions. This was peremptorily denied him, although a

delay was afterward granted till the next morning, for a response to

the summons. Nevertheless during the night Schute contrived to get

word to Christina about his perilous situation, and nine or ten men

were despatched to his relief. These were intercepted, however, by the

Hollanders, two only escaping capture by retreating to their boat and

returning to their fort. At the same time a mutiny occurred among the

garrison of Fort Trinity, and fifteen or sixteen men were disarmed

and put under arrest. Two others deserted and reported the condition

of affairs to Stuyvesant. Resistance now seeming worse than useless,

Schute met the Director-General on “De Waag,” on the 1st of September,

and consented to capitulate, on promise of security for the persons

and private property of the officers, and the restoration to Sweden of

the four iron guns and five field-pieces constituting the armament of

the redoubt. The captain accordingly marched forth, with a guard of

twelve men and colors flying, and the place was occupied by the Dutch.

In consequence of the omission to stipulate a point of retreat for the

garrison, on the 7th most of these were sent by Stuyvesant, on his

flyboat, to New Amsterdam. The day of the surrender of Fort Trinity

Factor Elswich presented himself before the Director-General, on the

part of Governor Rising, “to demand an explanation of his conduct, and

dissuade him from further hostilities,” but was compelled to return

without receiving satisfaction. Measures were therefore immediately

taken for the defence of Fort Christina, all the people available being

assembled at that place, where they “labored by night and by day,

strengthening the ramparts and filling gabions.” On the 2d of September

the Dutch appeared in force on the opposite bank of Christina Creek,

and on the 3d seized a Swedish shallop, and threatened to occupy a

neighboring house. Lieutenant Sven Höök was sent by Rising to inquire

their purpose, but he was detained by Stuyvesant on “De Waag.” By the

4th the Hollanders had planted gabions about the house referred to, and

under cover of these threw up a battery; and on the 5th landed on the

north side of Christina Creek, and erected batteries on Timber Island,

at Christinahamn, and on the west side of the fort. They completed

their investment of the place by anchoring their ships at the mouth of

the Fiske Kil, on the southeast. Some volleys of shot, fired over-head

from either side, assured Rising that he was entirely surrounded;

and on the 6th a letter was brought by an Indian from Stuyvesant,

“arrogantly claiming the whole river,” and requiring all the Swedes

to evacuate the country, except such as were willing to remain under

the protection of the Dutch. A council of war was immediately held, at

which it was determined not to begin hostilities, but to act on the

defensive, and, if possible, to repel assaults.

[Illustration: SIEGE OF CHRISTINA FORT.

This follows the rude plan given in Campanius, p. 81, extracted from

Lindström’s manuscript account of the affair.

A. Fort Christina.

B. Christina Creek.

C. Town of Christina Hamn.

D. Tennekong Land.

E. Fiske Kil (now Brandywine Creek).

F. Snake Battery, of four guns.

G. Gnat Battery, of six guns.

H. Rat Battery, of five guns.

I. Fly Battery, of four guns.

K. Timmer Öland (Timber Island).

L. Kitchen.

M. Position of the besiegers.

N. Harbor.

O. Mine.

P. Reed flats.

Comp., Compagn.,—Companies of Dutch soldiers.]

The next morning Factor Elswich, Sergeant Van Dyck, and Peter Rambo

were sent to reply to Stuyvesant, with an assertion of the right of

Sweden to the Delaware, exhorting him to refrain from acts which might

lead to a breach between their sovereign and the States-General,

and protesting his responsibility for all shedding of blood at Fort

Christina. The Dutchman did not yield to their arguments, and on the

9th despatched a letter to Rising of similar import to that of the 6th,

which was answered with a proposal that their boundaries be settled by

their sovereigns, or by commissioners authoritatively appointed for

that purpose. No regard was paid to this, however, by Stuyvesant, and

the peculiar _quasi_ siege was still continued, although no attempt

was made to harm the garrison, notwithstanding, says Rising, there was

not a spot upon the walls where they could have stood with safety.

Meanwhile the Swedish force, which numbered only about thirty men, some

of whom were sick and others ill-affected, noting the progress of the

works of the enemy, and anticipating the speedy exhaustion of their

supplies, began to entertain thoughts of surrender.

[Illustration: LINDSTRÖM’S MAP, 1654-1655.

[This is a reduction from the map given in Campanius, which is in

itself a reduction from an original draft of the Swedish engineer.

It is likewise given in _Nouv. Annales des Voyages, Mars_, 1843; in

Memoirs of _Pennsylvania Historical Society_, vol. iii. part i.; in

Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, ii. 154, etc. Armstrong,

in establishing the position of Fort Nassau, examined the following

maps, which include, he thinks, all early maps of the bay and river:

De Laet’s “Nova Anglia, Novum Belgium et Virginia,” 1633; Blaeu’s

_Theatre du Monde_, 1645, marked “Nova Belgica et Anglica Nova,” which

apparently follows De Laet. Also, the map of Virginia by Virginia

Farrer (in Vol. III.), dated at London in 1651, and bearing this

legend: “This River the Lord Ployden hath a Patten of, and calls it

new Albion, but the Sweeds are planted in it and have a great trade

of Furrs.” Lindström’s manuscript map of 1654, twenty-seven inches

long, in the Swedish Royal Archives, of which Armstrong saw a copy in

the library of the American Philosophical Society (and another copy

of which, made for the late Joseph J. Mickley, has been engraved in

Reynolds’s translation of Acrelius). The map of Visscher, without

date (? 1654), “Novi Belgii, Novæque Angliæ necnon partis Virginiæ

tabula.” Vanderdonck’s 1654, given in the preceding chapter. The map

in Ogilby’s _America_, and in Montanus’s _Nieuwe Onbekende Weereld_,

1671, both from the same plate, “Novi Belgii ... delineatio,” which

follows Visscher and Vanderdonck. Dancker’s “Novi Belgii,” etc.

Ottens’s “Totius Neobelgii ... tabula,” following Visscher. A map,

“Edita Totius Novi Belgii cura Matthæi Seutteri.” Another, “Nova

Anglia ... a Baptista Homerus (Homans?).” Again, “Pennsylvania, ...

cum regionibus ad flumen Delaware sitis ... per M. Scutterum.” Arent

Roggeveen’s chart, 1675, which Armstrong calls the “first comparatively

correct map of the bay and river.” The three types in these maps are

Lindström’s, Visscher’s, and Roggeveen’s; the others are copies more

or less closely. Armstrong did not, however, quite thoroughly scan the

field. De Laet’s map of 1633 appeared earlier in his 1630 edition, and

is given in fac-simile in Vol. III, where will also be found the map

accompanying _The Relation of Maryland_, 1635. Blaeu’s map appeared

earlier in his Nieuwe _Atlas_, 1635. There is also the map of the

Mercator-Hondius series, reproduced in Hexham’s English translation in

1636. Sanson’s map of 1656 is also sketched in Vol. III. A map entitled

_Pascaerte van Nieu Nederland_ is in Van Loon’s Atlas of 1661. There

are also two maps showing the bay in Speed’s _Prospect of the most

famous Parts of the World_, London, 1676, which very blindly follow the

Dutch maps; and we do not get any better work till we come to Gabriel

Thomas’s map of 1698, which is given in fac-simile in Vol. III.—ED.]]

On the 13th Rising and Elswich had an interview with Stuyvesant, and

made a last appeal on behalf of the jurisdiction of their sovereign

over the territory of New Sweden, but were answered as before by the

Director-General. The Dutch now brought the guns of all their batteries

to bear upon the fort, and the following day formally summoned the

Swedish governor to capitulate within twenty-four hours,—a proposal

to which the garrison unanimously acceded, and articles of surrender

were drawn up on the 15th. In accordance with these, all artillery,

ammunition, provisions, and other effects belonging to the Crown

of Sweden and the South Company were to be retained by them; while

officers, soldiers, ministers, and freemen were permitted to keep

their personal goods and have liberty to go wherever they pleased, or

remain upon the Delaware, protected in the exercise of their Swedish

Lutheran religion. Such of the colonists as desired to return to their

native country should be conveyed thither on suitable vessels, free

of expense; while Rising and Elswich, by secret agreement, were to be

landed in France or England. After accepting these conditions, the

Governor of New Sweden was approached by the Director-General with

a proposition singularly differing from that authorized, as stated,

by the Directors of the Dutch West India Company; namely, that the

Swedes should reoccupy their fort and maintain possession of the

land higher up the river, while the Hollanders merely reserved for

themselves that south of Christina Creek,—the two nations at the

same time entering into an offensive and defensive alliance with one

another. It is not easy to account for this action on the part of

the victorious Dutchman, unless we attribute it to the news of the

invasion of New Amsterdam by a large body of Indians, just learned

through a letter from his Council, urging his speedy return home, and

the fear lest the Swedes might take advantage of the predicament to

retake all their territory. The unexpected offer was reduced to writing

at the desire of Rising, and was made the subject of a consultation

with his people, who rejected it, however, fearing duplicity on the

part of Stuyvesant, and dreading to incur the animosity entertained

by the English and the Indians towards the Hollanders. They also

thought they might thereby compromise the claim of their sovereign to

the whole territory of New Sweden, and preferred to leave it to their

“most worthy superiors,” as the Governor expressed it, “to resent

and redress their wrongs in their own time, and in such way and with

such force as might be requisite.” The delivery of this answer to the

Director-General terminated negotiations. As had been stipulated,

Rising, Elswich, Lindström, and other officers were allowed to remain

in Fort Christina, while the common soldiers were quartered on Timber

Island, until the time allotted for their departure for Manhattan.

Those of the colonists who determined to stay on the Delaware were

required to take oaths of allegiance to the States-General and the

Dutch West India Company, and to the Director-General and Council

of New Netherland. An article of the capitulation provided for the

trial of Captain Schute for his surrender of Fort Trinity. This took

place presently, at a courtmartial held by Governor Rising on Timber

Island. The Swedish officer denied the charges preferred against him;

and there is no evidence that he ever suffered punishment for them.

During Stuyvesant’s sojourn in New Sweden, and particularly while he

was besieging Fort Christina, the Dutch soldiers committed ravages upon

the settlers, not only in this vicinity and around Fort Trinity, but at

New Gottenburg, Printzdorp, Upland, Finland, and other points along the

river, which were estimated by Rising at over 5,000 florins, involving

incidental losses very much greater. On the 1st of October the Governor

of New Sweden and his companions, among whom were Engineer Lindström

and Factor Elswich, with the clergymen Nertunius and Hjort, embarked

on “De Waag,” and “bade farewell” to the Delaware. After arriving at

New Amsterdam, they sailed on three merchantmen in the beginning of

November. Among the incidents of their voyage was the unfortunate loss

of Lindström’s chest of instruments, maps, and professional papers,

which fell overboard through the carelessness of the sailors, and

sank to the bottom of the sea. Rising landed at Plymouth, England,

from whence he went to London, on the 22d of December, reporting the

conquest of New Sweden to Johan Leyonberg, the Swedish ambassador,

while Lindström and his associates continued their course to Holland.

After suffering many hardships, both parties finally reached their own

country, and on the 17th of April certain of them appeared before the

College of Commerce, to render their accounts and make their claims for

services. On inquiry into the manner of the overthrow of the colony,

it was determined to present a detailed report of it to his Majesty,

and the returned emigrants were instructed to appeal for the settlement

of their demands to the Directors of the American Company. The funds

of the latter were estimated, April 27, 1655, at 158,178 riksdaler,

the chief items accredited, however, being “stock for building ships,”

“the cargo of ‘Örnen,’” “damages for ‘Kattan,’” “the territory of

New Sweden and its forts,”—securities which did not justify such a

hopeful valuation. At the present period their indebtedness was stated

at 19,311 riksdaler, their assets being augmented by claims against

the Dutch West India Company for the seizure of “Gyllene Hajen,” and

afterward by the receipts from the “Mercurius.” Their property was

found to be insufficient to discharge their many obligations, and for

several years demands continued to be presented on behalf of Printz,

Rising, Anckerhelm, and others, which there is little reason to think

were ever fully satisfied.

During the occurrence of these events the “Mercurius” was wending

her way across the Atlantic, bearing the last hope of safety for

the colony, whose subjugation by the Dutch was not learned by her

passengers until their arrival in the Delaware, March 14, 1656. They

were denied permission to land until commands were received from

Director-General Stuyvesant, either to return at once to Sweden, or, in

case they needed to lay in provisions and other commodities for a fresh

voyage, to repair with their vessel to New Amsterdam. So unexpected

a termination of their long and arduous journey was naturally most

distasteful to the emigrants, and Commissary Huygen endeavored to

change the purpose of the Dutch authorities by paying them a visit

and addressing to them a petition on the subject. This was without

avail, however, and he was obliged to order his ship, with people and

cargo, to Manhattan. The command was disobeyed by the captain, who

was compelled by Papegåja and other Swedes, who boarded the vessel,

to put passengers and goods ashore on the Delaware, deterring the

Hollanders from firing at them from Fort Casimir by carrying along some

friendly Indians, whom the Dutch were afraid to hurt. On the 3d of

May, therefore, two councillors were deputed to proceed to the South

River on “De Waag,” accompanied by Huygen, to enforce the command of

the latter; and in July the “Mercurius” was finally brought to New

Amsterdam by the Commissary, who obtained leave to sell her cargo

there by payment of a satisfactory duty. How many emigrants of this

last Swedish expedition to the Delaware remained in New Sweden is not

known.[934] The vessel bore back Herr Matthias, and probably Papegåja,

and arrived at Gottenburg in September of the same year.

In conclusion, it remains for us to indicate, very briefly, the

measures taken by the Government of Sweden to regain possession

of their colony, or, at least, to obtain compensation for the

loss of it. As early as March, 1656, the Swedish Minister (Harald

Appelboom) presented a memorial to the States-General, demanding the

re-establishment of the old situation on the Delaware or the payment of

indemnity to the American Company; and on the 3d of the following June

Governor Rising submitted to his sovereign a plan for the reconquest of

that river, supported by an array of arguments maintaining the right of

Sweden to her settlement.

[Illustration: MAP OF THE ATLANTIC COLONIES.

This is the curious map given in Campanius, p. 52. It was probably

suggested by, although it does not follow, a detailed and interesting

manuscript map of the Atlantic coast from Cape Henry to Cape Ann, by

Peter Lindstrom, 19¼ x 6⅞ inches in size, including “Virginia,”

“Nova Suecia,” “Nova Batavia,” and “Nova Anglia,” which will soon be

printed by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. [The New England

region has some reminiscences of John Smith’s map of 1614, though that

first explorer did not place Mount Massachusetts (Chevyot Hills,—that

is, the modern Blue Hills of Milton) on the borders of Lake Champlain;

but he did give the entities of London and Bristow to non-existing

towns. The early Dutch maps are responsible for the curiously-shaped

shoal off Cape Cod, and for the southern line of New England running

west from Pye Bay (Nahant). There was, of course, a necessity of

bringing “Massa Chuser” in some way above that line.—ED.]]

About this time, however, the King’s attention was absorbed by

enterprises in Poland, and soon after by the first war with Denmark,

and nothing was accomplished; but at a meeting of his Council, April

15, 1658, his Majesty “decided, _en passant_, that New Sweden was

well worth endeavoring to recover;” and in a decree concerning the

tobacco trade, of the 22d of May, the monopoly of the West India

Company was further defined, “chiefly, that the important colony of New

Sweden might be preserved now and hereafter to the great advantage”

of the kingdom, “and that the settlements of subjects in that region

be not entirely abandoned.” Still nothing was attempted on behalf

of the colony, doubtless in consequence of the breaking out of the

second war with Denmark. The Company was dissolved and the tobacco

trade enfranchised in 1662. The next year a fruitless demand upon

the States-General for damages was made by the Swedish Regency,[935]

which was followed, on the rise of difficulties between England and

Holland in 1664, by the issue of orders to Appelboom to give heed to

the negotiations of these powers, and to protest against the formal

relinquishing of New Sweden to either nation before the indemnification

of his own. During the latter year attention was still further

attracted to the colony by the arrival in the spring at Amsterdam, on

a Dutch ship from Christiania, of a hundred and forty Finns from the

region of Sundsvall, who had been encouraged to emigrate by letters

from relatives and friends who were living on the Delaware. The Swedish

Government, not knowing of this correspondence, and supposing the Finns

had been enticed by secret emissaries from Holland, instructed Resident

Peter Trotzig and Appelboom to remonstrate against the enterprise,

and to demand that the people should be returned “at the cost of

those who had deceived them.” Nevertheless, the emigrants sailed in

June for New Sweden in a vessel furnished by the city of Amsterdam;

and the Swedish authorities were obliged to content themselves with

requiring strict surveillance on the part of the governors of certain

provinces in Finland to prevent such actions in the future. The

matter was not referred to in the memorials addressed by Appelboom

to the States-General the same month, although these boldly claimed

restitution of the territory of New Sweden to the Swedish West India

Company, with reimbursement of all damages sustained by it,—in support

of which demands the Government also solicited the countenance and

aid of France and England. This topic was renewed on occasion of the

embassy of Isbrandt to Sweden; and at a conference held Nov. 16, 1665,

after some attempts to defend the conduct of his countrymen on the

Delaware, the Dutch envoy actually proposed that Swedes and Hollanders

should endeavor, “_junctis viribus_,” to retake the territory from the

English, who then controlled it. Isbrandt afterward requested proofs

of the Swedish claims, for presentation to his Government. On Dec.

24, 1666, the College of Commerce was commanded to furnish these

evidences to Count Christoffer Delphicus von Dohna and Appelboom, who

were appointed to treat with the States-General upon the subject. A

paper was drawn up, therefore, by that body, Feb. 27, 1667, comprising

the usual arguments and copies of documents, with specifications of

the losses of the Swedish West India Company, including interest

amounting to the sum of 262,240 riksdaler. On the other hand, the

Dutch negotiators, among whom were Isbrandt and John de Witt, produced

counter claims and complaints of the Dutch Company, and demanded that

“the pretensions on both sides be reciprocally dismissed.” At the

final convention at the Hague, July 18, it was “ordered and decreed”

that these controversies “be examined as soon as possible by his

Majesty’s envoy, according to the principles of justice and equity,

and satisfaction then, immediately and without delay, be given to

the injured party.” It could hardly be expected, however, that the

Hollanders would pay claims on property no longer theirs, especially

when the loss of New Netherland had well nigh ruined the Dutch West

India Company, which ought, ordinarily, to have met the obligations

thus incurred. That nothing was done is evident from the fact that the

Swedish Government soon afterward exerted itself, with unrepining zeal,

to obtain indemnity from the power now exercising dominion over their

former territory. Before the terms of the Peace of Breda were known,

instructions had been issued to Dohna “to inquire whether England or

Holland was in possession of New Sweden, and treat with the proper

nation for the restoration of it to Sweden;” and April 28, 1669,

Leyonberg, still Swedish minister at London, was required, “without

attracting attention, secretly, adroitly, and cautiously” to endeavor

to discover what England designed to do with her new acquisition.

Subsequently papers were drawn up, setting forth the grounds of the

Swedish claim to the territory in dispute, and the English ambassador

at Stockholm promised “to contribute his best offices with his

sovereign” to procure its recognition. From a response of Leyonberg to

his Swedish Majesty, dated July 24, 1669, we learn that the question

had been mooted by him, but was always put aside with assertions of

the rights of England, in view of the neglect of Sweden to demand her

colony at the conclusion of peace. Concerning the condition of the

settlement, he had heard great praise of “the diligence and industry,

the alacrity and docility of the Swedes” then dwelling on the Delaware,

and had been told “their lands were the best cultivated in all that

region.” Since we do not meet with any evidence that the Swedish claims

were ever again referred to, we presume that at last the subject was

dropped, and that henceforth the American colony was universally

regarded as finally lost to Sweden.

Thus terminates the history of New Sweden under Swedish sovereignty.

Although for twenty-five years after the departure of the last governor

the people whose immigration to our continent has been related were

almost the only civilized residents on the shores of the Delaware,

and were practically nearly as independent as their fathers under the

rules of Queen Christina and King Charles X. (Gustavus), they were now

nominally subjects of their High Mightinesses the Lords States-General,

and later of King Charles II. of England, and their career is properly

included in accounts of the Dutch and English dominions of that epoch.

Henceforth their connection with the mother country was confined to

the limited ecclesiastical sphere of the Swedish Lutheran religion;

and this was only ultimately brought to a close at the death of the

Reverend Nicholas Collin, the last Swedish pastor of Gloria Dei Church

in Philadelphia, in 1831, a hundred and seventy-six years after the

conquest of New Sweden by Governor Stuyvesant. During all this period

of perpetual contact with an enormously increasing population of other

races, certain of the descendants of the Swedes who first cultivated

this region sedulously observed ancestral customs, and preserved the

knowledge and use of their maternal tongue within family circles. And

if, on the other hand, intermarriage with their neighbors eventually

confounded many of the old stock with English and German colonists of

later immigrations, this merely extended the influence of that virtuous

and industrious people, who became the progenitors of not a few

citizens of note of several of our chief provinces and commonwealths.

The colonization scheme we have endeavored to portray failed, without

doubt, of the significance anticipated for it in the enlargement of

the empire and the development of the trade and commerce of Sweden;

but it formed the nucleus of the civilization which afterward acquired

such expansion under William Penn and his contemporaries through

the founding of Pennsylvania, Delaware, and New Jersey, and was the

first impulse of that modern movement,—in strong contrast with the

wild spirit of the ancient Scandinavian sea-kings and pre-Columbian

discoverers of America,—which has contributed so large and useful a

population to Illinois and Wisconsin and other Western States of our

Republic.

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

THE earliest information we possess concerning New Sweden is found in

the charter granted by King Gustavus Adolphus in 1624 to the Australian

Company.[936] During the ensuing decade were published other documents

mentioned in the beginning of the preceding narrative.[937]

[Illustration]

The subject is referred to in a few of the _Resolutien van de Staten

van Holland en West Vriesland_. Beauchamp Plantagenet’s _Description

of the Province of New Albion_,[938] the _Breeden-Raedt aende

Vereenichde Nederlandsche Provintien_,[939] and the _Vertoogh van

Nieu Nederland_,[940] and _Beschrijvinge van Nieuw-Nederlant_[941] of

Adriaen van der Donck give brief accounts of the settlement. Several

statements with regard to it are to be found in the _Historia Suecana_

of Johan Loccenius.[942] David Pieterszen de Vries[943] relates the

circumstances of a visit he paid to it in 1643. Lieuwe van Aitzema[944]

supplies copies of treaties and negotiations between Sweden and the

States-General with respect to the dominion over the Delaware, an

_Antwoordt_[945] of the latter to Resident Appelboom also appearing

separately. Something of interest may be gleaned from _De Hollandsche

Mercurius_. This, with sundry maps elsewhere referred to, constitutes,

it is believed, all the contemporaneous printed matter which is still

preserved to us.

A short account of the colony is contained in Samuel Puffendorf’s

_Commentarii de Rebus Suecicis_, published at Utrecht in 1686. It was

not, however, until 1702 that a book appeared professedly treating

of the settlement. This was the _Kort Beskrifning om Provincien Nya

Sverige_ of Thomas Campanius Holm.[946] The fact that the author was a

grandson of the Rev. Johan Campanius Holm, who accompanied Governor

Printz to New Sweden, both accounts for his interest in the topic and

indicates the value of much of his material.

[Illustration: PRINTED TITLE OF CAMPANIUS.]

This is chiefly drawn from manuscripts of Campanius’s grandfather

and oral communications of his father, Johan Campanius Holm, who was

with the former on the Delaware, and the writings of Governor Rising

and Engineer Lindström, preserved among the Archives of the Kingdom

of Sweden. From the latter are also taken a drawing of Fort Trinity,

a plan of the siege of Fort Christina by the Dutch (both reproduced

in the preceding narrative), and a pictorial representation of three

Indians. There is likewise a map of New Sweden (appearing in this

chapter) engraved by Campanius from a reduction (made by order of

King Charles XI. of Sweden in 1696) of a map of the Swedish engineer,

four Swedish ells in length and two in width, which was destroyed in

the conflagration of the royal palace at Stockholm, May 7, 1697.

Unfortunately, some inaccuracies occur in the work, which have been

repeated by later historians, both European and American.[947]

The _Dissertatio Gradualis de Svionum in America Colonia_ of Johan

Danielson Svedberg[948] cites Campanius, and makes the first mention of

Papegåja as provisional Governor of New Sweden. The author was a nephew

of Jesper Svedberg, Bishop of Skara, who had the supervision of the

Swedish Lutheran congregations in America,[949] and cousin-german to

Emmanuel Swedenborg, the heresiarch, and his brother Jesper Svedberg,

who taught school for over a year at Raccoon in New Jersey.

In the diplomatic correspondence of John de Witt[950] mention is made

of the attempts of Sweden to obtain compensation for the loss of her

colony from the States-General.

The _Dissertatio Gradualis de Plantatione Ecclesiæ Svecanæ in America_

of Tobias Eric Biörck[951] cites Campanius and speaks of all the

governors of New Sweden, giving a particular account of Minuit from

statements of the Rev. Provost Andreas Sandel, who was pastor of the

Swedish Lutheran church at Wicacoa from 1702 to 1719, and married a

descendant of early Swedish colonists. The author himself was born in

New Sweden, being the son of the Rev. Provost Eric Biörck, who built

the Swedish Lutheran church at Christina in 1698 (his mother being a

scion of old Swedish families on the Delaware), and cousin to the Rev.

Provost Andreas Hesselius,[952] who succeeded his father in the charge

of the church at Christina in 1713, and who commends the writer in a

letter prefixed to his work.

The _Breviate_, Penn _vs._ Baltimore,[953] contains extracts from

several of the Dutch Records in the Secretary’s Office at New York,

including Kieft’s letter to Minuit, dated May 6, 1638, Hudde’s Report

to Stuyvesant of 1648, an Indian deed of sale to the Dutch of land on

the east side of the Delaware, dated April 15, 1649, and so forth.

Anders Anton von Stiernman’s _Samling utaf Kongl. Bref, Stadgar och

Förordningar_ etc., _angående Sveriges Rikes Commercie, Politie, och

Œconomie uti gemen_[954] and _Monumenta Politico-Ecclesiastica_[955]

comprise documents relating to the Swedish West India Company and their

colony.

Peter Kalm’s _Resa til Norra America_[956] imparts some information

concerning the settlement gathered by that illustrious Swede from

Maons Keen, Nils Gustafson, and other descendants of ancient Swedish

colonists, during a visit paid by him to the Delaware in 1748-1749.

William Smith, in his _History of New York_,[957] gives a brief

account of New Sweden, citing the _Beschryvinghe van Virginia_, _Nieuw

Nederlandt_, etc. He says that the English who were driven from the

Schuylkill in 1642 were Marylanders, without, however, indicating his

authority for the statement, which cannot be corroborated.

In 1759 appeared the _Beskrifning om de Svenska Församlingars Tilstånd

uti Nya Sverige_ of the Rev. Israel Acrelius,[958] Provost over the

Swedish congregations in America and pastor of the church at Christina

from 1749 to 1756. Although the greater part of this work is devoted

to the subsequent history of the Swedes on the Delaware, the first

eighty-eight pages of it relate to the period of the supremacy of

Sweden over her colony, and contain the most complete and accurate

account of the settlement till then published. The author cites and

criticises Van der Donck and Campanius, and imparts fresh information

derived from manuscripts in the Archives of the Kingdom of Sweden,

Dutch Records in New York, and manuscripts of the Rev. Anders Rudman,

pastor of the Swedish Lutheran congregation at Wicacoa from 1697 to

1701, and builder of the present Gloria Dei Church of Philadelphia.

Modeer’s _Historia om Svea Rikets Handel_[959] embraces facts relating

to the Swedish West India Company.

Bulstrode Whitelocke’s _Journal of the Swedish Embassy in the Years

1653 and 1654_[960] mentions the convention entered into by Sweden and

England for the observance of friendship between their colonies in

America.

The _Journal_ of John Winthrop, first Governor of Massachusetts,

first printed at Hartford in 1790,[961] the second volume of Ebenezer

Hazard’s _Historical Collections_, comprising “Records of the United

Colonies of New England,” consisting of Acts of the Commissioners,[962]

printed at Philadelphia in 1794, and the Rev. Benjamin Trumbull’s

_History of Connecticut_, printed at Hartford in 1797, cast light on

the relations between the colonies of New England and New Sweden.

In Professor Christoph Daniel Ebeling’s history of Delaware, in the

fifth volume of his _Erdbeschreibung und Geschichte von America_,[963]

occurs a good summary account of New Sweden, compiled from nearly all

the works then published.

The Rev. William Hubbard’s _General History of New England_[964]

includes references to the settlements on the Delaware.

In 1825 appeared Carl David Arfwedson’s _De Colonia Nova Svecia

Historiola_,[965] giving scarcely any account of the settlement itself,

but containing a fuller notice of the origin of the enterprise, with

the events which led to the formation of the Swedish West India

Company. It is also especially valuable as comprehending several

important documents relating to the history of New Sweden not elsewhere

printed. Such are parts of _Een Berättelse om Nova Suecia uthi

America_ and _Relation öfwer thet ahnfall thermed the Hollendske under

P. Stüvesant, Directors öfwer N. Nederland, anförande then Swenske

Colonien i N. Svecia, oförmodeligen, med fiendteligheet, öfwerfalla

monde_,[966] both by Governor Rising, a paper concerning the Finnish

emigration to America in 1664, referred to in the preceding narrative,

and a short _Promemoria angående Nya Sverige i America_, all of which

are comprised in the Palmskiöld Collections in the Royal Library of the

University of Upsala. The work likewise includes a _Series Sacerdotum,

qui a Svecia missi sunt in Americam_,[967] and a map of New Sweden.

Joseph W. Moulton’s _History of New Netherland_[968] contains nothing

new except a reference to the Report of Andries Hudde among the Dutch

Records in New York, and an estimate of the value of the writings of

Campanius and Acrelius.

James N. Barker’s _Sketches of the Primitive Settlements on the River

Delaware_[969] is based on earlier publications.

In _The Register of Pennsylvania_, edited by Samuel Hazard, volumes iv.

and v.,[970] are printed manuscripts which are in the possession of the

American Philosophical Society, and among them (particularly valuable)

are translations from a French version of copies of Swedish documents

procured at Stockholm by the Hon. Jonathan Russel, Minister of the

United States to the Court of Sweden.

The _Annals of the Swedes on the Delaware_, by the Rev. Jehu Curtis

Clay, Rector of the Swedish churches in Philadelphia and its

vicinity,[971] shows no new matter save a short account of the colony

from manuscripts of the Rev. Anders Rudman, translated by the Rev.

Nicholas Collin.

Erik Gustaf Geijer’s _Svenska Folkets Historia_[972] makes slight

references to the formation of the Ship and West India Companies of

Sweden.

George Bancroft’s _History of the United States_[973] gives a brief

account of the settlement, drawing more largely than former works

upon the _Argonautica Gustaviana_, and magnifying the religious

and political motives of Gustavus Adolphus and Axel Oxenstjerna in

attempting the enterprise.

John Leeds Bozman’s _History of Maryland_[974] cites the statement

in Smith’s _History of New York_, that the English residents on the

Schuylkill who were dispossessed in 1642 were colonists from Maryland,

but qualifies it by affirming that the Maryland Records make no mention

of the settlement. Other references are made in the work to the

relations between New Sweden and Maryland.

William Huffington’s _Delaware Register and Farmers’ Magazine_[975]

contains a translation of a grant of land on the Delaware from

Director-General Kieft to Abraham Planck and others in 1646 (referred

to by Acrelius), preserved among the State Papers at Dover.

The first volume of the second series of the _Collections of the New

York Historical Society_[976] has a translation of a Report of Andreas

Hudde, Commissary on the Delaware, from the Dutch Colonial Records.

In 1843 appeared the _Notice sur la Colonie de la Nouvelle Suède_, by

H. Ternaux-Compans,[977] believed to be the first and only French book

on the subject. It gives a summary history of the settlement, drawn

from the _Argonautica Gustaviana_, Loccenius, Campanius, and Acrelius,

and contains a copy of Lindström’s map.

_A History of the Original Settlements on the Delaware_, by Benjamin

Ferris,[978] gives a very full account of New Sweden, extracted from

works already published in English, and is interesting and valuable as

identifying and describing many of the places mentioned.

The _History of New Netherland_, by E. B. O’Callaghan, M.D.,[979]

imparts fresh information about the relations between the Swedes and

Dutch on the Delaware, and gives a translation of a “Memorial delivered

by His Swedish Majesty’s Resident to their High Mightinesses, in

support of the good and complete Right of the Swedish Crown and its

subjects to _Nova Suecia_ in America, June, 1664,” from the original in

Aitzema.

_Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia, tjugondenionde delen_,[980]

contains some letters of the Swedish Government regarding New Sweden.

Samuel Hazard’s _Annals of Pennsylvania_[981] supply a comprehensive

history of New Sweden, derived from several of the preceding works,

and comprising new matter drawn from manuscripts of the American

Philosophical Society, Albany Records, translated by Van der Kemp,

the Holland and London Documents, procured by J. R. Brodhead, New

Haven Court and Colony Records, Records of the United Colonies of New

England, and Trumbull and other manuscripts.

The _Documentary History of the State of New York_, edited by E. B.

O’Callaghan, M.D., vol. iii.,[982] gives a letter addressed to the

Classis of Amsterdam, Aug. 5, 1657, by the Reformed Dutch clergymen at

New Amsterdam, Johann. Megapolensis and Samuel Drisius, referring to

the circumstances of the submission of the Swedes to Director-General

Stuyvesant; and the same work, vol. iv.,[983] contains a description

of New Netherland in 1643-1644, by the Rev. Isaac Jogues, S. J.,[984]

mentioning the Swedes on the Delaware.

In _Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society_,[985] vol.

vi., are published the report of a committee appointed by that body

to make explorations and researches as to the site of Fort Nassau,

with a letter on the same subject, and a paper, entitled “The History

and Location of Fort Nassau upon the Delaware,” by Edward Armstrong,

Recording Secretary of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The

latter is clear upon the periods of occupancy of that stronghold by the

Dutch, and is especially valuable as comprising an attempt to give a

complete list of maps of the Delaware River previous to 1675.[986]

In _Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New

England_, vol. ii.,[987] is found the action of the General Court in

1644 on the petition of Boston merchants for a charter for a company to

trade near the Delaware.

_Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York_,

vol. iii.,[988] procured by John Romeyn Brodhead in England, include

a letter of Jerome Hawley, of Virginia, to Secretary Sir Francis

Windebanke, referred to in the preceding narrative, “A Declaration

shewing the illegality and unlawfull proceedings of the Patent of

Maryland,” dated 1649, mentioning the great trade of the Swedes and

Dutch with the Indians, and the singularly inaccurate “Relation of

Mr. Garrett Van Sweeringen, of the City of St. Maries, concerning his

knowledge of the seateing of Delaware Bay and River by the Dutch and

Swedes,” subscribed in 1684.

John Romeyn Brodhead’s _History of the State of New York_[989] gives

the best Dutch account of the relations between the Swedes and

Hollanders, amply citing authorities on the subject. It also contains a

map of New Netherland by the author.

Fredrik Ferd. Carlson’s _Sveriges Historia under Konungarne af

Pfalziska Huset_[990] makes a brief reference to the colony, imparting

fresh information from Printz’s letters and report of 1647, and the

Minutes of the Royal Council, in the archives of Sweden.

Among _Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New

York_, vols. i. and ii.,[991] procured by J. R. Brodhead in Holland,

are many papers concerning the relations between the Swedes and Dutch

on the Delaware.

_Records of the Colony or Jurisdiction of New Haven_[992] contain

information with regard to attempts of inhabitants of New England to

settle in New Sweden.

_De Navorscher_[993] for 1858 prints two letters from Johannes Bogaert,

“Schrijver,” to Schepen Bontemantel, Director of the Dutch West India

Company, dated Aug. 28 and Oct. 31, 1655 (N. S.), relating the arrival

of the ship “De Waag” at New Amsterdam, and mentioning some details

concerning the conquest of New Sweden by the Hollanders not elsewhere

recorded.

In the Introduction to _The Record of the Court at Upland_

(1676-1681),[994] by Edward Armstrong, a brief account of New Sweden

is presented, with citations from copies of a letter and the Report of

1647 of Governor Printz in the Library of the Historical Society of

Pennsylvania; while the Editor’s Notes are valuable as identifying many

places on the Delaware, and comprising personal references to several

of the colonists.

The _History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania_, by the late George

Smith, M.D.,[995] contains a summary history of New Sweden, with

corrections of former authors and additional information upon questions

of topography, besides biographical notices of some of the Swedish

inhabitants. Its illustrations include the reproduction of a part

of Roggeveen’s map of New Netherland, an original “Map of the Early

Settlements of Delaware County,” and a “Diagram” and “Draft of the

First Settled Part of Chester, before called Upland.”

Professor Claes Theodor Odhner’s _Sveriges Inre Historia under

Drottning Christinas Förmyndare_[996] is valuable for its account of

the Swedish South, Ship, and West India Companies, and its statement

of the origin of the scheme of colonizing the Delaware, drawn from

original documents in the archives of Sweden.

G. M. Asher’s _Bibliographical and Historical Essay on the Dutch Books

and Pamphlets relating to New Netherland_[997] was “intended,” says

the Preface, “to be as complete a collection as the author was able

to make it of the printed materials for the history and description of

New Netherland.” It mentions several works connected with the history

of New Sweden, particularly those of Willem Usselinx, whose character

and aims in promoting the formation of the Dutch and Swedish West India

Companies are cordially appreciated by the writer;[998] and its account

of maps embracing the Delaware admirably supplements the essay of

Armstrong already spoken of.

Although Francis Vincent’s _History of the State of Delaware_[999]

contains no new information on New Sweden, it is worthy of notice as

offering a _good_, if not, as the title announces, “a _full_ account of

the first Dutch and Swedish settlements.”

Professor Abraham Cronholm’s _Sveriges Historia under Gustaf II.

Adolf_[1000] may be consulted with reference to the South Company and

other subjects.

The _New England Historical and Genealogical Register_, vol.

xxviii.,[1001] contains an article on “The Swedes on the Delaware and

their Intercourse with New England,” by Frederic Kidder, giving a

résumé of the statements of earlier authors, and including an English

translation of a Dutch copy of an “Examination upon the letters of the

Governor of New England to the Governor of New Sweden,” in the presence

of Governor Printz and others, Jan. 16, 1644, and letters of Governors

Printz and Winthrop[1002] never before printed. The article was also

published separately with heliotype fac-similes of the letters cited.

The _Illustrated History of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania_, by

William H. Egle, M.D.,[1003] imparts no fresh information on the early

Swedish settlements on the Delaware; but it records the discovery in

the autumn of 1873, in a grave near Washington, Lancaster County, in

that State, of certain so-called “Indian relics,” one of which, now in

the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania (represented

in a cut in the book), so nearly resembles the helmet of the Swedish

soldier of the seventeenth century (shown in a figure at the late

Centennial Exhibition of Philadelphia), as to suggest the possibility

that it may have been worn by a soldier of New Sweden. The book

reproduces Campanius’s map of New Sweden after Nicolas Visscher.

In _Historiskt Bibliotek, Ny Följd, I._,[1004] appeared a paper

entitled “Kolonien Nya Sveriges Grundläggning, 1637-1642,” by C. T.

Odhner, Professor of History in the University of Lund, which gives

the most complete account of the founding and early history of the

colony of New Sweden yet written, based on the Oxenstjerna manuscripts

and numerous other documents preserved in several departments of the

archives of Sweden. At the end of this invaluable contribution to our

knowledge of the settlement is given nearly the whole of Printz’s

_Relation_ to the Swedish West India Company of 1644, with its

accompanying _Rulla_ of all the people then living on the Delaware.

_Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York_,

vol. xii.,[1005] edited by B. Fernow, Keeper of the Historical Records

of New York, consists of “Documents relating to the History of the

Dutch and Swedish Settlements on the Delaware River, Translated and

Compiled from Original Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of

State at Albany, and in the Royal Archives at Stockholm,”—a title

sufficiently indicative of the scope and value of the book.

_Pennsylvania Archives_, second series, vol. v.,[1006] comprises a

reprint of some papers concerning New Sweden extracted from _Documents

relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York_, vols. i.,

ii., and iii., and other sources; and the same series, vol. vii.,[1007]

embraces a selection of similar matter from the twelfth volume of the

same New York _Documents_.

_Historiskt Bibliotek_ of 1878 contains “Kolonien Nya Sveriges

Historia,” by Carl K. S. Sprinchorn,[1008] constituting a very worthy

complement to Professor Odhner’s _Kolonien Nya Sveriges Grundläggning_,

already spoken of. After briefly capitulating the statements of the

latter treatise with regard to the origin of the enterprise, and the

history of the first four Swedish expeditions to the Delaware, and

the one from Holland under Swedish auspices, the author proceeds to

give the only account yet written of the equipment of the last six

expeditions from Sweden, with fresh details as to their fate, drawn

chiefly from unpublished manuscripts in the archives of his country. He

also supplies the Swedish version of the difficulties with the Dutch

and English, and recites the several endeavors of Sweden either to

recover possession of her colony or to obtain satisfactory compensation

for her loss of it. In the Appendix are printed documents relating

to purchases of land from the Indians, and the Report of Governor

Rising, dated July 13, 1654. A map of New Sweden, which accompanies the

dissertation, indicates the principal places and the boundaries of the

settlement.

_The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_,[1009] vols. ii.

_et seq._, contains a series of articles, by the writer of this essay,

on “The Descendants of Jöran Kyn, the Founder of Upland,”—the only

genealogical account of the posterity of an early Swedish settler on

the Delaware yet printed. Besides speaking of persons who bore the

family name, it includes sketches of, or references to, Captain Sven

Schute, Lieutenant Anders Dahlbo, the Rev. Lars Carlson Lock, Doctor

Timon Stiddem, and Justices Peter Rambo, Peter Cock, and Olof Stille,

inhabitants of New Sweden whose offspring intermarried with members

of the Kyn (or Keen) family, and supplies instances of matrimonial

alliances between the latter and many distinguished Americans of

English, Scotch, Irish, French, Dutch, and German ancestry, as well as

noblemen and gentlemen of Europe.

Benjamin H. Smith’s _Atlas of Delaware County, Pennsylvania_,[1010]

affords accurate maps of Tinicum, Upland, Marcus Hook, and their

vicinities, indicating tracts of land originally held by Swedes, as

publicly recorded. It also includes an excellent essay on land titles

in the county, with translations of Swedish grants to Governor Printz

and other settlers.

[Illustration]

_Some Account of William Usselinx and Peter Minuit_, by Joseph J.

Mickley,[1011] is valuable from the fact that “most of the materials

used in it were taken from original unpublished documents preserved in

the libraries of Sweden.”

The short paper entitled “Nya Sverige,” in _Svenska Bilder_,[1012] by

R. Bergström, comprises little of interest not included in works above

mentioned.

The _Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography_, vol. vi.,[1013]

contains a translation of the letter of Peter Minuit proposing the

founding of New Sweden, given in a note to the preceding narrative,

and an obligation of Jacob Svenson, “agent for the Swedes’ Governor of

Delaware Bay,” and John Manning, of Boston, in favor of the Colony of

Massachusetts, dated August 2, 1653, binding them not to carry certain

provisions, obtained in New England, to either Dutch or French in those

parts of America.

* * * * *

The above list of printed authorities on the history of New Sweden

is designed to comprise all books within the knowledge of the writer

which present either new facts or noteworthy opinions in relation to

that subject. It only remains for him to add that all the unpublished

manuscripts concerning the topic still extant are in Sweden, the

greater part among the archives of the Kingdom at Stockholm, some

among those of Skokloster, and others in the Palmskiöld Collections

of the Library of the University of Upsala, and in the Library of the

University of Lund. These embrace papers of Usselinx, correspondence

of Oxenstjerna with Spiring, Blommaert, and Minuit, documents with

regard to the Swedish West India Company and the equipment of the

several expeditions to the Delaware, commissions and instructions for

officers of the colony, letters and reports of the governors, and other

records of the settlement, and diplomatic intercourse between Sweden

and foreign nations about colonial questions of mutual interest.[1014]

Copies of many of these (including nearly the whole of Lindström’s

writings) have been procured by the late Mr. Mickley and other worthy

antiquaries for the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and are in

process of translation for publication under the auspices of that

body. From those manuscripts was extracted much of the material of a

discourse on “The Early Swedish Colony on the Delaware,” read by the

writer of this essay at the annual meeting of the same Society in May,

1881,[1015] and before the Historical Society of Delaware the following

November; and from them has also been derived whatever appears in print

for the first time in the preceding narrative.[1016]

[Illustration]

INDEX.

[Reference is commonly made but once to a book if repeatedly mentioned

in the text; but other references are made when additional information

about the book is conveyed.]

Aa, Van der, _Galerie_, etc., 385.

Abenakis, 150, 264, 273;

missions, 306, 315.

Acadia, 135, 143, 249;

authorities, 149;

MSS. about, 367;

controversial literature on its bounds, 154, 155;

Indians in, 150, 159;

called Larcadia, 88;

called Lacadia, 92, 93, 202;

La Hontan’s map (1709), 153;

Lescarbot’s map, 152;

map, (1663), 148, (1684), 228;

map of, 384;

missions, 300, 309;

name first used, 149;

origin of, 149;

population, 142.

Acadia. _See_ Nova Scotia.

Acadie. _See_ Acadia.

Acapulco, 46.

Accault, Michel, 184, 224.

Achiganaga, 187.

Achter Col, 408.

Acrelius, Israel, _Nya Sverige_, 494.

Admiral’s map, 34, 35.

Agnese, B., map (1536), 38, 40, 73, 81;

(1543), 82;

(1544), 82, 90;

(1554), 89;

(1564), 90.

Agniez. _See_ Mohawks.

Agona, 57.

Agouhanna, 53.

Agramonte’s expedition, 5, 11.

Agreskoué, 284.

Ahmed map (1559), 78.

Aillon, L. V. d’, his voyage, 10, 414, 429.

“Aimable”, ship, 236.

Aitzema, L. van, 424, 491.

Albanel, 270;

autog., 271.

Albany, 217, 408;

Munsell’s books on, 435.

Alegambe, _Mortes illustres_, 306.

Alexander VI., Bull of, 56.

Alexander, Sir William, charter of, 142;

sources, 155;

_Encouragement to Colonies_, 62, 155, 378;

_Mapp of New England_, 155;

his coinage, 155;

portrait, 156.

Alezay Island, 49, 77, 78.

Algonquins, 57, 163;

missions, 267, 309, 310;

country of, 298.

Allard, _Atlas_, 375;

_Atlas minor_, 376.

Allefonsce, Jean, 58;

account of, 59;

his _Cosmographie_, 60;

authorities on, 68;

_Les voyages avantureux_, 68, 72;

death, 68;

cartographical sketches, 74.

Alleghany range, iv, xi, xxvi.

Allègre, d’, 333.

Allerton, Isaac, 456.

Allouez, Claude, 174, 224, 238, 239, 286, 288;

_Voyages_, 315;

at Green Bay, 207;

at Lake Superior, 311;

autog., 311;

Journal, 311, 315;

accounts by Shea and Margry, 315.

Altena, 404.

Alumet Island, 124.

Alverez, John, 69.

Ameda (tree), 54.

America, North, maps of northeast coast, 81;

maps of west coast, 35.

_American Antiquarian_, 201.

_American Catholic Quarterly_, 223.

_American Church Review_, 18.

Américanistes, Congrès des, 15, 18.

Amistigoyan, Fort, 258.

Amours, 335.

Amundson, Hans, 465, 466, 471, 475;

autog., 465.

Anacostans, 165.

Anckerhelm, Thijssen, 472;

autog., 472.

Andastes, 306.

_See_ Delawares, Susquehannahs.

Andiat, L., _Brouage et Champlain_, 131.

Andrada, _Claros varones_, 306.

Andrade’s _Chronicle_, 22.

André, 174.

Andros, Sir Edmund, 195, 349.

_Andros Tracts_, 364.

Angos family, 4.

Angoulême, Lake of, 52, 84, 88, 92, 98, 378, 383.

Anguelle, Anthony, 48, 184.

Anian, Straits of, 93, 96.

_Annales de philosophie chrétienne_, 57.

_Annales des voyages_, 64.

Annapolis Basin, 138.

_Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Jesu_, 292, 300.

_Annuaire de l’Institut Canadien_, 361.

Anthony, Peter, 265.

Anticosti, 50, 77, 117, 153.

_See_ Ascension, Assumption.

Antilia, 41.

Anti-Rent troubles, 431.

Apes, region of, 202.

Apian, Philip, _Erdglobus_, 101.

Apianus, map (1540), 81.

Appalachian system, iv, 253.

Appelboom, H., 484.

Appleton, W. S., 361.

Arcangeli on Verrazano, 17.

“Archangel”, ship, 110.

Archer, Andrew, _History of Canada_, 368.

_Archives curieuses_, 150.

_Archivio Storico Italiano_, 17, 18.

Arctic regions, cold of, iii.

Arenas, Cabo, 83, 101, 413.

_See_ Cod, Cape.

Arfwedson, C. D., _Nova Svecia_, 495.

Argal, Samuel, 300, 400;

at Manhattan, 427, 432;

at Mount Desert, 141;

in Acadia, 151.

Argenson, Governor, 168;

autog., 168.

Arkansas, Indians, 298;

river, 178.

Arminius, 423.

Armovchiqvois, 152.

Armstrong, Edward, on the site of Fort Nassau, 437, 497;

on the Court at Upland, 498.

Arnould, Antoine, 291.

Aryan emigrations, xi.

Ascension Island, 51, 72, 75, 76.

_See_ Anticosti.

Asher, G. M., _Essay on Dutch Books_, etc., 416, 498;

_Bibliography of New Netherland_, 439;

_Bibliography of Hulsius_, 442.

Asia connected with America, 36, 40, 43, 60, 73, 76;

passage to, 382;

the parent of civilization, i.

_See_ Cathay.

“Asia”, ship, 411.

Asseline, David, _La ville de Dieppe_, 88.

Assemani, Abbé, 78.

Assendasé, 283.

Assenipoils, Lake, 249, 252.

Assikinach, Francis, on the Odahwah legends, 168.

Assineboines, 169, 171, 182.

_See_ Assenipoils.

Assumption Island, 51, 76, 85, 94, 98, 100.

_See_ Anticosti.

Astrolabe lost by Champlain, 124.

Atchaqua, 45.

_Atlas Ameriquain_, 155.

_Atlas Contractus_, 375.

Atlases, general, 369.

Attikamegues, 274;

mission, 267.

Atwater, Caleb, _History of Ohio_, 198.

Aubert, Père, 289.

Aubert, Thomas, on the Newfoundland coast, 4, 5, 64.

Aulnay, Sieur d’, 143;

autog., 143;

visits Boston, 145;

authorities, 153, 154.

Australian Company, 443.

_See_ South Company.

Auteuil, 335.

Autograph-hunters, 411.

Avezac, d’. _See_ Davezac.

Avoine, Folle, 187.

Ayllon. _See_ Aillon.

Baccalaos, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, (Baccalearum regio), 42, 43,

(Baccalear), 45, 56, 62, 67, 74, 81, 82, 84, (Bacalliau), 85,

(Baqualhaos), 86, 87, 88, (Bacalaos), 90, 91, (Bacalhao), 92,

93, 94, 97, 99, 100, 101, 143, (Bacaillos), 152, 377, 378, 414;

why named, 3, 46.

Bacchus Island, 52.

Bache, Professor, 33.

Bacqueville. _See_ Potherie.

Badajos, Congress of, 10.

Bahama, 45, 377.

Bailloquet, 270;

autog., 270.

Baird, C. W., _History of Rye_, 441.

Baldelli, _Storia del milione_, 82.

Baldwin, C. C., on the early maps of the West, 201;

_Early Maps of Ohio_, 224;

_Iroquois in Ohio_, 298, 299;

on Indian migrations, 298.

Bancroft, George, 295, 299;

on Verrazano, 18;

on New Sweden, 496;

on Cartier, 65.

Banks, Thomas C., _Case of Earl of Stirling_, 155;

_Baronia Anglia_, 155.

Barcia, G. de, _Ensayo chronologico_, 17.

Bardsen, Ivan, 416.

Baribaud, 187.

Barker, J. N., _Settlements on the Delaware_, 496.

Barlow, S. L. M., his collection of Canadian maps, 201.

Barnard, D. D., 435.

Barnes, William, _Albany_, 435.

Barrois, 336.

Basque fisheries, 86.

Bauche, Marchioness de, 273.

Baudet, _Leven van Blaeu_, 437.

Baudoin, an Acadian priest, 161.

Baugis, Chevalier de, 339.

Baugy, Chevalier de, 186, 188.

Bayard, Nicolas, 411.

Baylies, F., _History of the Old Colony_, 160.

Bazire River, 178, 209, 235.

Beach, _Indian Miscellany_, 297.

Beaujeu, 234;

autog., 234;

his character, 241.

Beaulieu, 270.

Beaumont, 139.

Beaupré, Viscount of, 57.

Beaurain, J. de, 375.

Beauvais, Sieur de, 188.

Beaver. _See_ Fur-trade.

Beaver Indians, 268.

Bedard, M. T. P., 361.

Beekman, J. W., 418.

Begin, Louis, 354.

Bégon, 349.

Beier, Johan, 449, 453;

autog., 449.

Belknap, Jeremy, _New Hampshire_, 159.

Belleisle, 85, 92, 94, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 383.

Belle Isle, Straits of (Bella Ilha), 37, 47, 49, 72, 73.

Bellefontaine, 238.

Belleforest, 31;

_Histoire universelle_, 17;

_Cosmographie_, 17, 414.

Bellemare, R., 303.

Bellero, map, 38.

Bellin, 262;

his map, 64.

Bellinger, Stephen, 61.

Bellomont, Earl of, 356.

Belmont, Abbé, missionary, 275;

autog., 275.

Belmont, _Histoire du Canada_, 294, 358.

Belt of land surrounding the globe, 40, 43.

Bengtson, A., 484.

Benson, Egbert, 421.

Benton, _Herkimer County_, 421.

Benzoni, 255.

Berchet, _Portolani_, 84.

Bergeron, _Voyages en Asie_, etc., 68.

Bergström, R., _Nya Sverige_, 502.

Berkshire Hills, xxv.

Bermuda, 46, 78, 83, 89, 93, 95, 96, (Belmuda), 97, 98, 99, 373, 377.

Bernard, _Recueil de voyages_, 255, 256.

Bernard’s _Geofroy Tory_, 31.

Bernou, 223, 250.

Berry, William, his map, 390.

Bersiamites’ Missions, 267.

Bestelli e Forlani, _Tavole moderne_, 369.

Berthelot, Amable, _Dissertation_, etc., 9.

Berthier, 347.

Berthot, Colin, 187.

Bertius, _Tabularum_, etc., 102.

Bettencourt, C. A. de, _Descobrimentos dos Portuguezes_, 37.

Beversrede, Fort, 402, 464.

Beyard, Nicholas, _Journal_, 365.

Biard, Pierre, 264, 300;

his _Relation_, 151, 292, 295, 300.

Bibaud, M., _Histoire du Canada_, 367, 368;

_Bibliothèque Canadienne_, 367.

_Bibliothèque Canadienne_, 367.

Big Mouth (Indian), 340, 341.

Bigelow, John, 411, 412.

Bigot, Jacques, 273, 316;

letters, 315;

_Relation_, 315;

autog., 315.

Bigot, Vincent, 273.

Biguyduce. _See_ Castine.

Bikker, G., 472.

Binneteau, 288.

_Biographie des Malouins_, 65.

Biörch, T. E., _Dissertatio_, 493.

Bird Rocks, 48, 77.

Birds, Island of, 47.

Bizard, 331, 336.

Black Mountains, iv, xxv, xxviii.

Black River, 169, 184.

Blaeu, W. J., 375, 376, 378;

_Atlas major_, 375;

_Atlas_, 375;

later maps, 385, 390;

maps of 1662 and 1685, 391;

atlases, 437.

Blanchard, Rufus, _Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest_, 200.

Blanck, J., 461.

Blanco, Cape, 46.

Block Island, seen by Verrazano, 7;

attacked by the French, 352.

Blome, Richard, _Isles and Territories_, 385, 430;

_Present State_, 430.

Blommaert, Samuel, 445, 446, 499;

autog., 445.

Blondel, Jehan, 64.

Blue Ridge, xxv, xxvi.

Blundeville, _Exercises_, 97.

Bobé, 262.

Bocage, Barbie du, 86.

Bockhorn, J., 471.

Boeotics (Indians of Newfoundland), 48.

Bogardt, Jost van, 453.

Bogardus, Everhard, 441;

autog., 441.

Boije, C., 455, 460.

Boimare, _Texte explicatif_, 225.

Bois Brulé, 182.

Boisguillot, 188, 195.

Boisseau, 185, 336, 385.

Bollero map (1554), 89.

Bolton, _West Chester County_, 421, 441.

Bona Madre, Rio de, 83.

Bonavista, Cape, 47.

Bonde, A. S., 450.

Bonde, Christer, 471;

autog., 471.

Bone Island. _See_ St. Croix Island.

“Bonne-Aventure”, ship, 64.

Bonnetty, 57.

Bonrepos, _Description de la Louisiane_, 255.

Booth, M. L., _New York_, 440.

Borben, Jacob, 447.

Bordone, 45;

_Isolario_, 77;

his map, 414.

_Börsenblatt_, 439.

Boston, Franquelin’s map, 162;

harbor, 110;

her merchants plundered, 352;

her merchants on the Delaware, 456, 460, 497;

proposed attack on by the French, 161, 351.

Boston Athenæum, 248.

Boston Public Library, 248.

Bosworth, Newton, _Hochelaga_, 304.

Botero, Giovanni, 102;

_Relaciones_, 378;

his map, 378.

Boucher, Pierre, 171, 271, 336;

_Mœurs et productions de la Nouvelle France_, 298.

Boucher de la Bruère, _Le Canada_, 368.

Boudan, 390.

Boulanger, Père le, 288.

Boulay, 139, 144.

Boullé, Nicolas, 164.

Bourbourg. _See_ Brasseur de Bourbourg.

Bourdon, Jean, 385.

Bourgeois, Margaret, 294, 309;

autog., 309;

lives of, 309.

Bourne, _History of Wells_, 160.

Bouteroue, 366.

Bowen, Francis, _Life of Phips_, 160, 364.

Bowen, N. H., _Isle of Orleans_, 308.

Boyd, John, _Canadian History_, 368.

Bozman, J. L., _History of Maryland_, 496.

Bradford, Governor of Plymouth, 400.

Bradstreet, Simon, 159, 160, 365.

Brahe, P., 453, 458;

autog., 458.

Bras Coupé. _See_ Tonty.

Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire du Canada_, 296, 360, 367.

Bravo, Rio, 234.