From the beginning Mr. Sumner never doubted that rebellion must
cause the end of Slavery. So he spoke and wrote often during
the previous winter. As the Slave States became more perverse,
he exclaimed, “Slavery will go down in blood!” But this would
be only in the event of war, which seemed inevitable. A day
or two before the bombardment of Fort Sumter, when President
Lincoln mentioned to him confidentially the determination to
provision and hold this fort, repelling force by force, Mr.
Sumner remarked, “Then the War Power will be in motion, and
with it great consequences.” In the solemnity of that moment,
when peace seemed banished, although saddened inexpressibly,
he saw at once the mighty instrument before which Slavery must
fall, and never for one moment afterwards did he doubt the
final result. He would not and could not believe the success of
the Rebels possible; but he saw no way to success on our part,
except through Emancipation. Therefore he awaited anxiously
the moment when this weapon could be employed. Shrinking from
bloodshed, he wished this irresistible ally to close the war.
Vowed against Slavery, he was eager to see it smitten. And
still further, feeling the peril of European intervention, he
longed for a declaration on our part that would make such an
act impossible. In his judgment, our foreign relations depended
much on Emancipation. So that the whole situation at home and
abroad was involved in this question.
At the earliest practicable moment he did not hesitate to press
these considerations upon the President. This was immediately
after the Battle of Bull Run. An earlier incident will explain
what passed on this occasion.
Some time towards the close of the preceding May, while the
National troops were gathered about the capital, and during
an evening drive with the President alone in his carriage,
Mr. Sumner brought up the subject of Slavery, in order to
say that the President was right in his course at that time,
but that he must be ready to strike when the moment came. On
the day of the disaster he was with the President twice, but
made no suggestion then. On the second day thereafter, when
the tidings from all quarters showed that the country was
aroused to intense action, he visited the President expressly
to urge Emancipation. The President received him kindly, and,
when Mr. Sumner said that he had come to make an important
recommendation with regard to the conduct of the war, replied
promptly, that he was occupied with that very question, and
had something new upon it. Mr. Sumner, thinking that he was
anticipated, said, “You are going against Slavery!” “Oh,
no, not that!” he replied, impatiently. “I am sorry,” said
Mr. Sumner, when the President, with increasing impatience,
reminded him of the evening drive in his carriage, and then
retorted: “Did you not then approve my course?” “Certainly,”
said Mr. Sumner, “at that time; but I said also that you must
be ready to strike at Slavery, and now the moment has come. Of
this I have no doubt.” And he proceeded to urge his reasons,
but could not satisfy the President. The interview, which was
late in the evening, did not terminate till midnight.
So completely had Mr. Sumner acted on the idea of waiting for a
moment to strike, that in two different bills introduced by him
before the disaster at Bull Run, one, July 16th, entitled, “For
the confiscation of property of persons in rebellion against
the Constitution and Laws of the United States,” and the
other, July 18th, entitled, “For the punishment of conspiracy
and kindred offences against the United States, and for the
confiscation of the property of the offenders,” there is no
open mention of Slavery. In the first bill there is a provision
for the forfeiture of “the property, real and personal, of
every kind whatsoever, and wheresoever situated within the
limits of the United States, belonging to any person owing
allegiance to the United States, who shall be found in arms
against the United States, or shall give any aid or comfort
to their enemies.” The other bill contains a clause equally
stringent, but general in character. But after that disaster
to our arms, he was satisfied the time had come for a full
exercise of the War Power, and he desired earnestly to have the
President lead the way openly and without reservation.