LETTERS TO JOHN A. ANDREW, GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS, JANUARY 17 TO
FEBRUARY 20, 1861.
The following letters to Governor Andrew were obviously written
in the intimacy of personal friendship and under the spur of
public duty. The constant appeals for firmness at home found
sympathetic response in one who was himself always firm, and
they helped him with others. A letter to Mr. Sumner, dated
January 28th, shows his appreciation of the correspondence.
“I have had great satisfaction in your constant remembrance of
me by letters, documents, &c. I bear always in my mind and on
my heart the honor of the ‘Old Bay State,’ and the claims of
our holy cause of Liberty upon my devotion and efforts. May
God help us all to be faithful!… I feel much support in your
letters.”
SENATE CHAMBER, January 17, 1861.
MY DEAR ANDREW,--Your timely suggestion with regard to Treasury
notes I have referred to Mr. Sherman in the House, where any
measure founded upon it must originate.
I have letters constantly from New York as well as Massachusetts,
expressing great solicitude with regard to the safety of the
capital. I am satisfied, that, had the President persevered in
his original policy of surrender and treason, we should have
been driven away before the 1st of February. Others with whom I
converse do not doubt this. But General Scott has applied his
best energies to measures of defence. He is satisfied that the
traitors cannot succeed here, whatever they may do elsewhere. He
has force enough on hand to hold the capital for hours against
any attack which can be expected, and within that time he can
have fifty thousand men from the North. A law maxim says, _Cuique
in sua arte credendum est._ Should he be mistaken, his military
reputation will suffer terribly.
You see as well as I, that any military assistance must be
invited by the Government. A march of troops on our side would be
a “first move” towards hostilities. Our safety must depend upon
the watchfulness of the Government. But I agree with Mr. Stearns,
that it would be useful to have some faithful men here who would
make it a business to ascertain the plans and purposes of the
enemy.
Mr. Burleigh, a Republican of John Covode’s district, has
recently made an excursion into Maryland, where, passing himself
as a speculator in negroes, he thinks he got into secrets. He
reports a combination of ten thousand men to seize the capital,
and also another conspiracy to assassinate Mr. Lincoln in
Maryland, on his way to Washington.
Our friends are all tranquil, except so far as disturbed by
Seward’s speech. If his propositions were pressed, I think they
would split the party. I regret very much that he made them, and
I protested most earnestly against them. He read me his speech
four days in advance of its delivery. I pleaded with him, for
the sake of the cause, the country, and his own good name, to
abandon all his propositions, and simply to declare that Mr.
Lincoln would be inaugurated on the 4th of March President of the
United States, and rally the country to his support. I do not
think we should allow this opportunity to pass without trying
the question, whether a single State can break up the Union. What
is it worth, if held by any such tenure? I have no concession or
compromise of any kind to propose or favor; least of all can I
become party to any proposition which sanctions Slavery directly
or indirectly. I deplore everything of this kind, however
plausible, as demoralizing to the country.
Pray keep Massachusetts sound and _firm_--FIRM--FIRM--against
every word or step of concession. God bless you!
Ever and ever yours,