SPEECH AT FANEUIL HALL, BOSTON, NOVEMBER 5, 1860.

This meeting was called to order by Carlos Pierce, Esq., who

announced the officers of the evening, among whom was Mr.

Sumner as President. On taking the chair, he made a speech,

which is preserved here as showing the anticipations of triumph

at the election, and also the declared magnitude of the result.

This testimony shows how seriously the election was regarded.

It foreshadows change, if not revolution,--“not only a new

President, but a new government.”

FELLOW-CITIZENS,--Five years have now passed since it was my privilege

last to set foot in Faneuil Hall. During this long, unwilling exile,

whether at home or abroad, my “heart untravelled” has fondly turned to

this historic place, and often have I seemed to hear those utterances

for Human Rights which echo along its walls. The distant in place

was confounded with the distant in time, and the accents of our own

Burlingame seemed to mingle with the words of Adams, Hancock, and

Warren, in the past. Let me express my gratitude that I am permitted

once more to enjoy these generous utterances, no longer in dream or

vision only, but in reality.

Could these venerable arches speak, what stories could they not

tell,--sometimes of victory and sometimes of defeat, sometimes of

gladness and sometimes of mourning, sometimes of hope and sometimes

of fear! The history of American Freedom, with all its anxieties,

struggles, and triumphs, commencing before National Independence, and

continued down to the very contest now about to close,--all this might

be written from the voices of this Hall. But, thank God! the days of

defeat, of mourning, of fear, have passed, and these walls will record

only those notes of victory already beginning to sound in our ears.

There are anniversaries in our history noticed by young and old with

grateful emotion; but to-morrow’s sun will set on a day more glorious

for Freedom than any anniversary since the fourth of July, 1776. The

forces for a long time mustering are about to meet face to face;

but the result is not doubtful. That Power, which, according to the

boast of Slave-Masters, has governed the country for more than fifty

years,--organizing cabinets and courts, directing the army and navy,

controlling legislation, usurping offices, stamping its own pernicious

character upon the national policy, and especially claiming all the

Territories for Slavery,--that Power which has taught us by example

how much of tyranny there may be in the name of Democracy, is doomed.

The great clock will soon strike, sounding its knell. Every four years

a new President is chosen, but rarely a new government. To-morrow we

shall have not only a new President, but a new government. A new order

of things will begin, and our history will proceed on a grander scale,

in harmony with those sublime principles in which it commenced. Let the

knell sound!

“Ring out the old, ring in the new!

Ring out the false, ring in the true!

Ring out a slowly dying cause,

And ancient forms of party strife!

Ring in the nobler modes of life,

With sweeter manners, purer laws!”

The eve of election is not the time for argument. Already this has been

amply done in numerous public meetings, where you have been addressed

by the orators of Freedom, and also in the press, which has repeated

their eloquent words, while a new power, in happy harmony with the new

exigencies--the “Wide-Awakes”--has shown how true it is that citizens

by the million would spring forth, whenever the North

“Stamped her strong foot and said she would be free.”

I need not speak of our candidate for President, whose simple, honest

character has grown constantly upon the public interest, while his

abilities have everywhere commanded most unhesitating respect. Nor need

I speak of our candidate for Governor, whose eminent qualities alike

of head and heart give assurance of a man deserving our most devoted

support. Of their election there is no doubt. Abraham Lincoln will be

President of the United States. John A. Andrew will be Governor of

Massachusetts.

But this is not enough. Especially must you see to it, so far as

depends on you, that Representatives in Congress are chosen who shall

be true to the principles of the Republican party. And since the

election of our President is now certain, your vote for Representatives

becomes more important than your vote for President. In vain you

will vote for Abraham Lincoln, if at the same time you vote for a

Representative who will oppose his well-known principles. Such a vote

will more than neutralize your vote for President.

Happily there is no occasion to hesitate. Boston is now represented in

Congress by two eminent citizens,--differing from each other in many

respects, unlike in the talents which each so largely possesses, and

dissimilar in character, and yet substantially agreeing in principles,

uniting always in their votes, whether to guard Freedom or to promote

the important interests of the metropolis, and by their very diversity

of character, as the complement of each other, representing completely

and harmoniously a large and diversified constituency. Follow the

record of Mr. Burlingame and Mr. Rice, whether throughout the long

contest for Speaker, or on the proposition to secure Freedom in Kansas,

or on the various matters of local concern, and you will find that they

always keep together.

Besides the merit of services which no candid person can question,

they are also recommended by the practical consideration of their

experience. They know their business, and on this account, if no other,

it is for your interest that they should be continued. This experience

is something which belongs to you, if you are wise enough to use it. On

grounds of self-interest the most simple and obvious, you should vote

for them.

But, besides experience, they will have another advantage, which you

will surely not fling away. Being in harmony with the Administration,

they will naturally have the ear of the President and of his Cabinet;

and this alone will give them opportunities to promote the interest of

Boston such as no Representative of the Opposition could hope to enjoy.

All will see how impossible it will be for Mr. Appleton and Mr. Bigelow

to represent adequately this great metropolis during the coming

administration. Imagine them at Washington, with the whole delegation

from New England, ay, almost of the whole North, against them. Robinson

Crusoe and Friday were not more solitary than these Proslavery

Representatives would be among their colleagues from the Free States.

And when, on the vote for Speaker, involving the organization of

the House and the arrangement of the public business, the forces of

Slavery are rallied against the Northern candidate, John Sherman or

William Pennington, then will the Liberty-loving citizens of Boston be

mortified to find their Representatives, under specious plea of danger

to the Union, ranging with Disunionists. A simple errand-boy, picked

up in the streets, honest and intelligent enough to deposit a vote for

a Northern Speaker, would be better than Representatives who would do

this thing.

The election of such persons would be a positive encouragement to the

disunionists of the South. It would be a signal of sympathy from our

citadel. Still further, it would be a premium for indifference to

fellow-men struggling for their rights. In vain have we read the story

of him who, having fallen among thieves, was succored by the good

Samaritan, if we approve by our votes the conduct of those who, when

Kansas had fallen among thieves and was lying wounded and bleeding,

passed by on the other side without aid or sympathy.

In vain you say that these gentlemen, if elected, may mingle socially

with the propagandists of Slavery at Washington, and through this

intercourse promote your interests. Do not believe it. No good to you

can come from any such artificial fellowship. The enmity of Slavery may

be dangerous, but its friendship is fatal. None have ever escaped with

honor from that deadly embrace.

In vain you appeal in the name of a party, familiarly called from its

candidates Bell-Everett, which, in the recent elections of Vermont,

Maine, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, out of more than 1,300,000

votes, polled less than 20,000,--a party which, from its lofty airs

here in Boston, may remind us of Brahmins, who imagine themselves of

better clay than others, or of Chinese, who imagine themselves cousins

of the Sun and Moon.

Vote, then, for your present Representatives: first, to maintain the

policy of the new President; secondly, as proper recognition of their

merits; thirdly, that you may have the benefit of their experience;

fourthly, that you may have the advantage of their friendly relations

with the new Administration; fifthly, that you may help choose a

Northern Speaker; sixthly, that you may answer with proper scorn the

menaces of disunion, whether uttered at the South or echoed at the

North.

Hereafter, fellow-citizens, let it be one of your satisfactions, that

in this contest you voted for Freedom. The young man should rejoice

in the privilege; the old man must take care not to lose the precious

opportunity.

Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 07 (of 20) · 第 25 / 136 题