Quum terra omnifero lætissima risit amictu,

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THE POETICAL WORKS OF SKELTON.

LONDON:

PRINTED BY LEVEY, ROBSON, AND FRANKLYN,

Great New Street, Fetter Lane.

THE

POETICAL WORKS

OF

JOHN SKELTON:

WITH NOTES,

AND

SOME ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR AND HIS WRITINGS,

BY THE

REV. ALEXANDER DYCE.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. I.

LONDON:

THOMAS RODD, GREAT NEWPORT STREET.

MDCCCXLIII.

PREFACE.

The very incomplete and inaccurate volume of 1736, and the reprint of

it in Chalmers’s _English Poets_,[1] 1810, have hitherto been the only

editions of Skelton accessible to the general reader.

In 1814, the Quarterly Reviewer,—after censuring Chalmers for having

merely reprinted the volume of 1736, with all its errors, and without

the addition of those other pieces by Skelton which were known to be

extant,—observed, that “an editor who should be competent to the task

could not more worthily employ himself than by giving a good and

complete edition of his works.”[2] Prompted by this remark, I commenced

the present edition,—perhaps with too much self-confidence, and certainly

without having duly estimated the difficulties which awaited me. After

all the attention which I have given to the writings of Skelton, they

still contain corruptions which defy my power of emendation, and passages

which I am unable to illustrate; nor is it, therefore, without a feeling

of reluctance that I now offer these volumes to the very limited class

of readers for whom they are intended. In revising my Notes for press, I

struck out a considerable portion of conjectures and explanations which

I had originally hazarded, being unwilling to receive from any one that

equivocal commendation which Joseph Scaliger bestowed on a literary

labourer of old; “Laudo tamen studium tuum; quia in rebus obscuris ut

errare necesse est, ita fortuitum non errare.”[3]

Having heard that Ritson had made some collections for an edition of

our author, I requested the use of those papers from his nephew, the

late Joseph Frank, Esq., who most obligingly put them into my hands:

they proved, however, to be only a transcript of _Vox Populi, vox Dei_

(from the Harleian MS.), and a few memoranda concerning Skelton from very

obvious sources.

The individual to whom I have been the most indebted for assistance

and encouragement in this undertaking has not survived to receive

my acknowledgments; I mean the late Mr. Heber, who not only lent me

his whole collection of Skelton’s works, but also took a pleasure in

communicating to me from time to time whatever information he supposed

might be serviceable. Indeed, without such liberality on the part of Mr.

Heber, a complete edition of the poet’s extant writings could not have

been produced; for his incomparable library (now unfortunately dispersed)

contained some pieces by Skelton, of which copies were not elsewhere to

be found.

To Miss Richardson Currer; the Right Hon. Thomas Grenville; the Hon. and

Rev. G. N. Grenville, Master of Magdalene College, Cambridge; Sir Harris

Nicolas; Sir Francis Palgrave; Rev. Dr. Bandinel; Rev. Dr. Bliss; Rev.

John Mitford; Rev. J. J. Smith of Caius College, Cambridge; Rev. Joseph

Hunter; Rev. Joseph Stevenson; W. H. Black, Esq.; Thomas Amyot, Esq.;

J. P. Collier, Esq.; Thomas Wright, Esq.; J. O. Halliwell, Esq.; Albert

Way, Esq.; and David Laing, Esq.;—I have to return my grateful thanks for

the important aid of various kinds which they so readily and courteously

afforded me.

ALEXANDER DYCE.

_London, Gray’s Inn, Nov. 1st, 1843._

[1] “Mr. A. Chalmers,” says Haslewood, “has since given place [_sic_] to

Skelton’s name among the English poets [vol. ii. p. 227]: and having had

an opportunity to compare the original edition [that of Marshe, 1568]

with Mr. Chalmers’s volume, I can pronounce the text verbally accurate,

although taken from the reprint of 1736.” _Brit. Bibliogr._ iv. 389.

As Haslewood was generally a careful collator, I am greatly surprised

at the above assertion: the truth is, that the reprint of 1736 (every

word of which I have compared with Marshe’s edition—itself replete with

errors) is in not a few places grossly inaccurate.—The said reprint is

without the editor’s name; but I have seen a copy of it in which Gifford

had written with a pencil, “Edited by J. Bowle, the stupidest of all

two-legged animals.”

[2] _Q. Rev._ xi. 485. The critique in question was written by Mr.

Southey,—who, let me add, took a kind interest in the progress of the

present edition.

[3] Joanni Isacio Pontano—_Epist._ p. 490. ed. 1627.

The preceding Preface was already in type, when Mr. W. H. Black

discovered, among the Public Records, an undoubted poem by Skelton

(hitherto unprinted), which I now subjoin.

A LAWDE AND PRAYSE MADE FOR OUR SOUEREIGNE LORD THE KYNG.[4]

[Sidenote: Candida, punica, &c.]

The Rose both White and Rede

In one Rose now dothe grow;

Thus thorow every stede[5]

Thereof the fame dothe blow:

Grace the sede did sow:

England, now gaddir flowris,

Exclude now all dolowrs.

[Sidenote: Nobilis Henricus, &c.]

Noble Henry the eight,

Thy loving souereine lorde,

Of kingis line moost streight,

His titille dothe recorde:

In whome dothe wele acorde

Alexis yonge of age,

Adrastus wise and sage.

[Sidenote: Sedibus ætheriis, &c.]

Astrea, Justice hight,

That from the starry sky

Shall now com and do right,

This hunderd yere scantly

A man kowd not aspy

That Right dwelt vs among,

And that was the more wrong:

[Sidenote: Arcebit vulpes, &c.]

Right shall the foxis chare,[6]

The wolvis, the beris also,

That wrowght have moche care,

And browght Englond in wo:

They shall wirry no mo,[7]

Nor wrote[8] the Rosary[9]

By extort trechery:

[Sidenote: Ne tanti regis, &c.]

Of this our noble king

The law they shall not breke;

They shall com to rekening;

No man for them wil speke:

The pepil durst not creke

Theire grevis to complaine,

They browght them in soche paine:

[Sidenote: Ecce Platonis secla, &c.]

Therfor no more they shall

The commouns ouerbace,

That wont wer ouer all

Both lorde and knight to face;[10]

For now the yeris of grace

And welthe ar com agayne,

That maketh England faine.[11]

[Sidenote: Rediit jam pulcher Adonis, &c.]

Adonis of freshe colour,

Of yowthe the godely flour,

Our prince of high honour,

Our paves,[12] our succour,

Our king, our emperour,

Our Priamus of Troy,

Our welth, our worldly joy;

[Sidenote: Anglorum radians, &c.]

Vpon vs he doth reigne,

That makith our hartis glad,

As king moost soueraine

That ever Englond had;

Demure, sober, and sad,[13]

And Martis lusty knight;

God save him in his right!

Amen.

_Bien men souient._[14]

_Per me laurigerum Britonum Skeltonida vatem._

[4] _A lawde and prayse made for our souereigne lord the kyng_] Such (in

a different handwriting from that of the poem) is the endorsement of the

MS., which consists of two leaves, bound up in the volume marked _B._

2. 8 (pp. 67-69), among the Records of the Treasury of the Receipt of

the Exchequer, now at the Rolls House.—Qy. is this poem the piece which,

in the catalogue of his own writings, Skelton calls “The Boke of the

Rosiar,” _Garlande of Laurell_, v. 1178, vol. i. 408?

[5] _stede_] i. e. place.

[6] _chare_] i. e. chase, drive away (see _Prompt. Parv._ i. 70. Camden

Soc. ed.).

[7] _mo_] i. e. more.

[8] _wrote_] i. e. root.

[9] _Rosary_] i. e. Rose-bush.

[10] _face_] See Notes, vol. ii. 216.

[11] _faine_] i. e. glad.

[12] _paves_] i. e. shield (properly, a large shield covering the body).

[13] _sad_] i. e. grave—discreet.

[14] _Bien men souient_] These words are followed in the MS. by a sort of

flourished device, which might perhaps be read—“_Deo (21ͦ) gratias_.”

CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.

PAGE

SOME ACCOUNT OF SKELTON AND HIS WRITINGS v

APPENDIX I. Merie Tales of Skelton, and Notices of Skelton

from various sources liii

APPENDIX II. List of Editions, &c. lxxxix

APPENDIX III. Extracts from pieces which are written in, or

which contain examples of, the metre called Skeltonical cv

Of the death of the noble prince, Kynge Edwarde the Forth 1

_Poeta Skelton laureatus libellum suum metrice alloquitur_ 6

Vpon the doulourus dethe and muche lamentable chaunce of the

most honorable Erle of Northumberlande 6

_Tetrastichon ad Magistrum Rukshaw_ 14

Agaynste a comely coystrowne, that curyowsly chawntyd, and

curryshly cowntred, &c. 15

_Contra alium cantitantem et organisantem asinum_, &c. 17

Vppon a deedmans hed, that was sent to hym from an honorable

jentyllwoman for a token, &c. 18

“Womanhod, wanton, ye want,” &c. 20

Dyuers Balettys and Dyties solacyous:—

“My darlyng dere, my daysy floure,” &c. 22

“The auncient acquaintance, madam, betwen vs twayn,” &c. 23

“Knolege, aquayntance, resort, fauour with grace,” &c. 25

“_Cuncta licet cecidisse putas discrimina rerum_,” &c. 26

“Though ye suppose all jeperdys ar paste,” &c. 26

“Go, pytyous hart, rasyd with dedly wo,” &c. 27

Manerly Margery Mylk and Ale 28

The Bowge of Courte 30

Phyllyp Sparowe 51

The tunnyng of Elynour Rummyng 95

Poems against Garnesche 116

Against venemous tongues, &c. 132

How euery thing must haue a tyme 137

Prayer to the Father of Heauen 139

To the Seconde Parson 139

To the Holy Gooste 140

“Woffully araid,” &c. 141

“Now synge we, as we were wont,” &c. 144

“_I, liber, et propera, regem tu pronus adora_,” &c. 147

The maner of the world now a dayes 148

Ware the Hauke 155

_Epithaphe. A Deuoute Trentale for old John Clarke_, &c. 168

“_Diligo rustincum cum portant_,” &c. 174

_Lamentatio urbis Norvicen_ 174

_In Bedel_, &c. 175

“_Hanc volo transcribas_,” &c. 175

“_Igitur quia sunt qui mala cuncta fremunt_,” &c. 176

“_Salve plus decies quam sunt momenta dierum_,” &c. 177

_Henrici Septimi Epitaphium_ 178

_Eulogium pro suorum temporum conditione, tantis principibus

non indignum_ 179

_Tetrastichon veritatis_ 181

Against the Scottes 182

Vnto diuers people that remord this rymynge, &c. 188

_Chorus de Dis contra Scottos_, &c. 190

_Chorus de Dis_, &c. _super triumphali victoria contra Gallos_,

&c. 191

_Vilitissimus Scotus Dundas allegat caudas contra Angligenas_ 192

_Elegia in Margaretæ nuper comitissæ de Derby funebre

ministerium_ 195

Why were ye _Calliope_ embrawdred with letters of golde? 197

_Cur tibi contexta est aurea_ Calliope? 198

The Boke of Three Fooles 199

A replycacion agaynst certayne yong scolers abiured of late, &c. 206

Magnyfycence, a goodly interlude and a mery 225

Colyn Cloute 311

A ryght delectable tratyse vpon a goodly Garlande or Chapelet

of Laurell, &c. 361

_Admonet Skeltonis omnes arbores dare locum viridi lauro

juxta genus suum_ 425

_En Parlament a Paris_ 426

Out of Frenshe into Latyn 426

Owt of Latyne into Englysshe 426

CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.

PAGE

Speke, Parrot 1

Why come ye nat to Courte 26

Howe the douty Duke of Albany, lyke a cowarde knyght, ran awaye

shamfully, &c. 68

NOTES TO VOLUME I. 85

NOTES TO VOLUME II. 338

POEMS ATTRIBUTED TO SKELTON.

Verses presented to King Henry the Seventh at the feast of

St. George, &c. 387

The Epitaffe of the moste noble and valyaunt Jaspar late

Duke of Beddeforde 388

Elegy on King Henry the Seventh 399

_Vox populi, vox Dei_ 400

The Image of Ipocrysy 413

CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA 449

INDEX TO THE NOTES 457

SOME ACCOUNT OF SKELTON AND HIS WRITINGS.

John Skelton[15] is generally said to have been descended from the

Skeltons of Cumberland;[16] but there is some reason to believe that

Norfolk was his native county. The time of his birth, which is left to

conjecture, cannot well be carried back to an earlier year than 1460.

The statement of his biographers, that he was educated at Oxford,[17] I

am not prepared to contradict: but if he studied there, it was at least

after he had gone through an academical course at the sister university;

for he has himself expressly declared,

“Alma parens O Cantabrigensis,

...

...tibi quondam carus alumnus eram;”

adding in a marginal note, “Cantabrigia Skeltonidi laureato primam mammam

eruditionis pientissime propinavit.”[18] Hence it is probable that the

poet was the “one Scheklton,” who, according to Cole, became M.A. at

Cambridge in 1484.[19]

Of almost all Skelton’s writings which have descended to our times,

the first editions[20] have perished; and it is impossible to determine

either at what period he commenced his career as a poet, or at what dates

his various pieces were originally printed. That he was the author of

many compositions which are no longer extant, we learn from the pompous

enumeration of their titles in the _Garlande of Laurell_[21]. The lines

_Of the death of the noble prince, ynge Edwarde the forth_[22], who

deceased in 1483, were probably among his earliest attempts in verse.

In 1489 Skelton produced an elegy _Vpon the doulourus dethe and muche

lamentable chaunce of the most honorable Erle of Northumberlande_,[23]

who was slain during a popular insurrection in Yorkshire. His son Henry

Algernon Percy, the fifth earl, who is there mentioned as the “yonge

lyon, but tender yet of age,”[24] appears to have afterwards extended

his patronage to the poet:[25] at a time when persons of the highest rank

were in general grossly illiterate, this nobleman was both a lover and a

liberal encourager of letters.

Skelton had acquired great reputation as a scholar, and had recently

been laureated at Oxford,[26] when Caxton, in 1490, published _The

boke of Eneydos compyled by Vyrgyle_,[27] in the Preface to which is

the following passage: “But I praye mayster John Skelton, late created

poete laureate in the vnyuersite of oxenforde, to ouersee and correcte

this sayd booke, And taddresse and expowne where as shalle be founde

faulte to theym that shall requyre it. For hym I knowe for suffycyent

to expowne and englysshe euery dyffyculte that is therin. For he hath

late translated the epystlys of Tulle,[28] and the boke of dyodorus

syculus,[29] and diuerse other werkes oute of latyn in to englysshe, not

in rude and olde langage, but in polysshed and ornate termes craftely, as

he that hath redde vyrgyle, ouyde, tullye, and all the other noble poetes

and oratours, to me vnknowen: And also he hath redde the ix. muses and

vnderstande theyr musicalle scyences, and to whom of theym eche scyence

is appropred. I suppose he hath dronken of Elycons well. Then I praye

hym & suche other to correcte adde or mynysshe where as he or they shall

fynde faulte,”[30] &c. The laureatship in question, however, was not the

office of poet laureat according to the modern acceptation of the term:

it was a degree in grammar, including rhetoric and versification, taken

at the university, on which occasion the graduate was presented with a

wreath of laurel.[31] To this academical honour Skelton proudly alludes

in his fourth poem _Against Garnesche_;

“A kyng to me myn habyte gaue:

At Oxforth, the vniversyte,

Auaunsid I was to that degre;

By hole consent of theyr senate,

I was made poete lawreate.”[32]

Our laureat, a few years after, was admitted _ad eundem_ at Cambridge:

“An. Dom. 1493, et Hen. 7 nono. Conceditur Johī Skelton Poete in partibus

transmarinis atque Oxon. Laurea ornato, ut apud nos eadem decoraretur;”

again, “An. 1504-5, Conceditur Johi Skelton, Poetæ Laureat. quod possit

stare eodem gradu hic, quo stetit Oxoniis, et quod possit uti habitu sibi

concesso a Principe.” Warton, who cites both these entries,[33] remarks,

“the latter clause, I believe, relates to some distinction of habit,

perhaps of fur or velvet, granted him by the king.” There can be no doubt

that Skelton speaks of this peculiar apparel in the lines just quoted, as

also in his third poem _Against Garnesche_, where he says,

“Your sworde ye swere, I wene,

So tranchaunt and so kene,

Xall kyt both _wyght and grene_:

Your foly ys to grett

_The kynges colours_ to threte;”[34]

from which we may infer that he wore, as laureat, a dress of white and

green, or, perhaps, a white dress with a wreath of laurel. It was most

probably on some part of the same habit that the word _Calliope_ was

embroidered in letters of silk and gold:

“Calliope,

As ye may se,

Regent is she

Of poetes al,

Whiche gaue to me

The high degre

Laureat to be

Of fame royall;

_Whose name enrolde_

_With silke and golde_

_I dare be bolde_

_Thus for to were_,”[35] &c.

In the following passage Barclay perhaps glances at Skelton, with whom

(as will afterwards be shewn) he was on unfriendly terms;

“But of their writing though I ensue the rate,

No name I chalenge of _Poete laureate_:

That name vnto them is mete and doth agree

Which writeth matters with curiositee.

Mine habite blacke accordeth not with _grene_,

Blacke betokeneth death as it is dayly sene;

The _grene_ is pleasour, freshe lust and iolite;

These two in nature hath great diuersitie.

Then who would ascribe, except he were a foole,

The pleasaunt _laurer_ vnto the mourning cowle?”[36]

Warton has remarked, that some of Skelton’s Latin verses, which are

subscribed—“Hæc laureatus Skeltonis, regius orator”—“Per Skeltonida

laureatum, oratorem regium,”—seem to have been written in the character

of _royal_ laureate;[37] and perhaps the expression “of fame royall”

in Skelton’s lines on _Calliope_ already cited, may be considered as

strengthening this supposition. There would, indeed, be no doubt that

Skelton was not only a poet laureated at the universities, but also

poet laureat or court poet to Henry the Eighth, if the authenticity

of the following statement were established; “la patente qui declare

Skelton poète laureat d’Henry viii. est datée de la cinquième année de

son règne, ce qui tombe en 1512 ou 1513:” so (after giving correctly

the second entry concerning Skelton’s laureation at Cambridge) writes

the Abbé du Resnel in an essay already mentioned; having received, it

would seem, both these statements concerning Skelton from Carte the

historian,[38] who, while he communicated to Du Resnel one real document,

was not likely to have forged another for the purpose of misleading the

learned Frenchman. On this subject I can only add, that no proof has been

discovered of Skelton’s having enjoyed an annual salary from the crown in

consequence of such an office.

The reader will have observed that in the first entry given above

from the Cambridge Univ. Regist., Skelton is described as having been

laureated not only at Oxford but also “transmarinis partibus.” That

the foreign seat of learning at which he received this honour was the

university of Louvaine,[39] may be inferred from the title of a poem

which I subjoin entire, not only because it occurs in a volume of the

greatest rarity, but because it evinces the celebrity which Skelton had

attained.

“IN CLARISSIMI SCHELTONIS _LOUANIENSIS_ POETÆ LAUDES EPIGRAMMA.

Quum terra omnifero lætissima risit amictu,

Plena novo fœtu quælibet arbor erat;

Vertice purpurei vultus incepit honores

Extensis valvis pandere pulchra rosa;

Et segetum tenero sub cortice grana tumescunt,

Flavescens curvat pendula spica caput.

Vix Cancri tropicos æstus lustravit anhelans

Pythius, et Nemeæ vertit ad ora feræ,

Vesper solis equos oriens dum clausit Olympo,

Agmina stellarum surgere cuncta jubet:

Hic primo aspiceres ut Cynthia vecta sereno

Extulerat surgens cornua clara polo;

Inde Hydram cernas, stravit quam clava trinodis

Alcidæ, nitidis emicuisse comis;

Tum[40] Procyon subiit, præpes Lepus, hinc Jovis ales,

Arctos, et Engonasus, sidus et Eridani;

Ignivomis retinet radiis quæ stellifer orbis

(Quid multis remorer?) sidera cuncta micant.

Nutat Atlanteum convexum pondus, ocellis

Dum lustro hæc ægris, vergit et oceano.

Tum furtim alma quies repens mihi membra soporat,

Curaque Lethæo flumine mersa jacet:

O mihi quam placidis Icelos tulit aurea somnis

Somnia, musiphilis non caritura fide!

Nuncia percelebris Polyhymnia blanda salutans

Me Clarii ut visam numina sacra citat.

Ut sequar hanc lætus, mihi visus amœna vireta

Et nemorum umbrosos præteriisse sinus:

Scilicet hæc montes monstraverat inter eundum

Et fontes Musæ quos coluere sacros;

Castalios latices, Aganippidos atque Medusei

Vidimus alipedis flumina rupta pede;

Antra hinc Libethri monstrat Pimpleidos undas,

Post vada Cephisi, Phocidos atque lacus;

Nubifer assurgit mons Pierus atque Cithæron,

Gryneumque nemus dehinc Heliconque sacer;

Inde et Parnasi bifidi secreta subimus,

Tota ubi Mnemosynes sancta propago manet.

Turba pudica novem dulce hic cecinere sororum;

Delius in medio plectra chelynque sonat:

Aurifluis laudat modulis monumenta suorum

Vatum, quos dignos censet honore poli:

De quo certarunt Salamin, Cumæ, vel Athenæ,

Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, primus Homerus erat;

Laudat et Orpheum, domuit qui voce leones,

Eurydicen Stygiis qui rapuitque rogis;

Antiquum meminit Musæum Eumolpide natum,

Te nec Aristophanes Euripidesque tacet;

Vel canit illustrem genuit quem Teia tellus,

Quemque fovit dulci Coa camena sinu;

Deinde cothurnatum celebrem dat laude Sophoclem,

Et quam Lesbides pavit amore Phaon;

Æschylus, Amphion, Thespis nec honore carebant,

Pindarus, Alcæus, quem tuleratque Paros;

Sunt alii plures genuit quos terra Pelasga,

Daphnæum cecinit quos meruisse decus:

Tersa Latinorum dehinc multa poemata texit,

Laude nec Argivis inferiora probat;

Insignem tollit ter vatem, cui dedit Andes

Cunas urbs, clarum Parthenopæa taphum;

Blanda Corinna, tui Ponto religatus amore,

Sulmoni natus Naso secundus erat;

Inde nitore fluens lyricus genere Appulus ille

Qui Latiis primus mordica metra tulit;

Statius Æacidem sequitur Thebaida pingens,

Emathio hinc scribens prælia gesta solo;

Cui Verona parens hinc mollis scriptor amorum,

Tu nec in obscuro, culte Tibulle, lates;

Haud reticendus erat cui patria Bilbilis, atque

Persius hinc mordax crimina spurca notans;

Eximius pollet vel Seneca luce tragœdus,

Comicus et Latii bellica præda ducis;

Laudat et hinc alios quos sæcula prisca fovebant;

Hos omnes longum jam meminisse foret.

Tum[41] Smintheus, paulo spirans, ait, ecce, sorores,

Quæ clausa oceano terra Britanna nitet!

Oxoniam claram Pataræa ut regna videtis,

Aut Tenedos, Delos, qua mea fama viret:

Nonne fluunt istic nitidæ ut Permessidos undæ,

Istic et Aoniæ sunt juga visa mihi?

Alma fovet vates nobis hæc terra ministros,

Inter quos Schelton jure canendus adest:

Numina nostra colit; canit hic vel carmina cedro

Digna, Palatinis et socianda sacris;

Grande decus nobis addunt sua scripta, linenda

Auratis, digna ut posteritate, notis;

Laudiflua excurrit serie sua culta poesis,

Certatim palmam lectaque verba petunt;

Ora lepore fluunt, sicuti dives fagus auro,

Aut pressa Hyblæis dulcia mella favis;

Rhetoricus sermo riguo fecundior horto,

Pulchrior est multo puniceisque rosis,

Unda limpidior, Parioque politior albo,

Splendidior vitro, candidiorque nive,

Mitior Alcinois pomis, fragrantior ipso

Thureque Pantheo, gratior et violis;

Vincit te, suavi Demosthene, vincit Ulyxim

Eloquio, atque senem quem tulit ipse Pylos;

Ad fera bella trahat verbis, nequiit quod Atrides

Aut Brisis, rigidum te licet, Æacides;

Tantum ejus verbis tribuit Suadela Venusque

Et Charites, animos quolibet ille ut agat,

Vel Lacedæmonios quo Tyrtæus pede claudo

Pieriis vincens martia tela modis,

Magnus Alexander quo belliger actus ab illa

Mæonii vatis grandisonante tuba;

Gratia tanta suis virtusque est diva camenis,

Ut revocet manes ex Acheronte citos;

Leniat hic plectro vel pectora sæva leonum,

Hic strepitu condat mœnia vasta lyræ;

Omnimodos animi possit depellere morbos,

Vel Niobes luctus Heliadumque truces;

Reprimat his rabidi Saulis sedetque furores,

Inter delphinas alter Arion erit;

Ire Cupidineos quovis hic cogat amores,

Atque diu assuetos hic abolere queat;

Auspice me tripodas sentit, me inflante calores

Concipit æthereos, mystica diva canit;

Stellarum cursus, naturam vasti et Olympi,

Aeris et vires hic aperire potest,

Vel quid cunctiparens gremio tellus fovet almo,

Gurgite quid teneat velivolumque mare;

Monstratur digito phœnice ut rarior uno,

Ecce virum de quo splendida fama volat!

Ergo decus nostrum quo fulget honorque, sorores,

Heroas laudes accumulate viro;

Laudes accumulent Satyri, juga densa Lycæi,

Pindi, vel Rhodopes, Mænala quique colunt;

Ingeminent plausus Dryades facilesque Napææ,

Oreadum celebris turba et Hamadryadum;

Blandisonum vatem, vos Oceanitidesque atque

Naiades, innumeris tollite præconiis;

Æterno vireat quo vos celebravit honore,

Illius ac astris fama perennis eat:

Nunc maduere satis vestro, nunc prata liquore

Flumina, Pierides, sistite, Phœbus ait.

Sat cecinisse tuum sit, mi Schelton, tibi laudi

Hæc Whitintonum: culte poeta, vale.

Ex capitalibus hexametrorum litteris solerter compositis emergit hoc

distichon;

Quæ Whitintonus canit ad laudes tibi, Schelton,

Anglorum vatum gloria, sume libens.”[42]

Another laudatory notice of Skelton by a contemporary writer will not

here be out of place;

“To all auncient poetes, litell boke, submytte the,

Whilom flouryng in eloquence facundious,

And to all other whiche present nowe be;

Fyrst to maister Chaucer and Ludgate sentencious,

Also to preignaunt Barkley nowe beying religious,

To _inuentiue Skelton and poet laureate_;

Praye them all of pardon both erly and late.”[43]

Skelton frequently styles himself “_orator regius_;”[44] but the nature

of the office from which he derived the title is not, I believe,

understood. The lines in which, as we have just seen, Whittington so

lavishly praises his “rhetoricus sermo,” allude most probably to his

performances in the capacity of royal orator.

In 1498 Skelton took holy orders. The days on which, during that year, he

was ordained successively subdeacon, deacon, and priest, are ascertained

by the following entries:

“[In ecclesia conuentuali domus siue hospitalis sancti Thome

martiris de Acon ciuitatis London. per Thomam Rothlucensem

episcopum vltimo die mensis Marcii]

M. Johannes Skelton London, dioc. ad titulum Mon. beate Marie

de Graciis iuxta Turrim London.”

“[In cathedra sancti Pauli London. apud summum altare eiusdem

per Thomam permissione diuina London, episcopum in sabbato

sancto viz. xiiii die mensis Aprilis]

Johannes Skelton poete [_sic_] laureatus Lond. dioc. ad titulum

Mon. de Graciis juxta turrim London.”

“[In ecclesia conuentuali hospitalis beate Marie de Elsyng per

Thomam Rothlucensem episcopum ix die mensis Iunii]

M. Johannes Skelton poeta lureatus [_sic_] London. dioc. ad

titulum Mon. de Graciis iuxta turrim London.”[45]

When Arthur, the eldest son of Henry the Seventh, was created Prince of

Wales and Earl of Chester, in 1489,[46] Skelton celebrated the event in

a composition (probably poetical) called _Prince Arturis Creacyoun_,[47]

of which the title alone remains; and when Prince Henry, afterwards Henry

the Eighth, was created Duke of York, in 1494,[48] he was hailed by our

author in some Latin verses—_Carmen ad principem, quando insignitus erat

ducis Ebor. titulo_,—a copy of which (not to be found at present) was

once among the MSS. in the Library of Lincoln Cathedral, having been seen

by Tanner, who cites the initial words,—“Si quid habes, mea Musa.”[49]

As at the last-mentioned date Prince Henry was a mere infant, there can

be no doubt that the care of his education had not yet been entrusted to

our poet. It must have been several years after 1494 that Skelton was

appointed tutor to that prince,—an appointment which affords a striking

proof of the high opinion entertained of his talents and learning, as

well as of the respectability of his character. He has himself recorded

that he held this important situation:

“The honor of Englond I lernyd to spelle,

In dygnyte roialle that doth excelle:

Note and marke wyl[50] thys parcele;

I yaue hym drynke of the sugryd welle

Of Eliconys waters crystallyne,

Aqueintyng hym with the Musys nyne.

Yt commyth thé wele me to remorde,

That creaunser[51] was to thy sofre[yne] lorde:

It plesyth that noble prince roialle

Me as hys master for to calle

In hys lernyng primordialle.”[52]

And in another poem he informs us that he composed a treatise for the

edification of his royal pupil:

“The Duke of Yorkis creauncer whan Skelton was,

Now Henry the viii. Kyng of Englonde,

A tratyse he deuysid and browght it to pas,

Callid _Speculum Principis_, to here in his honde,

Therin to rede, and to vnderstande

All the demenour of princely astate,

To be our Kyng, of God preordinate.”[53]

The _Speculum Principis_ has perished: we are unable to determine whether

it was the same work as that entitled _Methodos Skeltonidis laureati_,

sc. _Præcepta quædam moralia Henrico principi, postea Henr. viii, missa_.

Dat. apud Eltham A.D. MDI., which in Tanner’s days[54] was extant

(mutilated at the beginning) among the MSS. in the Lincoln-Cathedral

Library, but which (like the Latin verses mentioned in a preceding page)

has since been allowed to wander away from that ill-guarded collection.

When Prince Henry was a boy of nine years old, Erasmus dedicated to him

an ode _De Laudibus Britanniæ, Regisque Henrici Septimi ac Regiorum

Liberorum_. The Dedication contains the following memorable encomium on

Skelton; “Et hæc quidem interea tamquam ludicra munuscula tuæ pueritiæ

dicavimus, uberiora largituri ubi tua virtus una cum ætate accrescens

uberiorem carminum materiam suppeditabit. Ad quod equidem te adhortarer,

nisi et ipse jamdudum sponte tua velis remisque (ut aiunt) eo tenderes,

et _domi haberes Skeltonum, unum Britannicarum literarum lumen ac decus_,

qui tua studia possit, non solum accendere, sed etiam consummare;” and in

the Ode are these lines;

“Jam puer Henricus, genitoris nomine lætus,

_Monstrante fonteis vate Skeltono sacros_,

Palladias teneris meditatur ab unguibus arteis.”[55]

The circumstances which led to the production of this Ode are related

by Erasmus in the following curious passage: “Is erat labor tridui, et

tamen labor, quod jam annos aliquot nec legeram nec scripseram ullum

carmen. Id partim pudor a nobis extorsit, partim dolor. Pertraxerat me

Thomas Morus,[56] qui tum me in prædio Montjoii[57] agentem inviserat,

ut animi causa in proximum vicum[58] expatiaremur. Nam illic educabantur

omnes liberi regii, uno Arcturo excepto, qui tum erat natu maximus. Ubi

ventum est in aulam, convenit tota pompa, non solum domus illius, verum

etiam Montjoiicæ. Stabat in medio Henricus annos natus novem, jam tum

indolem quandam regiam præ se ferens, h. e. animi celsitudinem cum

singulari quadam humanitate conjunctam. A dextris erat Margareta, undecim

ferme annos nata, quæ post nupsit Jacobo Scotorum Regi. A sinistris,

Maria lusitans, annos nata quatuor. Nam Edmondus adhuc infans, in ulnis

gestabatur. Morus cum Arnoldo sodali salutato puero Henrico, quo rege

nunc floret Britannia, nescio quid scriptorum obtulit. Ego, quoniam

hujusmodi nihil expectabam, nihil habens quod exhiberem, pollicitus sum

aliquo pacto meum erga ipsum studium aliquando declaraturum. Interim

subirascebar Moro, quod non præmonuisset; et eo magis, quod puer

Epistolio inter prandendum ad me misso, meum calamum provocaret. Abii

domum, ac vel invitis Musis, cum quibus jam longum fuerat divortium,

Carmen intra triduum absolvi. Sic et ultus sum dolorem meum, et pudorem

sarsi.”[59]

The mother of Henry the Seventh, the Countess of Richmond and Derby,

is well known to have used her utmost exertions for the advancement of

literature: she herself translated some pieces from the French; and,

under her patronage, several works (chiefly works of piety) were rendered

into English by the most competent scholars of the time. It is to her, I

apprehend, that Skelton alludes in the following passage of the _Garlande

of Laurell_, where he mentions one of his lost performances;

“Of _my ladys grace_ at the contemplacyoun,

Owt of Frenshe into Englysshe prose,

Of Mannes Lyfe the Peregrynacioun,

He did translate, enterprete, and disclose.”[60]

According to Churchyard, Skelton was “seldom out of princis grace:”[61]

yet among the _Actes, Orders, and Decrees made by the King and his

Counsell, remaining amongst the Records of the Court, now commonly

called the Court of Requests_, we find, under _anno_ 17. _Henry_ vii.;

“10 Junii apud Westminster _Jo. Skelton_ commissus carceribus Janitoris

Domini Regis.”[62] What could have occasioned this restraint, I cannot

even conjecture: but in those days of extra-judicial imprisonments he

might have been incarcerated for a very slight offence. It is, however,

by no means certain that the “_Jo. Skelton_” of the above entry was the

individual who forms the subject of the present essay;[63] and it is

equally doubtful whether or not the following entry, dated the same year,

relates to the mother of the poet;

(Easter term, 17. Henry vii.) “_Johanne Skelton_ } iij. _li._ vj.

vidue de regard. Domini Regis[64] } _s._ viij. _d._”

It has been already shewn that Skelton took holy orders in 1498.[65] How

soon after that period he became rector of Diss in Norfolk, or what

portion of his life was spent there in the exercise of his duties, cannot

be ascertained. He certainly resided there in 1504 and 1511,[66] and, as

it would seem from some of his compositions,[67] in 1506, 1507, and 1513;

in the year of his decease he was, at least nominally, the rector of

Diss.[68]

We are told[69] that for keeping, under the title of a concubine, a

woman whom he had secretly married, Skelton was called to account,

and suspended from his ministerial functions by his diocesan, the

bloody-minded and impure Richard Nykke (or Nix),[70] at the instigation

of the friars, chiefly the Dominicans, whom the poet had severely

handled in his writings. It is said, too, that by this woman he

had several children, and that on his death-bed he declared that he

conscientiously regarded her as his wife, but that such had been his

cowardliness, that he chose rather to confess adultery (concubinage) than

what was then reckoned more criminal in an ecclesiastic,—marriage.

It has been supposed that Skelton was curate of Trumpington near

Cambridge[71] (celebrated as the scene of Chaucer’s _Milleres Tale_),

because at the end of one of his smaller poems are the following words:

“Auctore Skelton, rectore de Dis.

Finis, &c. Apud Trumpinton scriptum[72] per Curatum ejusdem,

quinto die Januarii Anno Domini, secundum computat. Angliæ,

MDVII.”[73]

But the meaning evidently is, that the curate of Trumpington had written

out the verses composed by the rector of Diss; and that the former had

borrowed them from the latter for the purpose of transcription, is

rendered probable by two lines which occur soon after among some minor

pieces of our author;

“Hanc volo transcribas, transcriptam moxque remittas

Pagellam; quia sunt qui mea scripta sciunt.”[74]

Anthony Wood affirms that “at Disse and in the diocese” Skelton “was

esteemed more fit for the stage than the pew or pulpit.”[75] It is at

least certain that anecdotes of the irregularity of his life, of his

buffoonery as a preacher, &c. &c. were current long after his decease,

and gave rise to that tissue of extravagant figments which was put

together for the amusement of the vulgar, and entitled the _Merie Tales

of Skelton_.[76]

Churchyard informs us that Skelton’s “talke was as he wraet [wrote];”[77]

and in this propensity to satire, as well in conversation as in writing,

originated perhaps those quarrels with Garnesche, Barclay, Gaguin, and

Lily, which I have now to notice.

As the four poems _Against Garnesche_ were composed “by the kynges most

noble commaundement,” we may conclude that the monarch found amusement

in the angry rhymes with which Skelton overwhelmed his opponent.

Garnesche, it appears, was the challenger in this contest;[78] and

it is to be regretted that his verses have perished, because in all

probability they would have thrown some light on the private history of

Skelton. _The Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedy_[79] bears a considerable

resemblance to the verses against Garnesche; but the two Scottish poets

are supposed to have carried on a sportive warfare of rude raillery,

while a real animosity seems to have existed between our author and his

adversary.[80] At the time of this quarrel (the exact date of which

cannot be determined) Christopher Garnesche was gentleman-usher to Henry

the Eighth, and dignified with knighthood;[81] and (if Skelton may be

credited) had risen from the performance of very menial offices to the

station which he then occupied. As he had no claims on the remembrance

of posterity, little is known concerning him; but since we have

evidence that his services were called for on more than one occasion of

importance, he must have been a person of considerable note. He is twice

incidentally mentioned in connexion with the royal sisters of Henry the

Eighth. In 1514, when the Princess Mary embarked for France, in order to

join her decrepit bridegroom Louis the Twelfth, Garnesche formed one of

the numerous retinue selected to attend her, and had an opportunity of

particularly distinguishing himself during that perilous voyage: “The

ii. daye of October at the hower of foure of the clocke in the morenynge

thys fayre ladye tooke her ship with all her noble compaignie: and when

they had sayled a quarter of the see, the wynde rose and seuered some

of the shyppes to Caleys, and some in Flaunders, and her shippe with

greate difficultie was brought to Bulleyn, and with great ieopardy at the

entryng of the hauen, for the master ran the ship hard on shore, but the

botes were redy and receyued this noble lady, and at the landyng _Sir

Christopher Garnyshe_ stode in the water, and toke her in his armes, and

so caryed her to land, where the Duke of Vandosme and a Cardynall with

many estates receyued her and her ladyes,”[82] &c. Again, in a letter,

dated Harbottle 18th Oct. 1515, from Lord Dacre of Gillesland and T.

Magnus to Henry the Eighth, concerning the confinement in childbed

of Margaret widow of James the Fourth, &c. we find; “_Sir Christofer

Garneis_ came to Morpeth immediatly vpon the queneis delyueraunce, and

by our aduice hath contynued there with suche stuff as your grace hath

sent to the said quene your suster till Sondaye laste paste, whiche daye

he delyuered your letter and disclosed your credence, gretely to the

quenes comforte. And for somiche as the quene lieth as yet in childe

bedde, and shall kepe her chambre these thre wookes at the leiste, we

haue aduised the said _sir Christofer Garneis_ to remaigne at Morpeth

till the queneis comyng thidder, and then her grace may order and prepare

euery parte of the said stuf after her pleasure and as her grace semeth

moste conuenient,” &c.[83] A few particulars concerning Garnesche may be

gleaned from the Books in the Public Record Office:

(Easter Term, 18 Hen. vii.) “_Cristofero Garneys_ de }

regardo de denariis per Johannem Crawford et }

al. per manuc. for.[84] } xl. _li._”

(i. e. in reward out of moneys forfeited by John Crawford and another

upon bail-bond.)

(1st Henry viii.) “Item to _Christofer Garnisshe_ for }

the kinges offring at S. Edwardes shiryne the } vj. _s._

next day after the Coronacion[85] } viij. _d._”

(Easter Term, 1-2 Henry viii.) “_Cristofero Garneys_ }

vni generosorum hostiariorum regis [one of the }

king’s gentlemen-ushers] de annuitate sua durante }

regis beneplacito per annum } x. _li._

_Eidem Cristofero_ de feodo suo ad xx. _li._ per annum }

pro termino vite sue[86] } xx. _li._”

and we find that afterwards by letters patent dated 21st May, 7th Henry

viii., in consideration of his services the king granted him an annuity

of thirty pounds for life, payable half-yearly at the Exchequer.[87]

(11th Henry viii.) “Item to _Sir Christofer Garnisshe }

knight_ opon a warraunt for the hyre of his howse }

at Grenewyche[88] at x. _li._ by the yere for one }

half a yere due at Ester last and so after half }

yerely during x yeres[89] } c. _s._”

(20th Henry viii.) “_Cristofero Garnyshe militi_ de }

annuitate sua ad xxx _l._ per annum per breve currens }

Rec. den. pro festo Michīs ult. pret. viz. pro vno }

anno integro per manus Ricardi Alen[90] } xxx. _li._”

see above: this entry is several times repeated, and occurs for the last

time in 26th Henry viii.[91]

Bale mentions among the writings of Alexander Barclay a piece “against

Skelton.”[92] It has not come down to us; but the extant works of

Barclay bear testimony to the hearty dislike with which he regarded our

author. At the conclusion of _The Ship of Fooles_ is this contemptuous

notice of one of Skelton’s most celebrated poems;

“Holde me excused, for why my will is good,

Men to induce vnto vertue and goodnes;

I write no ieste ne tale of Robin Hood,

Nor sowe no sparkles ne sede of viciousnes;

Wise men loue vertue, wilde people wantonnes;

It longeth not to my science nor cunning,

_For Philip the Sparow the Dirige to singe_:”[93]

a sneer to which Skelton most probably alludes, when, enumerating his own

productions in the _Garlande of Laurell_, he mentions,

“Of _Phillip Sparow_ the lamentable fate,

The dolefull desteny, and the carefull chaunce,

Dyuysed by Skelton after the funerall rate;

_Yet sum there be therewith that take greuaunce_,

_And grudge therat with frownyng countenaunce_;

But what of that? hard it is to please all men;

Who list amende it, let hym set to his penne.”[94]

That a portion of the following passage in Barclay’s _Fourth Egloge_ was

levelled at Skelton, appears highly probable;

“Another thing yet is greatly more damnable:

Of rascolde poetes yet is a shamfull rable,

Which voyde of wisedome presumeth to indite,

Though they haue scantly the cunning of a snite;[95]

And to what vices that princes moste intende,

Those dare these fooles solemnize and commende.

Then is he decked as _Poete laureate_,

When stinking Thais made him her graduate:

When Muses rested, she did her season note,

And she with Bacchus her camous[96] did promote.

Such rascolde drames, promoted by Thais,

Bacchus, Licoris, or yet by Testalis,

Or by suche other newe forged Muses nine,

Thinke in their mindes for to haue wit diuine;

They laude their verses, they boast, they vaunt and iet,

Though all their cunning be scantly worth a pet:

If they haue smelled the artes triuiall,

They count them Poetes hye and heroicall.

Such is their foly, so foolishly they dote,

Thinking that none can their playne errour note:

Yet be they foolishe, auoyde of honestie,

Nothing seasoned with spice of grauitie,

Auoyde of pleasure, auoyde of eloquence,

With many wordes, and fruitlesse of sentence;

Unapt to learne, disdayning to be taught,

Their priuate pleasure in snare hath them so caught;

And worst yet of all, they count them excellent,

Though they be fruitlesse, rashe and improuident.

To such ambages who doth their minde incline,

They count all other as priuate[97] of doctrine,

And that the faultes which be in them alone,

Also be common in other men eche one.”[98]

In the _Garlande of Laurell_ we are told by Skelton, that among the

famous writers of all ages and nations, whom he beheld in his vision, was

“a frere of Fraunce men call _sir Gagwyne_,

That frownyd on me full angerly and pale;”[99]

and in the catalogue of his own writings which is subsequently given in

the same poem, he mentions a piece which he had composed against this

personage,

“_The Recule ageinst Gaguyne_ of the Frenshe nacyoun.”[100]

Robert Gaguin was minister-general of the Maturines, and enjoyed great

reputation for abilities and learning.[101] He wrote various works; the

most important of which is his _Compendium supra Francorum gestis_ from

the time of Pharamond to the author’s age. In 1490 he was sent by Charles

the Eighth as ambassador to England, where he probably became personally

acquainted with Skelton.

That Skelton composed certain Latin verses against the celebrated

grammarian William Lily, we are informed by Bale,[102] who has preserved

the initial words, viz.

“Urgeor impulsus tibi, Lilli, retundere:”

and that Lily repaid our poet in kind, we have the following proof;

_“Lilii Hendecasyllabi in Scheltonum ejus carmina calumniantem._[103]

“Quid me, Scheltone, fronte sic aperta

Carpis, vipereo potens veneno?

Quid versus trutina meos iniqua

Libras? dicere vera num licebit?

Doctrinæ tibi dum parare famam

Et doctus fieri studes poeta,

Doctrinam nec habes, nec es poeta.”

It would seem that Skelton occasionally repented of the severity of

his compositions, and longed to recall them; for in the _Garlande of

Laurell_, after many of them have been enumerated, we meet with the

following curious passage;

“Item _Apollo that whirllid up his chare_,

That made sum to snurre and snuf in the wynde;

It made them to skip, to stampe, and to stare,

Whiche, if they be happy, haue cause to beware

In ryming and raylyng with hym for to mell,

For drede that he lerne them there A, B, C, to spell.

With that I stode vp, halfe sodenly afrayd;

Suppleyng to Fame, I besought her grace,

_And that it wolde please her, full tenderly I prayd_,

_Owt of her bokis Apollo to rase_.

Nay, sir, she sayd, what so in this place

Of our noble courte is ones spoken owte,

It must nedes after rin all the worlde aboute.

_God wote, theis wordes made me full sad_;

And when that I sawe it wolde no better be,

But that my peticyon wolde not be had,

What shulde I do but take it in gre?

For, by Juppiter and his high mageste,

_I did what I cowde to scrape out the scrollis_,

_Apollo to rase out of her ragman rollis_.”[104]

The piece which commenced with the words “Apollo that whirllid vp his

chare,” and which gave such high displeasure to some of Skelton’s

contemporaries, has long ago perished,—in spite of Fame’s refusal to

erase it from her books!

The title-page of the _Garlande of Laurell_,[105] ed. 1523, sets forth

that it was “studyously dyuysed _at Sheryfhotton Castell_,” in Yorkshire;

and there seems no reason to doubt that it was written by Skelton during

a residence at that mansion. The date of its composition is unknown;

but it was certainly produced at an advanced period of his life;[106]

and the Countess of Surrey, who figures in it so conspicuously as his

patroness, must have been Elizabeth Stafford, daughter of Edward Duke

of Buckingham, second wife of Thomas Howard Earl of Surrey, and mother

of that illustrious Surrey “whose fame for aye endures.” Sheriff-Hutton

Castle was then in the possession of her father-in-law, the Duke of

Norfolk,[107] the victor of Flodden Field; and she was probably there

as his guest, having brought Skelton in her train. Of this poem,

unparalleled for its egotism, the greater part is allegorical; but the

incident from which it derives its name,—the weaving of a garland for the

author by a party of ladies, at the desire of the Countess, seems to have

had some foundation in fact.

From a passage in the poem just mentioned, we may presume that Skelton

used sometimes to reside at the ancient college of the Bonhommes at

Ashridge;

“Of the Bonehoms of Ashrige besyde Barkamstede,

_That goodly place to Skelton moost kynde_,

Where the sank royall is, Crystes blode so rede,

Whervpon he metrefyde after his mynde;

A pleasaunter place than Ashrige is, harde were to fynde,” &c.[108]

That Skelton once enjoyed the patronage of Wolsey, at whose desire he

occasionally exercised his pen, and from whose powerful influence he

expected preferment in the church, we learn from the following passages

in his works:

“Honorificatissimo, amplissimo, longeque reverendissimo in

Christo patri, ac domino, domino Thomæ, &c. tituli sanctæ

Ceciliæ, sacrosanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ presbytero, Cardinali

meritissimo, et apostolicæ sedis legato, a latereque legato

superillustri, &c. Skeltonis laureatus, ora. reg., humillimum

dicit obsequium cum omni debita reverentia, tanto tamque

magnifico digna principe sacerdotum, totiusque justitiæ

æquabilissimo moderatore, necnon præsentis opusculi fautore

excellentissimo, &c., ad cujus auspicatissimam contemplationem,

sub memorabili prelo gloriosæ immortalitatis, præsens pagella

felicitatur, &c.”[109]

“Ad serenissimam Majestatem Regiam, pariter cum Domino

Cardinali, Legato a latere honorificatissimo, &c.

_Lautre Enuoy._

The Poetical Works of John Skelton, Volume 1 (of 2) · 第 1 / 30 段