At the _soupers_ of Paris, however, there were few men who were of the

character of our marechal-de-camp. Bungener, in his “Voltaire et son

Temps,” illustrates the confusion into which men’s ideas had got upon

the subject of things spiritual and things temporal, by noticing the

affair of the Chevalier de la Barre, in 1766. Amid the accusations

brought against him was one, according to which it was laid to his

charge that he had recited in public a certain filthy ode. He was

condemned to be broken on the wheel, on charges of irreligion, of which

this was one. But the part of the question that must have made Astræa

weep through the bandage with which poets have bound her eyes, was

this, namely, that the author of the obscene ode objected to, Piron,

was then in the reception of a pension from the court; and this pension

had been procured for him by Montesquieu, by way of compensation

for his having lost his seat at the Academy, in consequence of his

having been the author of this very ode. This confusion of rewards

and penalties was enough to make Justice dash her brains out with

her own scales. Piron would have been in no wise troubled by such a

catastrophe; the pension from the court enabled him to keep a joyous

table, and that was enough for him.

Duclos was a contemporary and a co-disciple with Piron, in the temple

of philosophy. In 1766, he was at Rome, where he gave such charming

little suppers, that the Sacred College gratefully extended to him the

privileged permission of reading improper books! The philosophers were

then in possession of considerable influence. Marmontel, who was one

of them, was sent to the Bastille, on a certain Friday, in the year

1760. Soon after his arrival, he was supplied with an excellent dinner

_maigre_, the which he ate without thinking of complaining. His servant

was just on the point of addressing himself to the scanty remains, when

lo! an admirable but somewhat irreligious repast, of meat and other

things which come under the denomination of _gras_, and are therefore

forbidden on fast-days, was brought in. The unorthodox banquet was

intended for Marmontel; the more lenten fare was intended for his

servant. For in those days, although philosophers were sent to prison,

their appetites were left to their heretical freedom.

This liberty was allowed by the state, but it was neither sanctioned

nor practised by the Church. The authority of the latter was great

previous to the Revolution. There was then a clerical police, which

looked into the dishes as well as the consciences of the people--of

all degrees. I have somewhere read of a body of this police coming

in collision, during Lent, with the officers of the household of

the Prince of Conti, who were conveying through the streets, from a

neighbouring _rotisseur’s_ to the ducal palace, a supper, through the

covers of which there penetrated an odour which savoured strongly of

something succulent and sinful, of gravy and gravity. Thereupon the

archbishop’s alguazils bade the prince’s men stand and deliver. The

followers of the house of Conti drew their swords in defence of their

rights and sauces. Much of the latter on the side of Conti, and a

little malapert blood on both sides, was spilt, to the edification of

the standers by. Finally, the transgressors of the Church law were

dragged to prison. The damaged repast remained on the pavé, for the

benefit of poor souls who assumed ecclesiastical licence to devour it

without fear of damnation; and the servants of Conti were left in damp

cells to meditate at their leisure upon the argument which Dean Swift

at another period had thus cast into verse:--

“Who can declare, with common sense,

That bacon fried gives God offence?

Or that a herring hath the charm

Almighty vengeance to disarm?

Wrapt up in Majesty divine,

Doth He regard on what we dine?”

To pass from cooks and church to courtesy and coachmen, I may here

speak of a certain Girard who was known in Paris, during the Terror,

for his love of what he called liberty and good living. In his early

days he was a very independent coachman, and was just on the point of

concluding an engagement with an aristocratic old countess, when he

remarked--“Before I finally close with madame, I should like to be

informed for whom madame’s horses are to make way in the streets.”

“For every one,” said the countess. “On questions of precedence, I am

not difficult; if it is yielded to me, I take it; if not, I wait.” “In

that case,” said the aristocratic John, “I shall not suit, madame, as

I myself never draw aside except for the princes of the blood!” Now

this great personage in livery was no other than the Girard who became,

in 1793, the “public accuser,” and who sent to the scaffold those same

nobles who had not been sufficiently noble for him in 1780.

Upon the matter of what became nobility, however, there was always

much confusion in the “aristocratic idea” of the highest continental

families. Thus who, in contemplating the famous Princess des Ursins,

seated among the most honoured at the table of the King of Spain, would

dream of her writing the following sentence in one of her letters to

Madame de Maintenon? “It is I who have the honour of taking from his

majesty his _robe de chambre_, when he gets into bed; and I am there to

give it to him again, with his slippers, when he rises in the morning.”

The flattery paid to royalty in France was never more prodigally

offered than at the period when “wit and philosophy” were beginning to

undermine the throne. We have an instance of this in what happened when

the queen of Louis XV. arrived, in 1765, at Ferté-sous-Jouarre, where

she intended to sup and sleep. She was met beneath an avenue of trees,

outside the town, by the authorities, who offered to her, according to

custom, bread and wine. The queen took a portion of the bread, broke

it in two, and ate thereof, as well as of some grapes, sipping also the

wine; to the delight and edification of the admiring multitude. The

authorities were so struck by the act of condescension on the part of

the royal personage, that they made record of the fact in the register

of the town council. And this they did in such terms as to cause a

commentator to remark, that they could hardly have said more, had her

majesty been a genuine goddess.

After all, this sort of homage had fallen off, in 1765, from what it

had been two centuries before. When Louis XII. encountered his bride,

Mary of England, outside Abbeville, he clapped his feeble hands, and

wished the devil might seize him (and he _did_ die soon after) if she

were not more beautiful than report had painted her! At the gates of

Abbeville, the ill-assorted pair were met by the Bishop of Amiens and

the municipal magistrates, to welcome them to the evening banquet ere

they betook themselves to repose. The bishop presented the new Queen of

France with a piece of the Real Cross. “The _mayeurs_ offered a gift,

the nature of which brings it within my subject.” The gift was usual

whenever king and queen appeared at the portals of the old monkish

city. It consisted of three tuns of wine, three fat oxen, and fifteen

quarters of oats, three pecks of which were presented to the astonished

lady on bended knee, and in a measure painted light blue, and covered

with golden fleurs-de-lys. A complimentary address to the king crowned

all. “Sire,” said the chief local magistrate, “you may now conclude

your marriage in this our good city, without any fear of committing sin

thereby; for, in the year 1409 were reformed, as abuses, those synodal

statutes by which men in our city were forbidden to live with their

wives, during three whole mortal days after the wedding!” The monarch

entered and sat down with his consort to a repast which rendered

both ill for more than double the period just mentioned. Louis had

well-nigh died, like La Matrie, the infidel philosopher at Berlin, of

an indigestion. Had he done so, it might have been said of him, as the

infidel Prussian king said of La Matrie: “He was a _gourmand_, but he

died like a philosopher; let us have no more anxiety about him.”

Frederic himself loved philosophy more than faith, and philosophical

though profligate kings, more than he did “Most Christian” or “Most

Catholic” monarchs. He was wont, therefore, to laugh at the story

of the famished beggar who, standing near the statue of Henri IV.

on the Pont Neuf, solicited charity of a friend of Voltaire who was

passing by. “In the name of God,” said the mendicant. The student of

philosophy was deaf. “In the name of the Holy Virgin!”--“In the name

of the saints!” The appeal was unheeded. “In the name of Henri IV!”

exclaimed the petitioned; and forthwith the Voltairean put his hand

in his pocket, giving a crown-piece, in the name of a philosophical

profligate, while he refused a sou when asked for in the name of God.

But, as Frederic used to say, “How divine is philosophy!” In his mouth

the exclamation was like the well-known cry of Marcel, the ecstatic

dancing-master: “Que de choses dans un minuit!”

There is a story told in connexion with this same great Frederic

which is a good table trait in its way. Joachim von Ziethen was one

of the bravest of the generals who stood by Frederic the Great in

victory or defeat. He was the son of a poor gentleman, and had little

education save what he could pick up in barracks, camps, and battle

fields, in all of which he figured in early youth. If his head was

not over-ballasted with learning, his heart was well freighted with

that love for God, of which some portion, as the dismissed lecturer

on Ecclesiastical History in King’s College tells us, is in almost

every individual without exception, and forms the sheet-anchor which

shall enable him to ride through the storms which keep him from his

desired haven of rest. He became the terror of the foes of Prussia;

but among his comrades, he was known only as “good father Ziethen.”

He was remarkable for his swiftness at once of resolve and execution,

and in remembrance as well as illustration thereof, a sudden surprise

is spoken of by an astonished Prussian as “falling on one like Ziethen

from an ambush.”

Now, old Ziethen, after the triumph achieved in the Seven Years’ War,

was always a welcome guest at the table of Frederic the Second. His

place was ever by the side of the royal master whose cause he had more

than once saved from ruin; and he only sat lower at table when there

happened to be present some foreign royal mediocrity, illustriously

obscure. On one occasion, he received a command to dine with the king

on Good Friday. Ziethen sent a messenger to his sovereign, stating that

it was impossible for him to wait on his majesty, inasmuch as that

he made a point of never omitting to take the sacrament on that day,

and of always spending the subsequent portion of the day in private

meditation.

A week elapsed before the scrupulous old soldier was again invited

to the royal dinner-table. At length he appeared in his old place,

and merry were the guests, the king himself setting an example of

uproarious hilarity. The fun was running fast and furious,--it was

at its very loudest, when Frederic, turning to Ziethen, smacked him

familiarly on the back, and exclaimed, “Well, grave old Ziethen! how

did the supper of Good Friday agree with your sanctimonious stomach?

Have you properly digested the veritable body and blood?” At this

blasphemy, and amid the thunders of pealing laughter, the saluting

artillery of the delighted guests, Ziethen leaped to his feet, and

after shaking his grey hairs with indignation, and silencing the

revellers with a cry, as though they had been dogs, he turned to the

godless master of the realm, and said--words, if not precisely these,

certainly and exactly to this effect:--

“I shun no danger;--your majesty knows it. My life has been always

ready for sacrifice, when my country and the throne required it. What

I was, _that_ I am; and my head I would place on the block at this

moment, if the striking of it off could purchase happiness for my

king. But there is One who is greater than I, or any one here; and

He is a greater sovereign than you who mock Him here from the throne

in Berlin. He it is whose precious blood was shed for the salvation

of all mankind. On Him, that Holy One, my faith reposes: He is my

consoler in life, my hope in presence of death; and I _will not_ suffer

His name to be derided and attacked where I am by, and have voice to

protest against it. Sir, if your soldiers had not been firm in this

faith, they would not have gained victories for you. If you mock this

faith, and jeer at those who cling to it, you only lend a hand to bury

yourself and the state in ruin.” After a pause he added, looking the

while on the mute king:--“What I have spoken is God’s truth; receive it

graciously.”

Frederic was the patron of Voltaire, who had dared to say at his own

table that what it had taken God and twelve Apostles to build up, one

man (Voltaire) would destroy. But Frederic was now, for the moment,

more deeply moved by what had been uttered by the unphilosophical

Ziethen than by anything that had ever fallen from the brilliant but

irreligious Voltaire. He rose, flung his left arm over Ziethen’s

shoulder, offered his right hand to the brave old Christian general,

and exclaimed:--“Ziethen, you are a happy man! Would that I could be

like you! Hold fast by your faith; and I will respect even where I

cannot believe. What has occurred shall never happen again.”

A deep and solemn silence followed, and the dinner was spoiled,

according to the guests, to whom the king gave the signal to disperse

long before their appetites had been satisfied. Ziethen was preparing

to withdraw with the rest, but Frederic, taking him by the hand,

whispered:--“You, my friend, come with me to my cabinet.”

This anecdote was told by Bishop von Eylert to Frederic William III.

That king, who had never heard of the incident, pronounced on it a

three-piled eulogium of “excellent, pleasing, and instructive,” adding

thereto a natural desire to know what passed between the king and

Ziethen in the cabinet. It were doubtless well worth knowing, but I

have sought for any notice of it, and all in vain. The good bishop, as

he deserved, was invited to remain at Sans Souci, to supper. “I excused

myself,” says the prelate, in his memoir of the king, “as having only a

common upper coat on.” The king replied, smilingly, “I know very well

that you have got a dollar and a dress-coat; you are the same person in

either. I want _you_, not your coat; so, go in.”

The Prussian soldiers, in the days of the great Frederic, used to be

allowed unlimited liberty in providing themselves with food in an

enemy’s country. The like permission, but somewhat enlarged, was given

to the Croat soldiers, under the name of foraging for “supper;” but

in that permission they included every meal. They are as ready at it

as Abyssinians; they cut a slice out of the first beast they fall in

with, salt it, put it between the saddle and the horse’s back, gallop

till it gets warm, and then eat it with Croat appetite. The sportsmen

of Dauphiny eat beccaficoes after much the same fashion; they pluck

the bird, sprinkle it with pepper and salt, carry it on their hat to

dry in the air, and eat it with relish for supper, without any further

cooking. They declare it is far better so than when roasted.

Celebrated as the “petits soupers” of the French were during the last

century, they were equalled in brilliancy, and perhaps surpassed in

popularity, by those given in Paris by the Duchess of Kingston. The

adventures of that very adventurous lady rendered her a favourite with

our lively neighbours. When a rustic Devonshire beauty,--wayward,

capricious, ignorant, and seductive, Elizabeth Chudleigh was suddenly

transplanted to the court of the Princess of Wales, as maid of honour.

She there captivated the youthful Duke of Hamilton, returned his

affection, and accepted the offer of his hand. They loved intensely,

quarrelled furiously, and were reconciled warmly; the enemies of both

toiled incessantly to prevent the marriage, and each was daily told of

the alleged infidelities of the other. One of these stories excited

the ardent beauty to such rage that she dismissed her ducal lover,

and in the whirlwind of her wrath gave her hand to Captain Hervey,

brother of the Earl of Bristol. She married in haste, and repented

quite as hastily. She hated her husband before they left the church

together; and after six months of the most active domestic warfare,

the ill-assorted pair separated by mutual consent. She went abroad to

find solace for her disappointment, and was heartily welcomed at the

courts of St. Petersburg, Prussia, and Saxony; she was the favoured

guest of Catherine II., and of the great Frederic, at Berlin; and

no electoral banquet took place at Dresden without being enlivened

by her presence and her wit. When she accepted the invitation to

resume her place at the English court, the reception she met with was

enthusiastic: she played whist with the men, and she drove four-in-hand

as if she had been the born daughter of a charioteer, brought up to her

father’s business. Her accomplishments won the heart of the simplest

of dukes and the gentlest of men, his grace of Kingston, and as an

ecclesiastical court, in 1769, pronounced her marriage with Captain

Hervey (now Earl of Bristol) null and void, she speedily espoused her

ducal admirer, while her former husband bestowed an earl’s coronet

on a second wife. The duke’s property was not entailed, and the

duchess spent it with such reckless prodigality, that his grace was

fairly frightened into consumption and death; and in 1773 she was a

beautiful widow, with the large remnant of the duke’s fortune in her

possession--as long as she did not marry again. Away she went to Rome,

sailed up the Tiber in her own yacht, entertained the pope (Ganganelli)

Clement XIV. at breakfast, dinner, and supper, and kept up such a state

that the world had never beheld such extravagant splendour since the

days of the most profuse and profligate of queens: the heirs of the

duke, seeing their inheritance fast melting away, instituted against

her the famous suit for bigamy, on the ground that the ecclesiastical

court which broke her first marriage had no power to do so. To meet her

accusers she hurried to England, where she considerably startled the

modest among our grandmothers by her Sunday amusements, and the daily

display afforded by the very lowest of dresses. But as she gave most

splendid dinners she had no lack of friends, and few men could find it

in their hearts to abandon a woman in distress, whose kitchen fires

were never extinguished, who gave her guests green peas at Christmas,

and whose commonest beverage was imperial tokay. The House of Lords

judged her case, heard her defence, and pronounced her second marriage

bigamy by overthrowing the decree of the ecclesiastical court with

regard to her first union. To avoid the vulgar penalty she immediately

fled, crossed the Channel in a storm, and proceeded to Munich, where

she was royally entertained, especially as the law could not touch the

property bequeathed her by the Duke of Kingston. The courtesy title of

duchess was still allowed her, and the Elector of Bavaria added to it

that of Countess of Warth. Great nobles gave entertainments in her

honour, which lasted, for days, and ended with a ball, a banquet, and,

instead of common-place fireworks, the storming of a town at midnight.

Poor nobles vied with each other for her smiles and the life-interest

of her possessions; but as she had once been nearly entrapped by a

Greek Prince Warta, who turned out to be the son of an ass-driver in

Trebizond, and who committed suicide in prison, she made and kept her

resolution to be her own mistress for the future, and not that of

either count or kaiser.

In France, where she ultimately resided, she purchased the estate

of St. Assize au Port, which had formerly belonged to the Duke of

Orleans, the father of “Egalité.” She paid down a million and a half

of francs for it, and sold seven thousand francs’ worth of rabbits

from it, during the first week of her residence there. A fricasee of

the duchess’s rabbits was, for a long time, the chief dish at all

the _guinguettes_ round Paris. Her own great suppers were famous for

their refinement and luxury. She was a lover of good living, a GOURMET

rather than a GOURMANDE; an epicure of taste, but not a glutton; and

the gastronomic art never could boast of a more liberal patronage than

that she bestowed upon it, especially in her Paris residence; where her

table, her wit, her dinners, and her diamonds, made of her, for a time,

the most remarkable personage in the capital. She died suddenly, of the

rupture of a blood-vessel, in 1788, and was completely forgotten before

that year had also expired.

I have mentioned that our eccentric countrywoman had purchased the

property of the Duke of Orleans; and that reminds me how fatal the

table, and particularly the supper-table, has been to the dukes of

that house. Thus Philippe, the brother of Louis XIV., quarrelled with

the latter touching the marriage which the king wished to conclude

between one of his own natural daughters and the duke’s son. Orleans,

fevered and flushed, went to sup “with the ladies of St. Cloud.” He

had not long before eaten heavily and drunk deeply at dinner; and at

this second meal he was fatally stricken with apoplexy. The king said

he was sorry, and having thus far given way to his grief, he sat down

with Madame de Maintenon to rehearse the overture of an opera. This

duke’s son and successor gave suppers, at which his infamous daughter,

the Duchess de Berri, presided, and admission to which was purchased

by the candidate making simple denial of his belief in a God! The fate

of both had something retributive in it. The Duchess de Berri, who had

privately married a profligate and ugly officer of her guards, named De

Riou, sought to overcome her father’s wrathful refusal to acknowledge

the union, by giving him a splendid supper _al-fresco_ on the terrace

of Meudon, on the 13th May, 1709. The evening proved cold and damp, and

the duchess caught there a fever brought on by a chill, over-feeding,

and deep drinking, of which she died. Fourteen years afterwards, the

sire who, at sixteen, had all the experience in vice of a man of sixty,

was dining with the Duchess of Phalaria, his last mistress, when he

was taken ill. The physician who was summoned enjoined abstinence

immediate and complete. “Wait till to-morrow,” said the duke, “I will

enjoy myself to-night.” And accordingly, the exemplary pair supped

together, and the lady was in the act of telling the duke one of her

lively stories. As she went on, the glass slid from his hand, and his

head sank upon her shoulder. She thought he was asleep, and went on

with her story; but he to whom she was telling it was stone-dead. The

son of the regent duke was in every respect unlike his father. He ate

_his_ last supper with the Jansenist fathers of the Geneviève,--symbol

of his general habits and the society he kept. _His_ son was the father

of _Egalité_, and at the time of his death (1785) was popular with the

lower classes at Paris for the nightly suppers which he distributed

to them, and which consisted of bread and wine, with medicine for

those who needed it. It was a distribution made not charitably, but

politically. Of the last meal of Egalité, before he went to execution,

I only know that it was a breakfast, and not a supper, and that he

both ate and drank heartily. Misfortune quite as little disturbed the

appetite of the Louis Philippe of our own days. During his flight from

Paris he never forgot the hour of supper or dinner; and when “William

Smith” landed at Newhaven, the first thing he asked for was--something

to eat. I notice these table traits, simply because the Orleanist

historians always speak contemptuously of Louis XVI. eating, with

appetite, in open court during his trial. The stomach of Orleans was

ever as ready as that of Bourbon.

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