Heliogabalus lay on couches stuffed with hare’s down, or partridge

feathers. Ælius Verus reclined on cushions of lily and rose-leaves.

The first-named monster had his funny moments; and sometimes he would

invite a certain number of bald men, or of gouty men, or grey-headed

men, and he was particularly amused at a company of fat men, so crowded

together that they could find room only to perspire. “One of his

favourite diversions consisted in filling a leathern table-couch with

air instead of wool; and while the guests were engaged in drinking,

a tap, concealed under the carpet, was opened, unknown to them,--the

couch sank, and the drinkers rolled pell-mell under the sigma, to the

great delight of the beardless emperor.” He was the first Roman emperor

who wore garments of pure, unmixed silk. He cared little for poets or

philosophers; but he gave liberal premiums to the inventors of new

sauces, provided these pleased his palate. If he disliked them, the

inventor was condemned to eat of nothing else, until he had discovered

a new condiment to win the imperial sanction. Heliogabalus and George

I. had this in common, that they both liked fish a trifle stale. Thus,

it is known that George never cared for oysters till their shells began

spontaneously to gape; and the Oriental master of the Roman empire,

who made a barber prefect of the provisions, would never eat sea-fish

except at a great distance from the sea, when they acquired the taint

he loved. His delight then was to distribute vast quantities of the

rarest sorts, brought at an immense expense, to the peasants of the

inland country. The table of his successor, Alexander Severus, was

that of a gentleman. Its master was the first Roman emperor to whom

that title can be incontestably given; and he loved to have around

him accomplished guests of all varieties of opinion; and this is much

more than can be said for that huge and hungry Goth, Maximin. The

Gordians brought back some of the elegances of social life, which the

uncleanness and severity of Maximin had banished; but at both the

private and public, the humble and the imperial, tables of Rome, there

must have been small ceremony and permanent fear during the brief and

troubled reigns of the foolish men who purchased the right of dining

in an imperial mantle by being speedily enveloped in a bloody shroud.

Gallienus, alone, shines out upon the list as the very prince of cooks;

and if Carême had possessed half the enthusiasm which he so warmly

affected, he would have named his son and heir after this imperial

inventor of _ragoûts_,--who was also the accelerator of the ruin of

Rome. All the temperance of the Gothic Claudius could not restore

the remnant of ancient moderation, which had been destroyed by that

imperial maker of stews, the ever hungry and cruel Gallienus. Aurelian

failed, like Claudius, but the emperor Tacitus was more successful,

and the descendant of the great historian, even during _his_ short

reign, roused the nobles to a sense of dignity, and honoured science by

inviting its disciples to his well-ordered table.

A subsequent emperor, Carus, was perhaps one of the most frugal, by

habit and inclination, that ever wore the imperial sword upon his

thigh. Carus was at once moderate and mirthful. He was seated on the

grass, supping on dry bread and grey peas, when the Persian ambassadors

came to him, suing for peace. “The matter just stands thus, gentlemen,”

said the emperor, opening his mouth widely, at the same time, to insert

a shovel-like spoonful of peas; “if your master does not acknowledge

the superiority of Rome, I will render Persia,”--and here he took off

the cap which he wore to conceal his entire baldness,--“I will render

Persia as destitute of trees as my head is of hair.” Having said which,

he resumed swallowing his peas, and left the delegates to digest his

remark.

We are accustomed to consider Diocletian dining at Salona, on the

cabbages he had reared there, as an emperor in reduced circumstances;

but the truth is, that the palace, gardens, and table of the ex-emperor

were all of a splendid character, and if his table was adorned by the

cabbages he had tended to a prize perfection, he was far too wise an

epicure to confine himself to that dish alone.

The great Constantine appears under a double aspect, and the least

favourable one is offered to us in his maturer years, when he

surrendered himself more unreservedly than before to good living, for

which he had peculiar facilities at Byzantium, took to wearing false

hair, and became altogether a ridiculous old dandy and _bon vivant_;

the ridicule of whom, by his clever and unscrupulous nephew, Julian,

I am not at all surprised at; for what is so eagerly seized upon by

affectionate nephews as the foibles of their indulgent uncles? Julian

was possessed just of that scampish sort of nepotism which leads the

modest young relative to eat an uncle’s dinners and deride the donor.

Julian’s own table would have gained the contempt of an editor of the

_Almanach des Gourmands_. Its frugality was frigidly parsimonious in

its character. The philosophic emperor was a vegetarian, and even of

vegetables he ate sparingly, but swiftly, leaping up, as it were, from

dining thereon, to hurry to his books or the public business, which

he quitted reluctantly when the hour of supper summoned him even to a

more frugal meal than the dinner, which he despatched with a celerity

not at all admired by those who dined with him. Nothing disgusted

him so much as a gross feeder, and probably nothing ever so greatly

surprised him as when, on taking possession of Constantinople, he found

one thousand cooks waiting to prepare the imperial dinner! A thousand

cooks for a man who could dine on a boiled turnip! The Constantines had

been accustomed to dine upon birds from the most distant climates, fish

from the most remote seas; to have a dessert of fruits out of their

natural seasons, and to drink foreign wines cooled in the summer snows

of the lofty hills. All this was as useless to a man who needed but

a crust and an apple to calm his appetite, as were the golden basins

and the jewelled combs to an emperor like Julian, who seldom washed

even his face, and who not only never cleaned his hair, but _felt_

the lively luxury of leaving it undisturbed. Julian in this respect

was like Anthony Pasquin, who was said to have died of a cold caught

by washing his face. There was a famous Irish member of Parliament,

who, unlike Julian, was a glutton at dinner, but who was remarkable

for his religious abstinence from all ablution. His son was one day

standing in the bow-window of White’s, when the sire was passing down

the opposite side of the street. I believe it was the noble lord who,

when Mr. Gunter in the hunting-field remarked that his horse was too

“hot” to ride comfortably, suggested to the equestrian pastrycook

that he should _ice_ him.--I believe it was the same noble lord who,

on the first occasion alluded to above, said to “Jack T----,” “Jack!

what _does_ make your father’s hands so dirty?” “Well!” said the old

Colonel’s affectionate son, “I believe it arises from a bad habit he

has of putting them up to his face!” And so of Julian we may say, that

if his hands were innocent of water, his famous beard was dirtier than

his hands, and that it was not pleasant to lie near the emperor at

dinner, unless guardedly ensconced to the leeward of his sacred and

dirty person.

If Gratian, who was the first Roman emperor who refused the pontifical

robe, had lived but as became the master of an imperial household, his

sacrifice would have had more merit; but the emperors of these times

had curious ideas as to duties. Thus the second Valentinian delighted

in giving splendid dinners, but at these entertainments he always,

himself, fasted;--a most discouraging course for the guests,--but

he thought there was merit in the work. But Theodosius was at least

as good a man, and we know that _he_ enjoyed the sensual and social

pleasures of the table without excess; and the same taste was shown by

that emperor Maximus, who is said to have espoused Helena, the daughter

of a wealthy Caernarvonshire lord, and to have renewed the popularity

of boiled leeks in Rome; and this was a better taste than that of

Honorius, who took to feeding poultry and eating them, while Stilicho

ruled the empire, and the eunuchs lived on the very fat of the land.

It was decidedly better too than the taste which led Valentinian the

third, after dining with Petronius Maximus and winning his money, to

carry off his wife; a Tarquinian insult, which he paid for, however,

with his life. Avitus could indulge in such freaks, however, with

impunity; and he not only seduced Roman matrons, but invited their

husbands to dinner, where the slaves smiled at the imperial raillery

directed against them while the courses were changing! His successor,

Majorianus, was a man of another stamp, and I would fain believe the

pleasant anecdote which says of him that he went to Carthage in the

disguise of his own ambassador, and dined with Genseric the king,

who was especially chafed when he afterwards discovered that he had

entertained, without knowing it, the Emperor of the Romans. Anthemius,

if he be famous for little else, is at least famous for the superb

wedding-dinner with which he celebrated the nuptials of his daughter

with Count Ricimer, a wicked son-in-law who devoured the dinners of

his “beau père,” and robbed him of his estate;--no uncommon course for

sons-in-law to take. The count placed on the uneasy and vacant throne

the epicurean Glycorius, who, having murdered Julius Nepos after a

banquet, was made Archbishop of Milan, as one of the recompenses of

the act. And then the empire fell into the delicate hands of the weak

and beautiful Augustulus, who could not find wherewith in the treasury

to maintain a decent table, and who was glad to accept clemency and

an annuity from Odoacer, whereby he was enabled, upon six thousand

pieces of gold annually, to keep such state in the Castle of Lucullus

in Campania, that the surrounding gentry visited him in shoals, and ate

his dinners by way of proof that they looked upon him as a man of the

highest respectability.

And this was the end of the “twelve vultures,” seen by Romulus,

foreshadowing the “twelve centuries,” more or less, that were to mark

the duration of the dominion which he founded; a dominion commenced

by a hungry adventurer, and which crumbled to nothing in the hand of

that Augustulus, who was but too rejoiced to take in exchange for it,

the bed, board, and six thousand a year with which he set up as a

hospitable country gentleman, in his rustic villa, on the slopes of

Campania.

* * * * *

As for the Cæsars of the Eastern Empire, they were rather Oriental

despots than either Greek or Roman monarchs, just as the Byzantines

were ever more Asiatics than Europeans. The sovereigns, for the most

part, ate at golden tables, and were served like gods. Some of them,

like Romanus, were respectable cooks, and more than one was discussing

the merits of a new sauce or dish, when the Saracens were knocking at

the frontier gates of the empire. The sort of merry humour indulged in

by others may be judged of by a single trait of Michael the Drunkard.

This amiable sovereign started up, one day, from table, ere the

imperial dinner was well over, and assuming an episcopal dress, he

descended into the streets followed by his courtiers. The latter bore

the vinegar and mustard that had been on the monarch’s side-board,

and mixing the condiments together, they stopped all passers-by,

compelled them to kneel, and with horrible profanity and mock psalmody,

administered the Sacrament with the above-named horribly compounded

elements. Such was one of the Eastern Cæsars at and after dinner, and

the easy Byzantines were not much scandalized thereat. Indeed, they

troubled themselves very little about the affairs of the government, or

the doings of the governors; and it would never have entered the head

of a Byzantine subject to say of his son what the American citizen

once remarked, touching his heir, to Mrs. Trollope, namely, that he

would much sooner that his son got drunk three times a week than that

he should refrain from meddling with the politics of his times.

From the palaces of the Cæsars, let us now pass into the mansions of

miscellaneous majesties, and see how the first gentlemen of their

respective days comported themselves “at meat.” Yes, at _meat_; for “la

viande du Roi” was the consecrated phrase, and guards presented arms,

and courtiers bowed low, as the king’s “meat” was solemnly carried to

the royal table, or borne to the bed-side, where it remained under the

name of an _en cas_, “in case” the august appetite should be lively

before morning.

THEIR MAJESTIES AT MEAT.

There was an old custom at Pisa, the origin of which may be traced to

the anti-judaical days of persecution. On a certain day in the year,

I believe, Good Friday or Easter Sunday, every Jew discovered in the

streets, was hunted down by the populace. When the game was caught he

was weighed, and compelled to ransom himself by paying his own weight

of sweetmeats. It was an advantage, then, at Pisa for a Jew to be of a

Cassius cast. It was different in other days, and climes, with regard

to kings. Nations used to weigh their monarchs yearly, and if the

register showed an increase of dignified obesity, great was the popular

rejoicing thereat. If, on the other hand, the too, too solid flesh of

the potentate had yielded to irresistible influences, and the father

of his people exhibited a falling away in his material greatness, the

body of loyal subjects went into mourning and tears, and deplored the

evil days on which they had fallen, when monarchs could not be kept

up to the old monarchical standard of corpulency. Kings who cared for

the affections of their people were, accordingly, disinterestedly

solicitous to support their corporeal requirements; for to be fat was

to be virtuous, and he was really the greatest of monarchs who required

the greatest circumference of belt. You must understand, however, that

if kings encouraged their own increase, it was disloyal in the people

to imitate them. The monarchs of old, in this respect, were like our

Henry VIII, who never stinted his own appetite, but who imprisoned the

Earl of Surrey in Windsor Castle, for daring to touch a lamb chop on a

Friday.

The most gigantic of royal feeders placed on the record of ancient

history, was Thys, king of Paphlagonia, at whose table “the entire

animal” was served by hundreds. When he fell into the power of Persia

he exhibited more appetite than grief, and banqueted in such a style

that the courtiers spoke of it wonderingly to their king Artaxerxes.

He replied significantly, “Thys is making the most of the shortness of

life.”

The kings of Persia were but sorry hosts to dine with. Their table was

in a little recess divided from the outward hall by a low curtain. The

king sat alone in his alcove, and could behold, without being seen, the

guests in the outer hall. The latter were of the highest rank; mere

younger brothers, civilians, and undignified people of that sort, sat

at meat in the galleries. It was only on two or three high days that

the king sat at the same table with his subjects. The royalty of old

Persia had once a reputation for temperance, but to be “royally drunk”

was no uncommon characteristic of his majesty and the princes of the

blood. He generally made drinking parties of a dozen favourites. These

sat on the ground, while the king lay on a gold couch, and the conclave

drank like dragoons, and got infinitely more tipsy.

In the banquets of state there were a few singularities. Horses and

ostriches appear in the bill of fare, among a hundred other delicacies;

but no guest did more than just taste what was placed before him; and

what he did not eat, he carried home with him. A dainty bit from the

king’s table was a present meet for lover to make to his lady; and a

wooer who brought a rump-steak of horse-flesh in his hand, straight

from the regal banquet, was scarcely a man to be refused anything.

There was something of grandeur in the banquets of Cleopatra, when

Antony dined with her. The service was in gold, and she made a present

of it to her visitor. On the following day there was a new service,

and it was again presented to “the favoured guest.” Antony himself

exhibited infinitely less taste at Athens. He erected in the public

theatre a scene representing the grotto of Bacchus, dressed himself

like the god, and, with a party of followers as worthless as himself,

sat down at day-break, in presence of an admiring and crowded “house,”

and got dreadfully drunk before breakfast-time. And this knave aspired

to rule in Rome!

Alexander, and, as may be seen in another page, Augustus, was given

to this sort of theological masquerading. The first-named accepted

banquets from his great officers; and these exhibited their taste by

having all the fruit on the table covered thickly with gold, which,

when the fruit itself was presented to the guests, was torn off and

flung on the ground, for the benefit of the servants. The father of

Alexander had shown in his time a better example of economy. He had but

one gold cup, and to prevent that from being stolen, he placed it every

night under his pillow, and went to sleep upon it. The mad Antiochus,

of Syria, was of another kidney, for whenever he heard of a drinking

bout in his own city, he used to order his chariot, and taking with him

a measure of wine and a goblet, he would rush down to the place and

take a seat uninvited. He was such indifferent company, however, that

the guests could not be prevailed upon to tarry, and even the offer of

his golden goblet was unable to bribe a man to sit and get drunk with a

witless king.

But the most extraordinary meal I have ever heard of was that made by

Cambes, king of Lydia. He was a great eater, a great drinker, and of

insatiable voracity. It is told of him that he one night cut up his

wife and devoured her, and that he awoke the next morning, with one of

her hands sticking in his mouth. But I have little doubt that something

of an allegory lies under this royal story. Cambes probably had had an

argument with his consort,--a lady of the sort spoken of by Dr. Young

as one who

Shakes the curtain with her good advice.

His logic “cut up” her assertions, and thereon he addressed himself to

sleep; but he no sooner awoke in the morning than her hand was upon his

mouth, to prevent his speaking while she reiterated her follies of the

previous night. Poor Cambes! he cut his throat in order to escape from

a too loquacious consort, of whom he is accused of being the murderer

by the libelling Xanthus.

I may add to the record of these exemplary persons, the name of

Dionysius of Heraclea, who, through good living, fell into such

a condition of obesity and somnolency that he could only be made

conscious by running fine gold needles into his flesh. What a droll

thing it must have been for his morning visitors who found the huge

mass fast asleep at table! Shaking hands with him, or any other

equivalent ceremony, would have been useless. They accordingly took

a gold needle from his girdle and tenderly run it into his fat. When

it reached a vital point, the uneasy monarch snorted and opened one

eye; and this being taken as an acknowledgment of their presence, he

straightway went to sleep again. Ptolemy, the seventh king of Egypt,

was in nearly as deplorable a condition, and Magas of Cyrene was

perhaps even worse. The Ephori, it will be remembered, had a horror

of the Lacedæmonians getting fat, and to prevent this undesirable

consummation, the youth were obliged to present themselves undraped

to the magistrates. Woe to the offenders with prominent stomachs, for

they had them punched till the owners hardly knew whether they stood

on their head or their heels, and could not digest a dinner for a month

afterwards.

They were beaten almost as badly as the unlucky official who went, in

Parthia, by the name of the king’s friend. It was the duty of this

minister to seat himself on the ground at the foot of the lofty couch

on which the king lay, and from which the sovereign flung refuse bits

to his “friend.” If the latter ate too voraciously, his meat was

snatched from him, and he was beaten with rods till he had hardly

strength left to thank his majesty for the entertainment. Of course, if

he ate too slowly, he was subject to similar castigation. The moral,

perhaps, is, that “fast” or “slow,” it is safer not to be “friends”

with the king--of the Parthians.

But let us turn from the ancient records of how the monarchs of old

deported themselves at their solemn boards, and contemplate a few brief

table traits in connexion with the sovereigns of more modern times.

Clovis was a Christian king, but his behaviour at dinner was not always

so exemplary as might have been desired. But the Chesterfields of his

time were not exacting, and they probably thought Clovis a gentleman

when, on Bishop (St. Gerome) taking leave of him after dinner, the

monarch pulled out a hair and placed it in the bishop’s palm; the civil

ceremony was imitated by the courtiers, and the prelate left the rude

palace with more hairs on his hand than he had on his head.

But dismissing the idea of running regularly through the “Tables of

the Sovereigns of Europe,” and elsewhere, I will simply relate such

incidents as are exemplary of royal table life, without pausing to be

very nice with regard to chronological order. Thus it occurs to me that

Russia, in modern times, exhibits as much barbarism as the court of

Clovis, where Christianity and civilization were, as yet, hardly known.

When Peter the Great and his consort dined together, they were waited

on by a page and the empress’s favourite chambermaid. Even at larger

dinners, he bore uneasily the presence and service of what he called

listening lacqueys. His taste was not an imperial one. He loved, and

most frequently ordered, for his own especial enjoyment, a soup with

four cabbages in it; gruel; pig, with sour cream for sauce; cold roast

meat, with pickled cucumbers or salad; lemons and lampreys; salt meat,

ham, and Limburgh cheese. Previously to addressing himself to the

“consummation” of this supply, he took a glass of aniseed water. At his

repast he quaffed quass, a sort of beer, which would have disgusted

an Egyptian; and he finished with Hungarian or French wine. All this

was the repast of a man who seemed, like the nation of which he was

the head, in a transition state, between barbarism and civilization;

beginning dinner with cabbage water, and closing the banquet with

goblets of Burgundy.

Peter and his consort had stranger tastes than these. This illustrious

pair once arrived at Stuthof, in Germany, where they claimed not only

the hospitality of the table, but a refuge for the night. The owner

of the country-house at which they sought to be guests was a Herr

Schoppenhauer, who readily agreed to give up to them a small bed-room,

the selection of which had been made by the emperor himself. It was a

room without stove or fire-place, had a brick floor, the walls were

bare; and the season being that of rigorous winter, a difficulty arose

as to warming this chamber. The host soon solved the difficulty.

Several casks of brandy were emptied on the floor, the furniture being

first removed, and the spirit was then set fire to. The czar screamed

with delight as he saw the sea of flames, and smelt the odour of the

Cognac. The fire was no sooner extinguished than the bed was replaced,

and Peter and Catherine straightway betook themselves to their repose,

and not only slept profoundly all night in this gloomy bower, amid the

fumes and steam of burnt brandy, but rose in the morning thoroughly

refreshed and delighted with their couch, and the delicate vapours

which had curtained their repose.

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