CHAPTER IV

The Polterham Literary Institute was a "hot-bed of Radicalism." For the

last year or two this had been generally understood. Originating in the

editorial columns of the _Polterham Mercury_, the remark was now a

commonplace on the lips of good Conservatives, and the liberals

themselves were not unwilling to smile an admission of its truth. At

the founding of the Institute no such thing was foreseen; but in 1859

Polterham was hardly conscious of the stirrings of that new life which,

in the course of twenty years, was to transform the town. In those days

a traveller descending the slope of the Banwell Hills sought out the

slim spire of Polterham parish church amid a tract of woodland, mead

and tillage; now the site of the thriving little borough was but too

distinctly marked by trails of smoke from several gaunt chimneys--that

of Messrs. Dimes & Nevison's blanket-factory, that of Quarrier & Son's

sugar-refinery, and, higher still (said, indeed, to be one of the

tallest chimneys in England), that of Thomas & Liversedge's soap-works.

With the character of Polterham itself, the Literary Institute had

suffered a noteworthy change. Ostensibly it remained non-political: a

library, reading-room and lecture-hall, for the benefit of all the

townsfolk; but by a subtle process the executive authority had passed

into the hands of new men with new ideas. A mere enumeration of the

committee sufficed to frighten away all who held by Church, State, and

Mr. Welwyn-Baker: the Institute was no longer an Institute, but a

"hot-bed."

How could respectable people make use of a library which admitted works

of irreligious and immoral tendency? It was an undoubted fact (the

_Mercury_ made it known) that of late there had been added to the

catalogue not only the "Essays of David Hume" and that notorious book

Buckle's "History of Civilization," but even a large collection of the

writings of George Sand and Balzac--these latter in the original

tongue; for who, indeed, would ever venture to publish an English

translation? As for the reading-room, was it not characterization

enough to state that two Sunday newspapers, reeking fresh from Fleet

Street, regularly appeared on the tables? What possibility of perusing

the _Standard_ or the _Spectator_ in such an atmosphere? It was clear

that the supporters of law and decency must bestir themselves to

establish a new Society. Mr. Mumbray, long prominent in the municipal

and political life of the town, had already made the generous offer of

a large house at a low rental--one of the ancient buildings which had

been spoilt for family residence by the erection of a mill close by.

The revered Member for the borough was willing to start the new library

with a gift of one hundred volumes of "sterling literature." With

dissolution of Parliament in view, not a day should be lost in

establishing this centre of intellectual life for right-thinking

inhabitants. It was a strange thing, a very strange thing indeed, that

interlopers should have been permitted to oust the wealth and

reputability of Polterham from an Institute which ought to have been

one of the bulwarks of Conservatism. Laxity in the original

constitution, and a spirit of supine confidence, had led to this sad

result. It seemed impossible that Polterham could ever fall from its

honourable position among the Conservative strongholds of the country;

but the times were corrupt, a revolutionary miasma was spreading to

every corner of the land. Polterham must no longer repose in the

security of conscious virtue, for if it _did_ happen that, at the

coming election, the unprincipled multitude even came near to achieving

a triumph, oh what a fall were there!

Thus spoke the _Mercury_. And in the same week Mr. Mumbray's vacant

house was secured by a provisional committee on behalf of the Polterham

Constitutional Literary Society.

The fine old crusted party had some reason for their alarm. Since

Polterham was a borough it had returned a Tory Member as a matter of

course. Political organization was quite unknown to the supporters of

Mr. Welwyn-Baker; such trouble had never seemed necessary. Through the

anxious year of 1868 Mr. Welwyn-Baker sat firm as a rock; an endeavour

to unseat him ended amid contemptuous laughter. In 1874 the high-tide

of Toryism caused only a slight increase of congratulatory gurgling in

the Polterham backwater; the triumphant party hardly cared to notice

that a Liberal candidate had scored an unprecedented proportion of

votes. Welwyn-Baker sat on, stolidly oblivious of the change that was

affecting his constituency, denying indeed the possibility of mutation

in human things. Yet even now the Literary Institute was passing into

the hands of people who aimed at making it something more than a place

where retired tradesmen could play draughts and doze over _Good Words_;

already had offensive volumes found harbourage on the shelves, and

revolutionary periodicals been introduced into the reading-room. From

time to time the _Mercury_ uttered a note of warning, of protest, but

with no echo from the respectable middle-class abodes where Polterham

Conservatism dozed in self-satisfaction. It needed another five years

of Liberal activity throughout the borough to awaken the good people

whose influence had seemed unassailable, and to set them uttering

sleepy snorts of indignation. But the _Mercury_ had a new editor, a man

who was determined to gain journalistic credit by making a good fight

in a desperate cause. Mr. Mumbray, who held the post of Mayor, had at

length learnt that even in municipal matters the old order was

threatened; on the Town Council were several men who gave a great deal

of trouble, and who openly boasted that in a very short time all the

affairs of the town would be managed by members of the Progressive

party. If so, farewell public morality! farewell religion!

The reading-room of the Literary Institute heard many an animated

conversation among the zealous partisans who hoped great things from

the approaching contest. The talkers were not men of recognized

standing, the manufacturers and landowners whose influence was of most

importance--for these personages were seldom seen at the Institute; but

certain "small" people, fidgety, or effervescent, or enthusiastic,

eager to hear their own voices raised in declamation, and to get spoken

of in the town as representatives of public opinion. Such a group had

gathered early one afternoon in this month of October. The hour was

unusual, for between one o'clock and four the reading-room was

generally abandoned to a few very quiet, somnolent persons; but to-day

an exciting piece of news had got about in Polterham, and two or three

ardent politicians hastened from their dinner-tables to discuss the

situation with Mr. Wykes, secretary of the Institute, or any one else

who might present himself. It was reported that Mr. Welwyn-Baker had

had a seizure of some kind, and that he lay in a dangerous state at his

house just outside the town.

"It's perfectly true," affirmed Mr. Wykes. "I saw Dr. Staple on his way

there. He'll never survive it. We shall have a bye-election--the very

last thing desirable."

The Secretary was a man of intelligent features but painfully

distorted body; his right leg, permanently bent double, was supported

at the knee by metal mechanism, and his arm on the opposite side ended

at the elbow. None the less he moved with much activity, gesticulated

frequently with the normal arm, and seemed always to be in excellent

spirits. He was a Cambridge graduate, but had never been able to make

much use of his education and abilities; having reached middle age, and

finding himself without resources, he was glad to accept this post at

the Institute.

About him stood three Polterham worthies: Mr. Chown, draper, a member

of the Corporation; Mr. Vawdrey, coal-merchant; and Mr. Murgatroyd,

dentist. The draper--tall, bearded, with goggle eyes and prominent

cheek-bones--had just rushed in; as soon as Mr. Wykes had spoken, he

exclaimed in a hard, positive voice:

"It's nothing! it's nothing! I have it on the best assurance that it

was only a fall over a footstool. Muscles strained--a bruise or

two--nothing worse."

"I'm very glad to hear it, on every ground," said Wykes. "But even if

that is quite correct, it'll be a warning. A fall at that age generally

dates the beginning of decrepitude. He won't come forward again--I'm

convinced he won't."

"Let us hope they'll be foolish enough to set up his son," remarked Mr.

Vawdrey, in deep tones, which harmonized with his broad, stunted body

and lowering visage. "It'll be their ruin."

Mr. Wykes agreed.

"The waverers can hardly doubt--between Tobias Liversedge and Hugh

Welwyn-Baker."

"Bear in mind," rang Mr. Chown's brassy voice, "that it's by no means

certain Liversedge is to be our candidate. I am in a position to assure

you that many of our most reliable men are not at all satisfied with

that choice--not at all satisfied. I don't mind going so far as to

declare that I share this dissatisfaction."

"Really," put in Mr. Murgatroyd, the dentist, "it's rather late in the

day, Mr. Chown"----

His accents of studious moderation were interrupted by a shout from the

dogmatic draper.

"Late? late? I consider that nothing whatever has been decided. I

protest--I protest, most emphatically, against any attempt to force a

candidate on the advanced section of the Liberal party! I will even go

so far as to say--purely on my own responsibility--that the advanced

section of the Liberal party is the _essence_ of the Liberal party, and

must be recognized as such, if we are to fight this campaign in union.

I personally--I speak for myself--do _not_ feel prepared to vote for

Tobias Liversedge. I say it boldly, caring not who may report my words.

I compromise no man, and no body of men; but my view is that, if we are

to win the next election against the Tory candidate, it must be with

the help, and in the name, of a _Radical_ candidate!"

At the close of each period Mr. Chown raised his hand and made it

vibrate in the air, his head vibrating in company therewith. His eyes

glared, and his beard wagged up and down.

"Speaking as an individual," replied Mr. Murgatroyd, who, among other

signs of nervousness, had the habit of constantly pulling down his

waistcoat, "I can't say that I should regret to be called upon to vote

for a really advanced man. But I may say--I really must say--and I

think Mr. Wykes will support me--I think Mr. Vawdrey will bear me

out--that it wouldn't be easy to find a candidate who would unite all

suffrages in the way that Mr. Liversedge does. We have to remember"----

"Well," broke in the coal-merchant, with his muffled bass, "if any one

cares to know what I think, I should say that we want a local man, a

popular man, and a Christian man. I don't know whom you would set up in

preference to Liversedge; but Liversedge suits me well enough. If the

Tories are going to put forward such a specimen as Hugh Welwyn-Baker, a

gambler, a drinker, and a profligate, I don't know, I say, who would

look better opposed to him than Toby Liversedge."

Mr. Chown could not restrain himself.

"I fail altogether to see what Christianity has to do with politics!

Christianity is all very well, but where will you find it? Old

Welwyn-Baker calls himself a Christian, and so does his son. And I

suppose the Rev. Scatchard Vialls calls himself a Christian! Let us

have done with this disgusting hypocrisy! I say with all

deliberation--I affirm it--that Radicalism must break with religion

that has become a sham! Radicalism is a religion in itself. We have no

right--no right, I say--to impose any such test as Mr. Vawdrey insists

upon!"

"I won't quarrel about names," returned Vawdrey, stolidly, "What I

meant to say was that we must have a man of clean life, a moral man."

"And do you imply," cried Chown, "that such men are hard to find among

Radicals?"

"I rather think they're hard to find anywhere nowadays."

Mr. Wykes had made a gesture requesting attention, and was about to

speak, when a boy came up to him and held out a telegram.

"What's this?" murmured the Secretary, as he opened the envelope.

"Well, well, how very annoying! Our lecturer of to-morrow evening can't

possibly keep his engagement. No reason given; says he will write."

"Another blank evening!" exclaimed Chown. "This is most unsatisfactory,

I must say."

"We must fill it up," replied the Secretary. "I have an idea; it

connects with something I was on the point of saying." He looked round

the room cautiously, but saw only a young lad bent over an illustrated

paper. "There is some one," he continued, subduing his voice, "who

might possibly be willing to stand if Mr. Liversedge isn't finally

adopted as our candidate--some one who, in my opinion, would suit us

very well indeed. I am thinking of young Mr. Quarrier, Liversedge's

brother-in-law, Mr. Sam Quarrier's nephew."

"I can't say I know much for or against him," said the draper.

"A barrister, I believe?" questioned Murgatroyd.

"Yes, but not practising his profession. I happened to meet him in the

train yesterday; he was coming to spend a few days with his relatives.

It occurs to me that he's the man to give us a lecture to-morrow

evening."

The others lent ear, and Mr. Wykes talked at some length of Mr. Denzil

Quarrier, with whom he had a slight personal acquaintance dating from a

year or two ago. He represented that the young man was of late become

wealthy, that he was closely connected with people in high local

esteem, that his views were those of a highly cultured Radical. Mr.

Chown, distrustful regarding any proposition that did not originate

with himself, meditated with some intensity. Mr. Vawdrey's face

indicated nothing whatever. It was the dentist who put the first

question.

"I should like to know," he said, in his usual voice of studied

inoffensiveness, "whether Mr. Quarrier is disposed to support the

Female Suffrage movement?"

"If he is," growled Mr. Vawdrey, with sudden emphasis, "he mustn't

expect _my_ vote and interest. We've seen enough in Polterham lately of

the Female question."

"Let it wait! Let it wait!" came from the draper. "The man," he glared

at little Murgatroyd, "who divides his party on matters of detail,

beyond the range of practical politics, is an enemy of popular

progress. What _I_ should desire to know is, whether Mr. Quarrier will

go in heartily for Church Disestablishment? If not--well, I for my

humble self must Decline to consider him a Radical at all."

"That, it seems to me," began the dentist, "is distinctly beyond"----

But politic Mr. Wykes interrupted the discussion.

"I shall go at once," he said, "and try to see Mr. Quarrier. A lecture

to-morrow we must have, and I think he can be persuaded to help us. If

so, we shall have an opportunity of seeing what figure he makes on the

platform."

Mr. Vawdrey looked at his watch and hurried away without a word. The

draper and the dentist were each reminded of the calls of business. In

a minute or two the youth dozing over an illustrated paper had the room

to himself.

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