CHAPTER XXXII

THE AGE OF STAGNATION, POLITICS (1580-1789)

We have now reached a period of comparative stability in which dukes,

viceroys, oligarchs, and Popes sit settled in their respective dominions

with a security that appears a little tame after the whir and uproar of

Barbarian invasion. To be sure, the wars between Spain, France, and

Austria, waged first to abate the over-greatness of the House of

Hapsburg and afterwards that of the House of Bourbon, were often fought

out in the north of Italy; nevertheless, the period of confusion has

passed, and each principality has a consecutive political history, which

runs along for two hundred years. Our best course will be to glance at

the careers of the several states, one by one, until they reach the

tumultuous influences of the French Revolution. Venice, the noblest as

well as the most powerful, deserves to come first.

_Venice_

Venice still ranked as one of the great powers of Europe; she was sought

as an ally, she took part in European counsels, and bore herself with

resolute dignity and pride. The change that was going on went on so

slowly, and her statesmen were so well trained and so far-sighted, that

her reputation remained intact after the power which had created it had

shrunk and dwindled. In spite of the battle of Lepanto she lost the

island of Cyprus to the Turks, but secured a peace which lasted for two

generations, a surprisingly long time, considering that the two states

were destined to fight each other till both were exhausted. She was less

successful in keeping at peace with her Christian neighbours, and became

embroiled in a celebrated quarrel with the Holy See.

There was an irritating papal bull which was issued and reissued under

the stimulus of the reinvigorating Counter-Reformation, entitled _In

Coena Domini_ (for the Lord's Supper), usually read on Maundy Thursday.

It was probably the very bull that Montaigne heard read from the balcony

of St. Peter's. This bull asserted papal claims of extreme character,

not unworthy of Boniface VIII, and, in fact, revealed complete

consciousness of renewed youth and vitality. Other states in Italy bowed

and accepted, or pretended to accept, this declaration of papal

authority; but Venice refused to publish the bull. In fact, though

Venice had always professed great respect for the Holy See, she had been

consistently self-willed and opposed to papal pretensions, and likewise

somewhat free-thinking. Moreover, there had been festering disagreements

concerning territory and politics. Venice insisted upon the right to tax

Church property within the state, and to try priests charged with crime

before her lay tribunals. Acting upon the latter right she arrested and

tried two priests guilty of crime. This action traversed the doctrine

laid down in the papal bull. The Pope put Venice under an interdict

(1606). In retaliation the Signory issued a decree of banishment against

all priests and monks who should obey the interdict. Various Orders

quitted the city. The Pope stood firm in his position that "there could

be no true piety without entire submission to the spiritual power." All

Europe looked on, the Protestants backing Venice, the Catholics

supporting the Pope. War was in the air; but the danger of a European

_melee_ was too great. The French King, Henry IV, enacted the

peacemaker; and the forces in favour of compromise succeeded in

reestablishing peace.

Out of the quarrel one man issued with a noble historic reputation. Fra

Paolo Sarpi (1552-1623) was the last of the great Venetians. In boyhood

he was so precocious a scholar that at eighteen he was made professor of

Positive Theology, and, a little later, of Philosophy and of

Mathematics. Grown up, he became a man of science, the foremost of his

time excepting Francis Bacon. He discovered the valves of the veins, and

also, independently of Harvey, the circulation of the blood. He made

discoveries in optics. He studied heat, light, sound, colour,

pneumatics, the magnetic needle. In astronomy Galileo called him, "_il

mio padre e maestro_--my father and my master." Sir Henry Wotton, the

English ambassador to Venice, said, Fra Paolo is "as expert in the

history of plants as if he had never perused any book but Nature." In

addition to these achievements, he wrote a very celebrated history of

the Council of Trent. At the time of the breach with the Papacy, this

brilliant savant was appointed Theological Counsellor to the Republic,

and was abruptly flung into the confusion and passion of violent

political strife. Deeply patriotic,--his last thought was for Venice,

"_Esto perpetua_, may she live forever,"--he held a brief, as it were,

for his country, and as her advocate argued her cause before all Europe

with brilliant success.

At this period the Venetian Signory belonged, in spirit at least, to an

international political party which was opposed to Spain and to the

Papacy, and for that reason was favoured by the French, especially when

Henry of Navarre was on the throne. In fact, this quarrel between Venice

and the Papacy may be considered an episode in the great struggle

between the party of European freedom and the tyrannical House of

Hapsburg, seated on the thrones of Spain and Austria, and supported by

the Papacy.

But Venice was not able to concentrate her attention upon European

affairs. Later in the century war with the Turks was renewed; she was

too weak to resist them single-handed, and, after a struggle which

lasted for twenty-five years, she lost Crete (1669). Not many years

later, having obtained allies, she renewed the war, fought with great

gallantry, and actually conquered the Morea, which, on the conclusion of

hostilities, was ceded to her (1699). This conquest, now best remembered

from the fact that in the attack on Athens a Venetian bomb blew up the

Parthenon, was the last great military exploit of the Venetians, and

within twenty years the Morea was lost again.

Martial vigour ebbed slowly but surely. During the war of the Spanish

Succession, when, the course of fortune having shifted, Europe combined

to resist the overbearing power of Louis XIV and the House of Bourbon,

Venice remained neutral. Like an old dog which has fought many good

fights in its youth and prime, and now, lame and scarred, maintains a

dignified abstention from canine frays, Venice lay back. In 1718, after

the war with Turkey in which she lost the Morea, she took part in the

treaty between Austria and Turkey. This was her last active diplomatic

intervention in the affairs of Europe. She had lost Cyprus, Crete, the

Morea; and now her province in Italy, bits of Illyria, and some of the

Ionian Islands, alone remained from her old empire. She shut her eyes to

the past, and concentrated her attention on making her beautiful city

"the revel of the earth, the masque of Italy." On the eve of the mighty

upheaval of the French Revolution, her old sea glory flashed up under

her last great admiral, Angelo Emo (1731-92), who cleared the seas of

the Algerine pirates; but it was too late, Venice had run her course,

and the end was at hand.

_Spanish Provinces_

West of Venetian territory, the unfortunate duchy of Milan fulfilled its

melancholy lot of being the prize possessed by Spain, yet coveted and

fought for by France. Its history takes no special hold upon the memory.

Against a constant background of French ambition (Richelieu, Mazarin,

Louis XIV), the Spanish governors step forward upon the Milanese stage,

levy taxes, scheme how to circumvent the French, and how to extend

Spanish dominion, and then go home, a little richer but without leaving

any definite impression on the page of history except as they have

served to create the scenes depicted in the romantic novel "I Promessi

Sposi." One has a vague idea of ceremony, bows, obeisances, ignorance,

rapacity, and cruelty, but the idea is nebulous, and we need not stop.

Leaving local affairs aside, we will proceed at once to see how the

titles to Milan and other Spanish provinces in Italy passed from Spain

into other hands. History here acts as an attorney and coldly records

the transfer from one monarch to another. Like lots of land the

provinces of Italy were bartered and granted in consideration of war,

dynastic love, and affection, or for the sake of the political

equilibrium of Europe. The great Powers fell to blows over the

succession to the crown of Spain (1700-14), to the crown of Poland

(1733-35), and other matters in which Italy had no voluntary concern;

and, after years of war, made treaties to reestablish European

equilibrium by an elaborate system of weights and counterweights. Where

the balances hung unevenly, a province of Italy was thrown in to restore

them to a level. In this way Milan, Parma, Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia

were disposed of. All we need do is to remember that in place of

conveyances there were treaties, and in place of offer, counter-offer,

haggling, and bargaining, there were battles, sieges, devastation, and

pillage.

The records of conveyances in the office of history read as follows:--

LOT GRANTOR GRANTEE DATE

Milan Spain Austria 1713

Naples Spain Austria 1713

" Austria Spanish Bourbons 1738

Sicily Spain Savoy 1713

" Savoy Austria 1720

" Austria Spanish Bourbons 1738

Parma Spanish Bourbons Austria 1738

" Austria Spanish Bourbons 1748

Sardinia Spain Austria 1713

" Austria Savoy 1720

Milan was subject to only one transfer, from Spain to Austria, by the

treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt (1713-14), which closed the war of the

Spanish Succession. Those same treaties took Naples and the island of

Sardinia from Spain and gave them to Austria, and also took Sicily from

Spain and gave it to Savoy. Spain, however, was dissatisfied, and

attempted to recover what she had lost; but a new European coalition

forced her to renounce her claim. In the general pacification after the

war, for the purpose of making a more satisfactory arrangement, Sardinia

was exchanged for Sicily, giving Sardinia to Savoy and Sicily to Austria

(1720). Finally, after the war of the Polish Succession by the Peace of

Vienna (1738), Austria ceded Naples and Sicily to younger sons of the

royal family of Spain, the Spanish Bourbons, on condition that those

provinces should never be united with the crown of Spain, and received

in exchange the little duchy of Parma, which had fallen to a Spanish

Bourbon on the extinction of the Farnesi. But ten years later, at the

close of the war of the Austrian Succession, Austria ceded Parma back

again to other members of the Spanish Bourbon family.

_Tuscany_

Another paragraph is necessary to complete the Austrification and the

Spanification of Italy. The Medici of Tuscany died out. After the first

Grand Duke, Cosimo, six successors had followed, dwindling away in

incapacity, luxury, and bigotry. The last died in 1737. Then, by virtue

of that general reapportionment after the war of the Polish Succession,

the Grand Duchy was handed over to the Duke of Lorraine, husband of

Maria Theresa, of the House of Hapsburg, Empress of Austria, and became

an appanage of the Austrian Empire, under the rule of the younger sons

of the Imperial house. It is a relief to turn from these Austrian and

Spanish provinces to the two living powers, Savoy and the Papacy.

_Savoy_

It would be impossible to chronicle here the history of the Savoyard

dukes, who were advanced to the title of Kings of Sardinia after the

acquisition of that island. Savoy lay in the way of the three fighting

nations, France, Spain, and Austria. The plain of Piedmont was an

admirable fighting-ground, and the combatants chose it on all possible

occasions, but it would not be fair to charge the whole blame upon those

three nations. The Dukes of Savoy were ambitious men, full of all sorts

of schemes for increasing their dominions and their personal glory.

Whenever any one of them thought he perceived an opportunity to seize

some neighbouring territory, he caught at it, reckless of collision with

his powerful neighbours. The general upshot was that Savoy lost its old

Swiss provinces and its old French provinces, and that Piedmont became

the head and front of the new Kingdom of Sardinia. Equally important to

Italy was the fact that, while the people of the other Italian provinces

became more and more incapable of bearing arms or of making any real

martial effort, the people of Piedmont gradually became a nation of

soldiers. In devastation, war, and apparent ruin, Piedmontese valour and

Piedmontese character were trained and developed, and Piedmont little by

little came to feel, and likewise to impress upon the other Italian

States, that she, and she alone, was the refuge and hope of whatever

Italian patriotism might still exist.

_The Papacy_

The Papacy we left at the end of the sixteenth century in the full flood

of revival. The Popes were swept on by the tide. The bold and successful

front opposed to the enemy was supplemented by discipline within. Heresy

was traced and tracked. Inquisitors roamed about, spying what they

might; they frightened the learned from publishing, printers from

printing, and almost all from freedom of talk and thought. Thus traitors

were rooted out. And at the same time faithful soldiers of the Church

were trained and educated. Seminaries for priests of divers nations were

founded in Rome; Jesuit schools were helped everywhere. Sixtus V (Felice

Peretti), 1585-90, was a Pope worthy of the great period. He entertained

a plan to reconquer Egypt, and make the Mediterranean and Red Seas a

high-road for armies and navies that should break up the Ottoman power.

He attacked the banditti of the Papal State, as his predecessors had

attacked the barons, and, for a time at least, suppressed them. He was a

great builder; he completed the dome of St. Peter's, set up the Egyptian

obelisk in the _piazza_ before the cathedral, substituted statues of St.

Peter and St. Paul in place of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius on the tops of

the two great bronze columns that adorn the Foro Trajano and the Piazza

Colonna. He brought fresh water, named after him Acqua Felice, into the

city from over twenty miles away, and gave Rome an aspect worthy of the

capital of the Latin world. He fixed seventy for the number of

cardinals; he revised the Vulgate; and pondered many great designs, for

which, as he said, his strength would have been inadequate, even had he

lived.

But these Popes of the Revival, who carried into effect the papal

principles of the Council of Trent, vigorous, and in many respects

admirable, as they were, need not detain us, for the history of the

Papacy in this period scarcely belongs to Italy. It has a far wider

reach, and is intimately bound up with the great Catholic, one might say

the great Latin, effort to restore or extend Catholicism and Latin

supremacy throughout the world. In the British Isles, in Scandinavia, in

Poland, in Russia, in Germany, Austria, France, and Switzerland, the

Church fought with the old Roman spirit of conquest. Everywhere the

Jesuit fathers went, busy, devoted, heroic. The ardour of St. Francis

Xavier, the self-abnegation of St. Francis de Sales, the passionate

mysticism of St. Theresa, infected and controlled thousands of

disciples. Everywhere were great manifestations of activity. In South

America there were bishops and archbishops, hundreds of monasteries and

innumerable priests. In Mexico there were schools of theology. In India,

thousands and thousands of converts clustered around the city of Goa. In

China and Japan the Jesuits built churches, and converted to

Christianity disciples of Confucius and Buddha. The Church had founded

an empire on which the sun never set. But our business is not with this

great Latin conquest, this great Catholic revival. We must pass on to

the next series of Popes, less memorable for their imitation of Scipio

and Caesar, than of Lucullus and Crassus. Here we find the names of the

founders of great papal families, so familiar in Rome, not as

missionaries, teachers, or martyrs, but as owners of palaces, villas,

pictures and statues: Borghese (Paul V, 1605-21), the Pope who

quarrelled with the Venetian Republic; Ludovisi (Gregory XV, 1621-23),

in whose pontificate the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide (College for

Propagating the Faith) was established; Barberini (Urban VIII, 1623-44),

whose family, famous from the squib "Quod non fecerunt Barbari fecerunt

Barberini," built its palaces out of Roman ruins. During the pontificate

of Barberini, Galileo was brought before the Holy Office, and his

opinion that the earth moved condemned as "absurd, false in philosophy,

and essentially heretical."

Under his successor Panfili (Innocent X, 1644-55), Catholic Europe

stopped fighting Protestant Europe, and the Thirty Years' War was closed

by the Peace of Westphalia (1648). The Catholic Powers gave over the

attempt to reduce the Protestant States, and acknowledged their

independence. Panfili launched his bull against the treaty, but the

weary world disregarded the old man's curses. After him came Chigi

(Alexander VII, 1655-67), Rospigliosi (Clement IX, 1667-69), Odescalchi

(Innocent XI, 1676-89), whose names mean little to us.

Long before this time the forces of revivification which had borne

onward and upward the Catholic counter-charge on the Protestant ranks,

had begun to fall away. The great Catholic monarchs of Europe turned

their minds to personal ambitions; the Popes squandered papal revenues

on their own families; the Jesuits loosened their rigid hold on their

once high principles. The period of reform had passed, and the Papacy

settled down into a policy of maintaining the ecclesiastical empire left

to it and of enjoying its little Italian monarchy. In politics it

pursued a shifting course towards Austria, Spain, and France, dictated

rather by passing fears than by wisdom or lofty ambition. At the time of

the close of the war of the Spanish Succession the Papacy was hardly

regarded as a European power. The proof of decline was most visible in

the concessions made by the Papacy to the Catholic sovereigns, by its

forced acquiescence in the repeated attacks on the Jesuits, and finally,

by its bull suppressing, or rather attempting to suppress, the Order

(1773).

Throughout the eighteenth century the papal part in European affairs was

insignificant; and in Italy the general effects of papal rule were

steadily increasing poverty, superstition, and incompetence. It is a

relief to turn away, knowing that the French Revolution is blowing its

refreshing blasts ahead of us.

A Short History of Italy (476-1900) · 第 32 / 39 章