CHAPTER V

THE COMING OF THE FRANKS (726-768)

We now come to the separation of the Latin world from the Greek world in

both political and ecclesiastical affairs, and to the reconstruction of

Europe by the alliance of the Franks and the Papacy. The plot continues

to be very simple. The Empire, pressed by dangerous enemies, tried once

more to gain political strength by ecclesiastical legislation; the

effect of this legislation on the Imperial provinces in Italy was to

cause rebellion. The Papacy broke the ties that bound it to the Empire;

then, finding itself defenceless before the Lombards, made an alliance

with the Franks, who invaded Italy and overthrew the Lombards.

In order to elaborate this plot, we must begin with the great Asiatic

movement of the seventh century; for this movement acted as a cause of

causes to split the Latins from the Greeks, to exalt the Papacy, and to

form the Holy Roman Empire. In one of the tribes of Arabia, without

heralding, appeared a man, who at the age of forty became a religious

prophet, and by the force of genius constructed one of the great

religions of the world. Mohammed's religion worked on the ardent Arabian

temperament like magic, and engendered a fierce passion for conquest and

proselytizing. Tribes cohered, became both a sect and a nation, and

swept like wildfire over the west of Asia and the north of Africa.

Mohammed died in 632, but his successors, the Caliphs, carried on his

work; under the inspiration of the slogan, "Before you is Paradise,

behind you the devil and the fire of hell," they advanced from conquest

to conquest. Cities and provinces were torn from the Empire. Damascus,

Syria, Jerusalem, Mesopotamia, Armenia, Egypt, Rhodes fell in rapid

succession; next Africa, bit by bit. Persia was beaten to her knees.

Sicily was raided. Twice Constantinople had to fight for life.

Naturally Byzantine statesmen felt that some radical step must be taken,

or all the remnants of the Empire would be reduced to slavery. A

vigorous Emperor, Leo the Isaurian (717-741), took the radical step. It

was necessarily religious, for, in Constantinople, political action

always took a religious complexion. Leo issued a decree forbidding the

use of images in churches and in Christian worship (726). Those in place

he ordered broken. He acted no doubt from high motives, thinking to

ennoble religion and to arouse patriotism; but his people disagreed with

him. In the East riots and civil war broke out. These were suppressed,

but discontent and persistent opposition remained. In Italy also the

excitement was intense. The country had already been irritated by severe

taxation, and when the decree of iconoclasm was published, the

image-loving Italians rose in a body. The Pope, as most hurt in

conscience by the decree, and in pocket by the taxation, was the natural

head of resistance. The Exarch attempted to arrest him, but both Latins

and Lombards rallied to his defence. In some places open revolt broke

out, and a plot was started to set up another Emperor in place of the

wicked iconoclast who polluted the Imperial throne. But the Pope,

Gregory II (715-731), was a prudent man, and was not ready to take a

step which would deprive Rome of its single defence from the Lombards.

He opposed the rebellious plan, but in the matter of maintaining the

images he stood like a rock. His successor, Gregory III (731-741), went

farther, and took decisive action. He convoked a synod, which expelled

every image-breaker from the Church (731). This was tantamount to a

direct excommunication of the Emperor, and a declaration of papal

independence. The Emperor was powerless to compel obedience. Thus began

the great split between the Papacy and the Byzantine Empire, between

western and eastern Europe, between the Latin Church and the Greek. Some

of the western provinces, Calabria, Sicily, and Illyria, which were

practically Greek, remained faithful to the Empire and shared its

fortunes for several hundred years more. Ecclesiastically they were

removed from the jurisdiction of the Popes to that of the Patriarchs of

Constantinople.

This breach between the Papacy and the Empire led inevitably to an

alliance between the Papacy and the Franks, which is of such great

historical consequence that it must be recounted in some detail. While

the Empire and the Papacy were quarrelling over ecclesiastical matters,

western Europe had been changing. The Frankish kingdom had been

established in what is now Belgium, Holland, and large parts of France

and Germany, and was the one great Christian power in Europe. Therefore,

when the Papacy had cut loose from the Empire and saw itself defenceless

against the Lombards, it had no alternative but to seek help from the

Franks. There were also two special reasons for friendship between the

Franks and the Papacy. First, the Franks, alone of Barbarians, had been

converted to Catholic Christianity. Secondly, in their endeavours to

enlarge their eastern borders, the Franks had been greatly assisted by

the missionaries, who--in the normal course, missionaries, merchants,

soldiers--had prepared the way for Frankish conquest, and had

strengthened the Frankish power when established. These missionaries

were absolutely devoted to the Roman See; they spread papal loyalty

wherever they went, and wrought a strong bond of union between the

Frankish kingdom and the Papacy. This union of sympathy and interest was

an excellent basis for a political union; and the time soon came for

such a development.

When the iconoclastic revolts occurred in Italy, and the Popes broke

with the Empire, the Lombard kings thought that their opportunity to

conquer all Italy had come. But instead of making one bold campaign

against Rome and the South, they merely laid hands on a few border

cities. The Popes turned with frantic appeals for help to the only power

that could help them, the Franks. Every time the Lombard king made a

hostile move, the Pope cried aloud for aid. For some time the Franks

deemed that the balance of political considerations was against

intervention and refused to take part in Italian affairs. Charles

Martel, mayor of the palace and ruler of the Franks in all but name,

stood firm on the policy of non-interference; but his son and successor,

Pippin the Short, took a different view. Pippin judged that the time had

come to depose the royal Merovingian family and to exalt his own, the

Carlovingian, in its stead. As the Merovingians had reigned for two

hundred and fifty years, the step was revolutionary, and Pippin wished

to strengthen his position by the support of the Papacy. He sent

messengers to the Pope, Zacharias, to ask advice; and the Pope,

according to the chronicler, "in the exercise of his apostolical

authority replied to their question, that it seemed to him better and

more expedient that the man who held power in the kingdom should be

called king and be king, rather than he who falsely bore that name.

Therefore the Pope commanded the king and the people of the Franks, that

Pippin, who was using royal power, should be called king and should be

settled on the throne." The last Merovingian, therefore, was tonsured

and stowed away in a monastery, and Pippin became king of the Franks

(751). Without accepting the monkish chronicler's statement, that the

Pope commanded Pippin to be king, there can be little doubt that the

papal sanction was of very real value to Pippin, and that Pippin let it

appear that he was acting rather in conformity with the Pope's will than

with his own.

Thus the Pope laid Pippin under a great obligation; it now remained for

Pippin to discharge that obligation. It was not long before the time

came.

The Lombard king felt that his opportunity was slipping by, and acted

with some vigour. He captured Ravenna and threatened Rome. The Pope

hurried across the Alps. He anointed and crowned Pippin; he likewise

anointed and blessed his son Charles (Charlemagne), and forbade the

Franks under pain of excommunication ever to choose their king from any

other family. These three great favours, the transfer of the royal

title, the coronation rite, and the perpetual confirmation of the

Carlovingian sovereignty, called for a great return. Pippin promised

that the Adriatic provinces, taken by the Lombards from the Byzantines,

should be ceded by the Lombards to the Pope. This promise Pippin

fulfilled. He crossed the Alps, defeated the Lombard king, and forced

him to cede the Exarchate of Ravenna and the five cities below it on the

coast, to the Pope, who thereby became an actual sovereign. Thus Pippin

discharged his obligation to the Papacy.

This beginning of the Papal monarchy is so important that the theoretic

origin may as well be mentioned here. There was a legend, universally

believed, that an early Pope, Silvester (314-335) healed the Emperor

Constantine of leprosy, and that the Emperor, in gratitude, made a great

grant of territory to the Pope. The fact appears to have been that

Constantine, although not cured of the leprosy, did give to Silvester

the Lateran palace and a plot of ground around it. This little donation

grew in legend like a grain of mustard seed, and served the purpose of

the Roman clergy. No good Roman would have been content with a title

derived from the Lombards or the Franks. In Roman eyes these Barbarians

never had any title to Italian territory; they could give none. The only

possible source of legal title was the Empire. In the gift by

Constantine to Silvester papal adherents had a foundation of fact. That

was enough. It is quite unnecessary to imagine false dealing. People in

those days believed that what they wished true was true. This legend was

accepted and embodied in concrete form in a document known as the

_Donation of Constantine_, which is so important in explaining the

attitude of the Papacy throughout the Middle Ages, that it may be

quoted:--

"In the name of the holy and undivided Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy

Ghost, the Emperor Caesar Flavius Constantine ... to the most holy and

blessed Father of Fathers, Silvester, bishop of Rome and Pope, and to

all his successors in the seat of St. Peter to the end of the world...."

Here comes, interspersed with snatches of Christian dogma, a rambling

narrative of his leprosy, of the advice of his physicians to bathe in a

font on the Capitol filled with the warm blood of babies; how he

refused, how Peter and Paul appeared in a dream and sent him to

Silvester, how he then abjured paganism, accepted the creed, was

baptized and healed, and how he then recognized that heathen gods were

demons and that Peter and his successors had all power on earth and in

heaven. After this long preamble comes the grant:

"We, together with all our Satraps and the whole Senate, Nobles and

People ... have thought it desirable that even as St. Peter is on earth

the appointed Vicar of God, so also the Pontiffs his viceregents should

receive from us and from our Empire, power and principality greater than

belongs to us ... and to the extent of our earthly Imperial power we

decree that the Sacrosanct Church of Rome shall be honoured and

venerated, and that higher than our terrestrial throne shall the most

sacred seat of St. Peter be gloriously exalted.

"Let him who for the time shall be pontiff over the holy Church of Rome

... be sovereign of all the priests in the whole world; and by his

judgment let all things which pertain to the worship of God or the faith

of Christians be regulated.... _We hand over and relinquish our palace,

the city of Rome, and all the provinces, places, and cities of Italy and

the western regions, to the most blessed Pontiff and universal Pope,

Silvester_; and we ordain by our pragmatic constitution that they shall

be governed by him and his successors, and we grant that they shall

remain under the authority of the holy Roman Church."[5]

The date of this document and many statements in it are anachronisms and

errors. It was composed about the time of Pippin's _Donation_, probably

by somebody connected with the papal chancery, and may be considered to

be a pious forgery representing the facts as the writer deemed they were

or else should be. It was officially referred to for the first time in

777, but did not receive its full celebrity until the eleventh century,

when the relations of the Papacy and the Holy Roman Empire became the

centre of European history.

FOOTNOTES:

[5] _Italy and her Invaders_, T. Hodgkin, vol. vii, pp. 149-151; _Select

Historical Documents of the Middle Ages_, Ernest F. Henderson, pp.

319-329.

A Short History of Italy (476-1900) · 第 5 / 39 章