following passage of a foreign critic:――“Nec vero melius
operā suæ factioni, vel astuta vulpecula illa Joannes
Cnoxius Scotus, vel ōes magnæ & celebris Anglicanæ
veridictianæ reformationis authores, cum in suis Bibliis
eodem capite, ita reponunt: Scoti primi quia proprius
Calvinisimo accedunt: ‘Thou ar Piter, and vpon that rok
I wil buld my kirk,’ id est, tu es Petrus, & super istam
rupē ego volo ædificare meā Ecclesiā. Videmus ‘that rok’
non esse id quod Petrum Cnoxius vocauit, atque Dominus
Petrum affatur, et de eodem intelligit fore ipsum Ecclesiæ
suæ columen. Angli nihil habent discriminis, nisi quod
dicunt ‘churk’ pro ‘Kirk.’” Paradigma De Quatuor Linguis
Orientalibvs Præcipvis. Petro Victore Caietano Palma
Avthore, p. 115. Parisiis, 1595.
303 ― _i.e._ heathen.
304 ― Appellation, apud Historie, p. 431‒140, 453, 454.
305 ― _i.e._ regimen, or government.
306 ― First Blast, apud Historie, p. 478.
307 ― MS. Letters, p. 318, 319.
308 ― Ibid. p. 322, 323.
309 ― Tacitus has expressed his contempt of those who submit
to female government with his usual emphatic brevity, in
the account which he gives of the Sitones, a German tribe.
“Cætera similes, uno differunt, quod fœmina dominatur;
in tantum, non modo a libertate, sed etiam a servitute
degenerant.” De Mor. Germ. c. 45.
310 ― Warner’s Eccles. History of England, ii. 308.
311 ― Christopher Goodman adopted the sentiment, and
commended the publication of his colleague, in his book
on “Obedience to Superior Powers.” Whittingham and Gilby
declared themselves on the same side of the question. I
might also mention countrymen of his own, who agreed with
Knox on this subject; as James Kennedy, the celebrated
archbishop of St Andrews, and Sir David Lindsay. Buchanani
Hist. lib. xii. tom. i. 221‒24, edit. Rudim. Chalmers’s
Lindsay, iii. 175.
312 ― Strype’s Annals, i. 127. Fox’s letter was written before
the death of queen Mary. Knox’s answer to it, from the
original in the British Museum, will be found in the
Appendix.
313 ― The heads of the intended second Blast are subjoined to
his Appellation, which was published some months after the
first Blast.
314 ― “An Harborowe for Faithful and Trewe Subjectes, against
the late blowne Blaste, concerning the Government of
Wemen,” &c. anno MD. lix. At Strasborowe the 26. of
Aprill. The Blast drew forth several other defences of
female government, two of which were written by natives
of Scotland. Bishop Lesley’s tract on this subject was
printed along with his defence of queen Mary’s honour.
David Chalmers, one of the lords of session, published his
“Discours de la légitime succession des Femmes,” after he
retired from Scotland. Lord Hailes’s Catal. of the Lords
of Session, note 23. Mackenzie’s Lives, iii. 388, 392.
315 ― Strype’s Life of Aylmer, p. 16.
316 ― Harborowe, sig. B. Strype says, contrary to the plain
meaning of the passage, that Aylmer speaks here of “the
_Scotch_ queen Mary.” Life of Aylmer, p. 230.
317 ― The same suspicion seems to have been entertained by some
of Elizabeth’s courtiers. Strype’s Aylmer, p. 20.
318 ― See Note BB.
319 ― The editions of the Blast printed along with Knox’s
History, are all extremely incorrect: whole sentences are
often omitted.
320 ― In his answer to Knox’s argument, from Isaiah, iii. 12,
he concludes thus: “Therefore the argumente ariseth
from wrong understandinge. As the vicar of Trumpenton
understode _Eli, Eli, lamazabatani_, when he read the
passion on Palme Sonday. When he came to that place,
he stopped, and calling the churchwardens, saide,
‘Neighbours! this gear must be amended. Here is Eli
twice in the book: I assure you if my L. [the bishop] of
Elie come this waye, and see it, he will have the book.
Therefore, by mine advice, we shall scrape it out, and put
in our own towne’s name, _Trumpington, Trumpington, lamah
zabactani_.’ They consented, and he did so, because he
understode no grewe.” Harborowe, G. 3. G. 4.
321 ― 1 Tim. ii. 11‒14.
322 ― Harborowe, G. 4. H.
323 ― See Note CC.
324 ― Harborowe, sig. G. 3. Life of Aylmer, p. 279.
325 ― Life of Aylmer, p. 269.
326 ― Knox, Historie, p. 101.
327 ― Ninian Winget says, that “sum lordis and gentilmen”
ministered the sacrament of the supper “to their awn
household servandis and tenantis.” If only one instance of
this kind occurred, the papists would exaggerate it. The
same writer adds, “that Knox blamed the persons who did it,
saying, that they had ‘gretumlie failzeit.’” Winzet’s Buke
of Fourscoir Three Questions, in Keith, Append. p. 239.
Comp. Knox, p. 217.
328 ― Cald. MS. i. 257. “The Electioun of Eldaris and Deaconis
in the church of Edinburgh,” in Dunlop’s Confessions,
ii. 635, 636. Calderwood places his account of this under
the year 1555; but I think that date too early. It was
rather in the end of 1556, or in the course of 1557. The
names of the first elders in Edinburgh were George Smail,
Michael Robertson, Adam Craig, John Cairns, and Alexander
Hope. There were at first two assemblies in Edinburgh;
but Erskine of Dun persuaded them to unite, and they met
sometimes in the houses of Robert Watson and James Barron,
and sometimes in the abbey.
329 ― Knox, Historie, p. 94‒5.
330 ― See Note DD.
331 ― Knox, 101.
332 ― Spotswood, p. 117.
333 ― Ibid. Knox, p. 102.
334 ― How the bishop’s conscience stood affected as to these
points we know not; but it is certain that his practice
was very far from being immaculate. Wilkins, Concilia,
iv. 209, Knox, Historie, p. 104. Keith, p. 208.
335 ― Endure.
336 ― Need.
337 ― Knox, Historie, p. 106‒7.
338 ― Lindsay of Pitscottie’s History, p. 200‒1. Knox, 122.
Spotswood, 95‒7. Petrie, Part ii. 191.
339 ― Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 216. Besides the persons above
named, the council mention (in the place here referred
to) “Johannes Patritz, et alii complures, catholicæ fidei
et ecclesiasticæ unitatis desertores.” Who this Patritz
was I do not know. The reformed preachers were obliged to
assume feigned names on particular occasions, to escape
apprehension. Thus Douglas went by the name of Grant.
Comp. Knox, Historie, p. 103, 106.
340 ― Historie of the Estate of Scotland from 1559 to 1566,
p. 1. MS. belonging to Thomas Thomson, Esq. Advocate.
This MS., which I had not seen when I published the
first edition of this work, contains a number of minute
particulars not mentioned in other histories. It would
have been extremely valuable if it had been complete, but
the copy which I have used stops short in the middle of
the year 1560.
341 ― Ibid.
342 ― See Note EE.
343 ― Knox, Historie, p. 122. Bishop Bale, who was then at Basle,
inserted, in a work which he was just publishing, a letter
sent him at this time by Thomas Cole, an English refugee
residing at Geneva, communicating this information. “Heri
enim,” says Cole, “D. Knoxus ex Scotia nova certissima
de immutata religione accepit: Christum publice per totum
illud regnum doceri; et ita demum hominum corda occupasse,
ut omni metu posito audeant publicis precibus interesse
sua lingua celebratis, et sacramenta quoque habeant
rite administrata, impuris antichristi ceremoniis
abjectis.――Nunc regina cogitat Reformationem religionis,
indicto die quo conventus fiat totius regni, &c.” Scriptor.
Illustr. Major. Britanniæ Poster. Pars. Art. _Knoxus._
Basil, 1559.
344 ― “God would not suffer her to reign long,” says a catholic
writer, “either on account of the sins of her father, or
on account of the sins of her people, who were unworthy of
a princess so holy, so pious, and endued with such divine
and rare dispositions.” Laing, de Vita Hæretic. fol. 28.
345 ― Troubles at Franckford, p. 189, 190.
346 ― Cald. MS. i. 380.
347 ― Histoire Littéraire de Geneve, par Jean Senebier, tome
i. 375, Genev. 1786. It is somewhat singular, that Calvin
did not obtain this honour until December 1559. “Il n’y
a cependant point de citoyen,” says Senebier, “qui ait
acheté ce titre honorable aussi chèrement que lui par ses
services, et je ne crois pas qu’il y en ait beaucoup qui
l’aient autant mérité, et qui le rendent aussi célébre.”
Ibid. p. 230, 231.
Our Reformer obtained another public testimony of esteem
at this time from bishop Bale, who dedicated his work on
Scottish Writers to him and Alexander Aless. The praise
which he bestows on him deserves the more notice, because
the bishop had been one of his opponents at Frankfort.
“Te vero, Knoxe, frater amatissime, conjunxit mihi Anglia
et Germania, imprimis autem doctrinæ nostræ in Christo
Domino fraterna consensio. Nemo est enim qui tuam fidem,
constantiam, patientiam, tot erumnis, tanta persecutione,
exilioque diuturno et gravi, testatum, non collaudet, et
non admiretur, non amplectatur.” Balei Script. Illustr.
Maj. Brit. Poster. Pars, p. 175, 176. Basiliæ, ex officina
Joan. Operini, 1559. Mense Februario.
348 ― Knox, Historie, p. 205.
349 ― Knox, Historie, 206, 210.
350 ― In February 1559, the English exiles at Geneva published
a prose translation of the book of Psalms, which they
dedicated to Elizabeth; and in this dedication, their
congratulations on her accession to the throne, and their
professions of loyalty, are as warm as those of any of her
subjects were. It is inscribed, “To the most Vertuous and
Noble Queene Elizabeth, Queene of Englande, France, and
Irelande, &c. your humble subjects of the English church
at Geneva, wyth grace, &c.” After mentioning that they had
employed the time of their exile in revising the English
translation of the Bible, and endeavouring to bring it as
near as they could to the pure simplicity and true meaning
of the Hebrew tongue, they add: “When we heard that the
almightie and most mercyfull God had no less myraculously
preferred you to that excellent dignitie, than he had
aboue all mens expectations preserued you from the furie
of such as sought your blood: with most joyful myndes and
great diligence we endeavoured our selves, to set foorth
and dedicate this most excellent booke of the Psalmes vnto
your grace as a speciall token of our seruice and good
will, till the rest of the Byble, which, praysed be God,
is in good readinesse, may be accomplished and presented.”
Epistle, p. 3, prefixed to the Booke of Psalmes, Geneva,
1559, 16mo.
351 ― Haynes, State Papers, p. 295. Knox, Historie, p. 210.
352 ― Burnet, ii. 374, 396. Stow, Annals, p. 635, edit. 1631.
When afterwards committed to the Marshalsea for refusing
to take the oath of allegiance and supremacy, Bonner was
kept “under a very easy restraint.” Godwin de Præsulibus
Angliæ, p. 251, edit. 1616. Stapleton, a popish writer,
says that Tonstal was “cast into prison, as most of the
bishops were, where he made a glorious end of a confessor,
and satisfied for his former crime of schisme.”――“A
prison!” exclaims Dr Jortin. “Lambeth palace, and the
archbishop’s table, was a dreadful dungeon, to be sure;
and as bad as those into which the righteous Bonner, and
other saints of the same class, used to thrust the poor
heretics! Will men never be ashamed of these godly tricks
and disingenuous prevarications?” Life of Erasmus, i. 101.
353 ― He said, “that he saw nothing to be ashamed of or sorry
for; wished that he had done more, and that he and others
had been more vehement in executing the laws; and said
that it grieved him that they laboured only about the
young and little twigs, whereas they should have struck
at the root;” by which he was understood to mean queen
Elizabeth. Strype’s Annals, i. 79, 536.
354 ― Cald. MS. i. 384. See also Knox, Historie, p. 204‒207.
355 ― Robertson’s History of Scotland, b. ii. ad an. 1559.
356 ― Knox, Historie, p. 206, 214, 260. He had an opportunity of
receiving a confirmation of this intelligence during his
voyage to Scotland. In the same ship in which he sailed,
there was sent by the French court to the queen regent, a
staff of state, with a great seal, on which were engraved
the arms of France, Scotland, and England. This was
shown to him in great secrecy. The English court, after
they were awakened from their lethargy, and convinced of
the hostile designs of France, applied to Knox for the
information which they might have had from him six months
before. Cotton MSS. Caligula, b. ix. f. 38, 74. Sadler’s
State Papers, i. 463, 688. Keith, Append. p. 38, 42. The
English certainly suffered themselves to be amused during
the treaty of Chateau‑Cambresis, while the courts of
France and Spain concerted measures dangerous to England,
and to the whole protestant interest. Dr Wotton, one of
the commissioners, complains, in a letter to Cecil, of
want of intelligence, and that the English had no spies
on the continent. Forbes’s State Papers, i. 23.
357 ― Knox, Historie, p. 204, 206.
358 ― The person whom he at last persuaded to take his letter
was Richard Harrison. But the cautious spy, (for such
was his employment at that time,) dreading that Knox had
made him the bearer of another Blast, which, if it did not
endanger the throne of Elizabeth, might blow up his credit
with the court, prudently communicated the suspicious
packet to Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, the English ambassador
at the court of France, who conveyed it to London. Letter
from Throkmorton to Cecil, 15th of May, 1559: Forbes’s
State Papers, i. 90, 91.
359 ― Cald. MS. i. 392, 393. Knox, Historie, p. 127, 207.
360 ― Some remarks on the representation which Dr Robertson has
given of the regent’s conduct will be found in Note FF.
361 ― Knox, Historie, p. 125.
362 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, from 1559 to 1566,
p. 1.
363 ― See Note GG.
364 ― MS. Historie, ut sup. p. 2.
365 ― Ibid. p. 2, 3.
366 ― Ibid. p. 3. Wilkins, Concilia, tom. iv. p. 205.
367 ― Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 342. Knox, p. 51. Spotswood, 24. Lord
Hailes, Provincial Councils, 39, 40.
368 ― Wilkins, Concilia, iv. p. 204‒5.
369 ― The primate’s letter, summoning the archbishop of Glasgow
to the council, is dated the last day of January. Wilkins,
ut supra. The council met on the 1st of March. Ibid.
p. 208. But the archbishop of Glasgow’s letter, calling
his clergy to the council, is dated so late as the 18th of
March, and he requires them to attend on the 6th of April.
Ibid. p. 206. We may also observe that Beatoun, in his
citation, takes no notice of the primate’s mandate. It is
likely that the matter was settled by the good offices of
the queen regent, whose favourable inclinations towards
the church are warmly celebrated by the council. Ibid.
p. 209.
370 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 3.
371 ― Lesley, Hist. p. 546. Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils,
p. 38.
372 ― Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 207‒8. Wilkins has inserted the
Remonstrance at large, which he procured from the Records
in the Scots college at Paris. It is surprising that this
curious document should have escaped the inquisitive eye
of Lord Hailes, who has not taken the slightest notice of
it in his account of the Scottish councils.
373 ― Can. 21, 22, 24, 32: in Wilkins, 214‒16.
374 ― Can. 2‒20: ibid. p. 210‒14.
375 ― Lesley, Hist. p. 546. Lord Hailes, Prov. Coun. p. 38‒9.
376 ― Can. 16: in Wilkins, ut sup. p. 212‒13.
377 ― Can. 30. Ibid. p. 216.
378 ― Can. 33, 34. Ibid. p. 216‒17. The following is the form of
words appointed by the council to be used by the priest in
re‑baptization:――“Si tu es baptizatus, ego non te baptizo;
sed si non es baptizatus, ego te baptizo, in nomine
Patris,” &c. _i.e._ “If thou hast been baptized, I do
not baptize thee; but if thou hast not been baptized, I
do baptize thee, in the name of the Father,” &c. This was
not, however, a new form.
379 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 3. Knox,
Historie, p. 122. According to the first of these
authorities, the sum promised by the clergy was £15,000;
but according to a chronicle written by the laird of
Erleshall, and referred to by Knox, it was £40,000.
380 ― MS. Hist. of the Estate of Scotland, ut sup.
381 ― Justiciary Records, May 10, 1559.
382 ― Knox, 126.
383 ― Ibid. Spotswood, 120‒1. Buchanani Oper. i. 312‒3.
384 ― Letter to Mrs Anne Locke, apud Cald. MS. i. 393.
385 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 3, 4. Knox,
Historie, p. 109. In the preamble to the acts of this
council, it is said to have been “finitum 10 die mensis
Aprilis.” But in the conclusion of the acts, there is an
expression which enables us to reconcile this with the
two preceding authorities――”_finiendo seu finito_ die 10
mensis Aprilis:” from which it appears that, though the
acts were concluded, it was not yet agreed to close the
council on that day. Wilkins, iv. 209, 217.
386 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 4.
387 ― Knox, Historie, p. 127. Spotswood, 121. Buchanani Oper.
i. 313.
388 ― See Note GG.
389 ― Knox, Historie, p. 128. Buchanani Oper. i. 313.
390 ― Knox, Historie, p. 128‒9, 135, 137.
391 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 5.
392 ― Buchanani Oper. i. 313. Knox, 128. A writer has given the
name of “bellum _imaginarium_” to this war, undertaken by
the regent to avenge the destruction of the _images_; and
the crimes charged upon the protestants he denominates
“mere _imaginaria_ seditio et rebellio.” Historie of the
Church of Scotland to 1566. MS. Adv. Lib. A. 5, 43.
393 ― When the overtures were proposed to the protestants,
they exclaimed with one voice, “Cursit be they that seik
effusioun of blude, weir, or dissentioun. Lat us possess
Christ Jesus, and the benefite of his evangell, and nane
within Scotland sall be mair obedient subjectis than
we sall be.” Knox, Historie, p. 137. The regent’s army
consisted of 8000, that of the protestants amounted to
5000 men. This seems to have been the number of the latter
previous to the arrival of the earl of Glencairn with a
reinforcement from the west. Glencairn had joined them,
before the conclusion of the treaty, with 2500 men, a
circumstance which did not alter their pacific wishes.
Cald. MS. i. 426. MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland,
p. 5. Knox, Historie, 136.
394 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 6. Knox, 135‒9.
Buchanani Oper. i. 314‒5. Spotswood, 123.
395 ― Buchanani Oper. i. 311.
396 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 8. Knox,
Historie, 136, 138, 144.
397 ― Dr Robertson.
398 ― Knox, Historie, 141‒146. Buchanani Oper. i. 315‒6.
Spotswood, 142‒6.
399 ― Letter written by Knox from St Andrews, 23d June, 1559:
Cald. MS. i. 426, 428. Knox, Historie, p. 140, 141. MS.
Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 6.
400 ― Gude and godly Ballates, in Dalyell’s Scottish Poems of
the 16th century, ii. 192, 198.
401 ― The tolbooth of Musselburgh was built out of the ruins of
the chapel of Loretto; on which account the good people
of that town were, till lately, annually excommunicated
at Rome. Sibbald’s Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, iii. 19.
Those who wish to see a specimen of catholic declamation
on this subject, may consult Note HH.
402 ― The reader may take one example, which I adduce, not
because it is the strongest, but because it happens to
be at hand. “This abbey [Kelso] was demolished 1569, in
consequence of the enthusiastic Reformation, which, in
its violence, was a greater disgrace to religion than all
the errors it was intended to subvert. Reformation has
hitherto always appeared in the form of a zealot, full of
fanatic fury, with violence subduing, but through madness
creating, almost as many mischiefs in its oversights, as
it overthrows errors in its pursuit. Religion has received
a greater shock from the present struggle to repress
some formularies and save some scruples, than it ever
did by the growth of superstition.” Hutchinson’s History
of Northumberland, and of an Excursion to the Abbey of
Melrose, i. 265.
403 ― “Alas! how little of its former splendour have time and
the fanatic rage of the early Christians left to the
Roman forum! The covered passage, with a flight of steps,
founded by Tarquin the elder, is no more here to shelter
us from bad weather, or to serve for the spectators to
entertain themselves with mountebanks in the market‑place.
” A most deplorable loss, truly! This writer adds, that
the statues of the twelve gods are yet standing: no great
proof, one would imagine, of the fanatic rage of the
Christians. Kotzebue’s Travels through Italy, vol. i.
p. 200.
404 ― Edinburgh Review, vol. iv. p. 348, and Lord Lauderdale’s
Observations on Edinburgh Review.
405 ― See Note II.
406 ― ――――――When we had quell’d
The strength of Aztlan, we should have thrown down
Her altars, cast her idols to the fire.
――――――The priests combined to save their craft;
And soon the rumour ran of evil signs
And tokens; in the temple had been heard
Wailings and loud lament; the eternal fire
Gave dismally a dim and doubtful flame;
And from the censer, which at morn should steam
Sweet odours to the sun, a fetid cloud
Black and portentous rose.
Southey’s Madoc, part i. book ii.
407 ― Knox, Historie, p. 332.
408 ― Ibid. p. 146.
409 ― Ibid. p. 145.
410 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 8, 9.
411 ― Ibid. p. 7.
412 ― Probably a part of the Caltonhill.
413 ― The army of the regent consisted of 5000 men, the
Congregation could not muster above 1500. MS. Historie
of the Estate of Scotland, p. 9.
414 ― Ibid. p. 10. Knox, Historie, 151‒5.
415 ― Knox, Historie, p. 158.
416 ― MS. Historie of the Estate, &c. p. 11.
417 ― Knox, 159.
418 ― MS. Historie, p. 12.
419 ― Ibid. Knox, 159.
420 ― MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 12.
421 ― Cald. MS. i. 472, 473. Forbes, i. 131, 155. Sadler,
i. 431, 432.
422 ― This refers to the agreement between the regent and lords
of the Congregation, by which the latter gave up Edinburgh.
The lords left Edinburgh on the 25th of July. MS. Historie
of the Estate of Scotland, p. 10. Knox, Historie, p. 154.
423 ― Cald. MS. i. 428, 471.
424 ― Forbes, i. 129, 130. Throkmorton wrote to the same effect
to Cecil, in letters dated 7th June, and 19th July, 1559.
Ibid. p. 119, 167. The ambassador was probably moved
to more earnestness in this matter by the influence of
Alexander Whitlaw of Greenrig, a particular friend of
our Reformer, who was at this time in France. He returned
soon after to Scotland, and Throkmorton recommended
him to Cecil, as “a very honest, sober, and godly
man.”――“You must let him se as littel sin in England as
yowe maye.”――He “is greatly estemyd of Jhone Knokes, and
he doth allso favour hym above other: nevertheless, he is
sory for his boke rashly written.” Ibid. 137, 147‒149.
425 ― Cald. MS. i. 491.
426 ― Knox applied to the English court for a safe‑conduct for
Mrs Bowes to come into Scotland, which was granted about
the month of October, 1559. Sadler, i. 456, 479, 509. I
have already noticed, (p. 187,) that Mrs Bowes’s husband
was dead. The particular time of his death I have not
ascertained, but it seems to have been between 1554 and
1556. She is designed a widow, in the correspondence
between Cecil and Sadler.
427 ― Cald. MS. i. 429, 473.
428 ― Edinburgh, St Andrews, Dundee, Perth, Brechin, Montrose,
Stirling, and Ayr, were the towns provided with ministers.
Letter, Knox to Locke, 2d Sept. 1559: Cald. MS. i. 472.
429 ― Sadler, i. 403, 411. Forbes, vol. i. passim. Dr Robertson
complains that, from the carelessness of the contemporary
historians, it is impossible to ascertain the number of
French soldiers in Scotland, or at what times, and under
what pretexts, they had returned, after having left the
kingdom in 1550. History of Scotland, p. 108. Lond. 1791.
In September 1559, when the queen regent retired within
the fortifications of Leith, her forces amounted to 3000
soldiers, of whom 500 only were Scots. MS. Historie of the
Estate of Scotland from 1559 to 1566, p. 13. A thousand
men had arrived from France in the month of August, and
it does not appear that any other arrival had taken place
since the commencement of the late commotions. It seems
pretty evident that the other 1500 had been sent from
France during the war between Scotland and England, in
1556 and 1557. The lords of the Congregation mustered 8000
men in September; but only 1000 of these were trained to
arms. Ibid.
430 ― Knox, Historie, p. 207.
431 ― Ibid. p. 209. Forbes, i. 155, 167.
432 ― Beausobre, Hist. Reform, i. 355‒377. Macaulay’s
translation. Milner’s History of the Church, iv. 948‒9.
This last historian, speaking of Luther’s apology to
Henry, says, that he went “quite far enough, either for
the dignity of a leading reformer, or the simplicity of
a follower of Christ.” Luther himself, after receiving
Henry’s reply, appears to have been abundantly sensible of
the ridiculous situation in which he had placed himself,
and, with a facetiousness which seldom forsook him, asked
his friends, if they would not now advise him to write
penitential epistles to the archbishop of Mentz, the
archduke Ferdinand, and other princes whom he had offended.
Milner, ut sup. p. 956.
433 ― Knox, Historie, p. 210‒2.
434 ― Strype, Annals, i. 126, ii. 95‒6. Life of Grindal, 170,
and Life of Parker, 325‒6.
435 ― See Sir James Melvil’s account of his interview with
Elizabeth, Memoirs, p. 49‒51, which has been adopted,
and detailed by Mr Hume, and other historians.