respecting the form of prayers used in the church of Scotland at the
beginning of the Reformation. What has been called Knox’s Liturgy, was
the Book of Common Order, first used by the English church at Geneva.
It contains forms of prayers for the different parts of public worship;
and this is the only resemblance {441} which it hears to the English
liturgy. But there is this important difference between the two: in
the English, the minister is restricted to the repetition of the very
words of the prayers; in the Scottish, he is left at liberty to vary
from them, and to substitute prayers of his own in their room. The
following quotations will exemplify the mode of the latter. “When the
congregation is assembled at the houre appointed, the minister useth
one of these two confessions, _or like in effect_.”――“The minister
after the sermon useth this prayer following, _or such like_.” Similar
declarations are prefixed to the prayers to be used at the celebration
of baptism and of the Lord’s supper. And at the end of the account of
the public service of the Sabbath this intimation is subjoined; “It
shall not be necessarie for the minister daylie to repeat all these
things before mentioned, but, beginning with some manner of confession,
to proceed to the sermon, which ended, he either useth the prayer
for all estates before mentioned, or else prayeth as the Spirit of
God shall move his heart, framing the same according to the time and
matter which he hath entreated of.” Knox’s Liturgy, p. 74, 83, 86, 120.
Edin. 1611. Dunlop’s Confessions, ii. 417, 421, 426, 443, 450. And at
the end of the Form of Excommunication, it is signified, “This order
may be enlarged or contracted as the wisdome of the discreet minister
shall think expedient; for we rather shew the way to the ignorant,
than prescribe order to the learned that cannot be amended.” Dunlop,
ii. 746. The Scottish prayers, therefore, were intended as a help to
the ignorant, not as a restraint upon those who could pray without a
set form. The readers and exhorters commonly used them; but even they
were encouraged to perform the service in a different manner. Knox’s
Liturgy, p. 189. Dunlop, ii. 694.
Note EE, Footnote 342.
_Of the Petitions presented by the Protestants to the Queen Regent.
_――The petition which Sir James Sandilands presented, in the name
of his brethren, contained five requests. 1. That, as by the laws of
the land, they had, after long debate, obtained liberty to read the
scriptures in their native language, it should also be lawful {442}
for them to use, publicly or privately, “comoun prayaris in our
vulgar toung.” 2. That if, in the course of reading the scriptures
in their assemblies, any difficulty occurred, it should be lawful for
any “qualifeit persone in knawledge” to explain it, subject to the
judgment of “the maist godlie and maist learnit within the realme.”
3. “That the holy sacrament of baptisme may be used in the vulgar
toung,” accompanied with instruction to the parties and to the church.
4. “That the sacrament of the Lordis supper, or of his most blessed
body and blude, may likewise be ministrate in the vulgar toung,
and in both kindis.” And _lastly_, “that the wicket, slanderous,
and detestabill lyif of Prelatis, and of the stait ecclesiastical,
may be so reformed that the pepill by thame have not occasioun, as
of mony dayis they have had, to contempe their ministrie and the
preiching, whairof they sould be messengers;” and to remove suspicion
of interested motives in making this request, they add, “we ar content
that not only the reulles and preceptis of the New Testament, but also
the wryttings of the ancient Fatheris, and the godly approved lawis of
Justiniane, decyde the controversie that is betwix us and thame.” Knox,
Historie, p. 120, 121. Spotswood (p. 119) omits the article respecting
baptism, and introduces another: “that the election of ministers
should be according to the manner used in the primitive church.”
See also Buchanani Oper. i. 311.
This petition discovers great moderation on the part of the
protestants. Historians differ as to the precise time at which it
was presented. Spotswood (p. 108) places his account of it after the
martyrdom of Mill. And the writer of the Historie of the Estate of
Scotland from 1559 to 1566 (p. 1) says that it was presented in July
1558. On the contrary, Knox (p. 120, 122) places it before the death
of Mill. It is highly probable that the protestants petitioned the
queen regent both before and after that event, and that on both
occasions they employed Sir James Sandilands as their representative.
In this light I have represented the matter in the text. But I am
inclined, upon the whole, to consider Knox’s statement as the most
correct. He had the best opportunity of ascertaining the fact. This
was the part of his history which was first written by him, soon after
his arrival in Scotland, when the transaction {443} must have been
fresh in the recollection of all his associates. There is no reference
in the petition to the illegal execution of Mill, which would scarcely
have been omitted, if it had previously taken place. The objection
urged by Keith, from the clause in the petition which supposes that
the queen was married, does not appear to have great weight. The
parliament, in December 1557, had agreed to the solemnization of the
marriage; their commissioners had sailed for France, in February, to
be present at the ceremony, which was appointed to take place on the
24th of April. In these circumstances the protestants might, without
any impropriety, request that they should be allowed liberty to use
the common prayers in the vulgar tongue, to the end that they might
“be induced, in fervent and oft prayers, to commend unto God――the
queen our soverane, hir honorabill and gracious husband,” &c. Keith
is wrong when he says that Knox has fixed the execution of Mill
“to the 8th of April, which was above two weeks before the queen’s
marriage.” History, p. 80, note. Knox says he was put to death “the
twentie aucht day of Aprylle,” which was four days after the marriage.
Historie, p. 122.
After the martyrdom of Mill, the protestants renewed their application
to the regent, with a warm remonstrance against the cruelty of the
clergy. Knox, Historie, p. 122. As the parliament held in November
1558 was approaching, they delivered another petition to her, desiring
that it should be laid before the meeting of the estates. In this they
requested, that the laws, by which the clergy justified their severe
and cruel proceedings against them, should be abrogated, or suspended
until the present controversies in religion were regularly determined;
or, if this could not be granted, that the clergy should not act as
judges, but be obliged to sustain the character of accusers before a
temporal judge, and that the same mode of defence should be granted
to persons accused of heresy as in other criminal processes. Being
persuaded by the promises of the regent to desist from laying this
petition before that meeting of parliament, they substituted a
protestation; in which they declared that, having waived urging their
petitions from regard to the state of public affairs, they should not
be liable to any penalties for using that liberty to which they had
a just title, and for which they had {444} frequently petitioned,
and that, if any tumult was excited by religious differences, or
by violent attempts to reform those abuses in religion which were
become intolerable, this should not be imputed to them, who had always
requested an orderly reformation of these abuses, but to the persons
who had resisted every attempt of this kind. Ibid. p. 122‒125.
Spotswood, 119, 120.
Note FF, Footnote 360.
_Dissimulation of the Queen Regent._――I am sensible that my account
of the conduct of the queen regent to the protestants differs from
that which has been given by Dr Robertson. He imputes her change
of measures entirely to the overruling influence of her brothers,
and seems to acquit her of insincerity in the countenance which she
had shown, and the promises which she had repeatedly made, to the
protestant leaders. In any remarks which I shall make upon this
account, I wish to be understood as not detracting in the slightest
degree from the merit of his able, accurate, and luminous statement
of the plans conceived by the princes of Lorrain. Having mentioned
the first symptoms of the regent’s alienation from the reformers,
Dr Robertson says: “In order to account for this, our historians
do little more than produce the trite observation concerning the
influence of prosperity to alter the character and corrupt the heart,”
I do not know the particular historians to whom he may refer, but
those of the protestant persuasion whom I have consulted, impute her
change of conduct, not to the above cause, but to the circumstance of
her having accomplished the great objects which she had in view, upon
which she no longer stood in need of the assistance of the reformers.
Accordingly, they charge her with duplicity in her former proceedings
with them. Knox, 96, 110, 122, 125. Buchanan, i. 312. Spotswood,
117, 119, 120. I think they had good reasons for this charge. At a
very early period, she gave a striking proof of her disposition and
talent for the deepest dissimulation. I refer to her behaviour in
the intercourse which she had with Sir Ralph Sadler, in 1543, on which
occasion she acted a part not less important than cardinal Beatoun
himself, threw the ambassador into the greatest perplexity, and {445}
completely duped the English monarch. Sadler, i. 84‒88, 100, 111‒113,
249‒253. The governor wanted not reason to say, “as she is both subtle
and wily, so she hath a vengeable engine and wit to work her purpose.”
It is impossible to read the account of her smooth conduct to the
reformers, without perceiving the art with which she acted. There is
also reason for thinking that she was privy to the execution of Walter
Mill, and had encouraged the archbishop of St Andrews to take that
step. Indeed, in his letter to the Earl of Argyle, written a few weeks
before that event, the archbishop expressly says, that she murmured
heavily against him because he did not use severe measures to check
the progress of heresy; and Argyle, in his answer, does not call this
in question. Knox, 103, 108.
I do not doubt that the regent was precipitated into the most
violent measures which she adopted by the counsels of her brothers;
and that she remonstrated against the impolicy of these, is attested
by Castelnau, to whom Dr Robertson refers as one of his authorities.
But I think that she had altered her conduct to the protestants, and
declared her resolution to abet the measures of the clergy against
them, previous to the time that she is said to have received these
strong representations from France. This appears even from the
narrative of Castelnau, who has connected the advice given by the
princes of Lorrain with the mission of La Brosse and the bishop of
Amiens, who did not arrive in Scotland until September 1559, after the
civil war was kindled. Jebb, ii. 246. Keith, 102. Sadler, i. 470. But
it will be still more apparent from an examination of the testimony
of Sir James Melvil, the other authority to whom Dr Robertson appeals.
Melvil says that, after the treaty of Chateau‑Cambresis was concluded,
Bettancourt was sent into Scotland to procure the ratification of
it by the queen regent; and that he was charged by the cardinal of
Lorrain to inform her, that the popish princes had agreed to join in
extirpating heresy, and to require that she should immediately take
steps for suppressing the Scottish protestants. Melvil adds, that
these instructions, mixed with some threatenings, having been received,
the regent “determined to follow them. She therefore issued out a
proclamation, _a little before Easter_, commanding every man, great
and small, to observe the Roman {446} catholic religion.” Melvil’s
Memoirs, p. 23, 24. Lond. 1683. The proclamation to observe Easter
in the catholic manner is mentioned by all our historians as the
decisive declaration of the queen’s change of measures. Now the treaty
of Chateau‑Cambresis was not concluded until the 2d of April, 1559.
Forbes, i. 68, 81. But Easter fell that year on the 29th of March, six
days before Bettancourt could undertake his journey to Scotland. The
proclamation respecting the observance of that festival must therefore
have been issued some weeks before Bettancourt’s arrival. Nay, we know
from other evidence, that the breach between the queen regent and the
protestants had taken place on the 6th of March; for this is the date
from which the act of oblivion afterwards granted is reckoned. Keith,
141, 151. There is, therefore, a glaring anachronism in Melvil’s
narrative; and whatever influence Bettancourt’s embassy had in
instigating the regent to more violent measures, she had previously
taken her side, and declared her determination to oppose the progress
of the Reformation.
There are several other mistakes which Sir James Melvil has committed
in his narrative of the transactions of this period. Even in the
account of his own embassy into Scotland, in the reign of Henry II.,
and of the speech which the constable Montmorency made to him on that
occasion, he has introduced the constable as mentioning, among his
reasons, the shipwreck of the marquis D’Elbeuf, which did not happen
till some months after, when the French king was dead. Memoirs, p. 31.
Sadler, i. 417. In my humble opinion, all our historians have given
too easy credit to Melvil, both in his statements of fact, and in his
representations of character.
Note GG, Footnote 363.
_Trial of the Reformed Preachers._――July 7, 1558. Item, the said
day, to David Lindsay, Rothesay herauld, passand of Edinburgh, with
letteris, to summond George Luvell, David Fergusone, and certain
utheris personis within the bur{t} of Dunde, to tak sourte of thame
that thai sall compeir befoir the justice and his deputies in the
tolbuith of Edinburgh, the xxviii day of Julii instant, {447} for
thair wrongus using and wresting of the scripture, and disputting
upoun erroneus opinions, and eiting of flesche in Lenterone and
utheris forbidding tymes, contrair the actis of parliament, iij{li}
v{s}. (Compot. Thesaur.)
Feb. 9, 1558‒9. Proclamation to St Andrews, Cowper, Dundee, Montrose,
Aberdeen, charging all and sundrie o{r} soverane ladies liegis, that
nane of thame tak upoun hand to commit, attempt, or do any injurie
or violence, disturbe the service usit in the kirkis, strike manneis,
or bost priestis, or to eit flesche in Lenterone, under the pane of
deid.――Also to Linlithgow, Glasgow, Irvine, Ayr, with siclike letteris.
(Compot. Thesaur.)
Curia Justiciarie S D N regis et regine, tenta et inchoata in
pretorio burgi de Striueling, x{o} die mensis Maij, anno, &c.
lix{o}, per Henricum Levingstoun, prepositum de Striueling,
Justiciarium deputatum.
Quo die, Georgius Luvell, burgen̄ de Dunde, per literas S D N regis et
regine sepe voca{t} ad intrand. Paulum Methwen, Joannes Erskin de Dvne
sepe voca{t} ad intrand. fratrem Joannem Cristesoun, Patricius Murray
de Tibbermuir sepe voca{t} ad intrand. Willielmum Harlaw, et Robertus
Campbell de Kinzeclen{t} sepe voca{t} ad intrand. Joannem Willok coram
justiciario S D N regis et regine, ejusue deputatis, dictis die et
loco ad subeund legem pro vsurpatione auctoritatis ministerij ecclesie
ad manus suas proprias ipso in ministrum euisdem minime legitime
admisso existen̄ in festo Pasche, viz. xxvj{to} die mensis Martij
vltimo elapso et quotidie per spatium trium dierum hujusmodi festum
immediate preceden̄ atque abhinc continuo suo more sacramentum altaris
pluribus S D N regis et regine subditis infra burgos de Dunde,
Monthros, aliisque diversis partibus et locis infra vicecomitatus
de Foirfare et Kynkardin, eisdem adjacen̄, a diuino et laudabili vsu
fidelis ecclesie catholice longe diuerso et differente administrando,
necnon pro conventione et congregatione hujusmodi subditorum infra
burgos et bondas predic{t} temporibus suprascrip{t} ipso minime
per locorum ordinarios admisso seu approbato etiam absque earundem
licentia dictis subditis sermocinan̄ et predican̄ atque per suos
sermones illos ad suas errabiles et seditiosas doctrinas et scismata
{448} perswaden̄ et seducen̄ auctoritatem S D N regis et regine inde
vsurpan̄ atque inter suos subditos antedict. seditiones et tumultus
facien̄ contra tenorem literarum proclamationis de super confec{t} vt
in hujusmodi literis criminalibus latius continetur. Et non comparen̄
amerciatus fuit dictus Georgius Luvell pro nonintroitu prefati Pauli
Methwen in pena xj{li}. Et judicium redditum fuit quod ipse Paulus
ad cornu S D N regis et regine denunciatur et quod omnia bona sua
mobilia suis vsubus applicabantur tanquam fugitiuus a lege pro dictis
criminibus.
Eodem die, Joannes Erskin de Dvne, per literas S D N regis et regine
sepe voca{t} ad intrand. fratrem Joannem Cristesoun coram dicto
justiciario deputato ad subeund. legem, pro vsurpatione auctoritatis
ministerij ecclesie ad manus suas proprias, [&c. ut supra,] quod
dictus frater Joannes ad cornu S D N regis et regine denunciatur, &c.
Dicto die, Patricius Murray de Tibbermuir sepe voca{t} per literas
S D N regis et regine ad intrand. Willielmum Harlaw coram dicto
justitiario deputato ad subeund. legem pro criminibus immediate
prescriptis. Et non comparen̄ amerciatus fuit dictus Patricius, pro
non introitu dicti Willielmi Harlaw in pena xl{ta} lib. Et judicium
redditum fuit quod ipse Willielmus ad cornu S D N regis et regine
denunciatur. Et quod omnia bona sua mobilia suis usibus applicantur
tanquam fugitiuus a lege pro dictis criminibus.
Prefato die, Robertus Campbell de Kinzecluch per literas S D N
regis et regine sepe voc{t} ad intrand. Joannem Willok coram dicto
justitiaro deputato, dictis die et loco ad subeund. legem pro
vsurpatione auctoritatis ministerij ecclesie ad manus suas proprias
ipso io ministrum eiusdem minime legitime admisso existen̄ in festo
Pasche, viz xxvjt{to} die mensis Martij ultimo elapso et quotidie
per spatium trium dierum hujusmodi festum immediate preceden̄ &c. Et
judicium redditum fuit quod dictus Joannes Willok ad cornu S D N
regis et regine denun{r}. Et quod omnia bona sua mobilia suis vsubus
applicantur tanquam fugitiuus a lege pro dictis criminibus.
Eodem die, prefati Paulus Methwen, frater Joannes Cristesoun
Willielmus Harlaw et Joannes Willok denunciati fuerunt rebelles
{449} S D N regis et regine, et ad cornu eorundem positi fuerunt
per publicam proclamationem apud crucem foralem burgi de Striueling,
per Joannem Duncane, seriandum et officiarium dicte curie demandato
prefati justitiarij deputati, coram his testibus, Roberto Forrester de
Calzemuke, Alexandro Forrester alias Carrik signifero, Willielmo Smyth,
et Joanne Grahame, notario publico, cum diuersis aliis. [Justiciary
Records: Book extending from 14th February 1558 to 22d May 1559.]
Note HH, Footnote 401.
_Lamentation over the demolition of the Religious Houses._――“Truely,
among all their deeds and devises, the casting doune of the churches
was the most foolish and furious worke, the most shreud and execrable
turne that ever _Hornok_ himself culd have done or devised. For out of
al doubt that great grandfather of Calvine, and old enemie of mankind,
not only inspired every one of those sacrelegious hellhounds with his
flaming spirit of malice and blasphemie, as he did their forefathers
Luther and Calvine: bot also was then present as maister of worke,
busily beholding his servands and hirelings working his wil and
bringing to pass his long desired contentment.――They changed the
churches (which God himself called his house of prayer) into filthie
and abominable houses of sensual men, yea, and of unreasonable beasts:
when as they made stables in Halyrudhous, sheep‑houses of S. Antone,
and S. Leonard’s chapels, tolbooths of S. Gillis, &c. which this day
may be seene, to the great griefe and sorrow of al good Christians, to
the shame and confusion of Edinburgh, and to the everlasting damnation
of the doers thereof, the sedicious ministers, Knox and his complices.”
After weeping over the ruins of “Abbirbroth,” the writer returns to
St Giles, and represents our Saviour as lamenting its profanation
by the setting up of “the abomination of desolation,” the courts of
justice, within that holy ground. “How wold he say, if he were now
entering in at S. Giles, and looking to bare wals, and pillars al cled
with dust, sweepings and cobwebs, instead of painting and tapestrie;
and on every side beholding the restless {450} resorting of people
treating of their worldly affaires, some writing and making of
obligations, contracts and discharges, others laying countes or
telling over sowmes of money, and two and two walking and talking
to and fro, some about merchandise or the lawes, and too many, alas!
about drinking and courting of woeman, yea, and perhaps about worse
nor I can imagine, as it is wont to be done al the day long in the
common Exchanges of London and Amsterdam and other great cities?
And turning him farther towards the west end of the church, which
is divided in a high house for the Colledge of Justice, called the
Session or Senat‑house, and a lower house called the low Tolbooth,
where the balives of the town use to sit and judge common actions and
pleas in the one end thereof, and a number of harlots and scolds for
flyting and whoredom, inclosed in the other: And these, I mean, if
our Saviour were present to behold such abominable desolation, that
where altars were erected, and sacrifices, with continual praises and
praiers, were wont to be offered up to the Lord, in remembrance of
that bloody sacrifice of Christ on the crosse, there now are holes for
whores, and cages for scolds, where nothing is hard bot banning and
swearing, and every one upbraiding another: O what grieve and sorrow
wold our Lord tak at the beholding of such profanation and sacrilege!”
Father Alexander Baillie’s True Information of the unhallowed
offspring, progress and impoison’d fruits of our Scottish‑Calvinian
Gospel and Gospellers, p. 24, 25, 27, 28. Wirtsburg, 1628.
Note II, Footnote 405.