Transcriber’s Notes.
Hyphenation has been standardised.
The Contents list has been created by the Transcriber and is placed in
the public domain.
Changes made are noted at the end of the book.
CONTENTS
CHAP. I.— When to provide tools and how to make them.
CHAP. II.— Divers sorts of angling; first, of the fly.
CHAP. III.— Of the Artificial Fly.
CHAP. IV.— Of angling at the ground.
CHAP. V.— Of all sorts of baits for each kind of fish.
CHAP. VI.— To keep your baits.
THE EXPERIENCED ANGLER; OR ANGLING IMPROVED.
J. Johnson, Printer, Brook Street, Holborn, London.
THE
EXPERIENCED ANGLER;
OR
Angling Improved.
IMPARTING MANY
OF THE
APTEST WAYS AND CHOICEST EXPERIMENTS
FOR THE
TAKING MOST SORTS OF FISH
IN
POND OR RIVER.
BY COL. ROBERT VENABLES.
“I have read and practised by many books of this kind, formerly made
public; from which, although I received much advantage, yet without
prejudice to their worthy Authors, I could never find in them that
height of judgment and reason, manifested in this, as I may call it,
Epitome of Angling.” _Isaac Walton._
LONDON:
SEPTIMUS PROWETT, OLD BOND STREET,
AND
THOMAS GOSDEN, BEDFORD STREET,
COVENT GARDEN.
1825.
TO HIS INGENIOUS FRIEND THE AUTHOR, ON HIS ANGLING IMPROVED.
HONOURED SIR,
_Though I never, to my knowledge, had the happiness to see your
face, yet accidentally coming to a view of this discourse before it
went to the press; I held myself obliged in point of gratitude for
the great advantage I received thereby, to tender you my particular
acknowledgment, especially having been for thirty years past, not
only a lover but a practiser of that innocent recreation, wherein
by your judicious precepts I find myself fitted for a_ higher form;
_which expression I take the boldness to use, because I have read
and practised by many books of this kind, formerly made public; from
which, although I received much advantage in the practice, yet, without
prejudice to their worthy Authors, I could never find in them that
height of_ judgment _and_ reason, _which you have manifested in this,
as I may call it_, epitome of Angling; _since my reading whereof I
cannot look upon some notes of my own gathering, but methinks I do_
puerilia tractare. _But lest I should be thought to go about to magnify
my own judgment, in giving yours so small a portion of its due, I
humbly take leave with no more ambition than to kiss your hand, and to
be accounted_
YOUR HUMBLE AND THANKFUL SERVANT, ISAAC WALTON.
MEMOIR OF COL. ROBERT VENABLES.
Of the author, Colonel Robert Venables, but little is known, and that
little not very satisfactory. Among the Manuscripts in the Harleian
Collection, are several Pedigrees of the Families of Venables:
particularly in that marked ‘1393, f. 39,’ where the great ancestor
of Venables is stated to have been Gabriel Venables, who came over
with William the Conqueror, and afterwards received the Earldom of
Kinderton, in Cheshire, from Hugh Lupus. Another Manuscript, No. 2059,
recites a deed from one of the family, residing at Northwich, as early
as anno 1260.
But reverting more immediately to the subject of this notice, the
Harleian Manuscript ‘1993, f. 52.’ contains a paper, partly in the hand
writing of Colonel Venables, which furnishes a detailed account of the
time he served in the Parliament Army in Cheshire, and of the pay due
to him from 1643 to 1646. From this authority it appears, that in 1644
he was made Governor of Chester; and from other sources we learn, that
in 1645, he was Governor of Tarvin. In 1649, he was Commander in Chief
of the Forces in Ulster, in Ireland, and had the towns of Lisnegarvy,
Antrim, and Belfast delivered to him. His actions in the sister
kingdom, are recited in an excessively rare book, entitled ‘A History,
or Briefe Chronicle of the Chief Matters of the Irish Warres,’ printed
at London, in 1650, 4to.
From this period no trace of him is discoverable, and it is probable
that he was unemployed, until Cromwell, at the instigation of Cardinal
Mazarine, fitted out a fleet for the conquest of Hispaniola, in 1654,
when Colonel Venables, and Admiral Penn, were invested with the command
of that armament. It appears however, to have been undertaken in an
evil hour, and a contemporary manuscript in the Editor’s possession,
and which has not been printed till now, furnishes the most valuable
information respecting the disasters which they underwent. The
manuscript is evidently addressed to some one, and it commences:—
Sir,
The opinion I was of, in that discourse we had at----, touching the
Western Voyage of the English in 1654. I have been since abundantly
confirmed in, by the perusal of some Papers and Memoirs of a Person
of no mean character throughout that action, whose employment gave
him opportunity to know all, at least the most considerable of its
transactions, and I have reason to believe, by the account I have
had of him, he was sufficiently able to take his measures of them
aright. The substance of what I gathered from his notes, and from
orders of the Councils of War, as well of the Commissioners, and from
declarations of the Army, and letters from persons who held posts
in that Army, all which I had the favour to inspect, I will here
faithfully present you with. For indeed I am very desirous to beget in
you the same sentiments of that affair, which I have, I think, with
good reason entertained. And the rather, because the course you design
to steer will give you opportunity of converse with those persons, who
are most inquisitive after, as most concerned to know, matters of this
nature; and yet, perhaps, under greater mistakes in this particular,
than any others.
It was doubtless, none of the least ends which that fox, Oliver, had
in that design; to rid himself of some persons whom he could neither
securely employ, nor safely discard: which end seemed chiefly to
influence the managery of the whole business, as you will perceive by
the story.
It was pretended at first it should be carried on with great secrecy;
but the delay was so great, and thereby the notice of it so public, as
alarmed the Spaniards to provide for their reception. Venables moved
to have had soldiers for this service drawn out of the Irish Army,
which he had been well acquainted with; but it was peremptorily denied,
and they were appointed to be drawn out of the army in England, whose
officers generally gave out of their several companies the rawest
and worst armed they had. And these being hastily shipped off at
Portsmouth, the chief of the land officers, who were to go with them,
were never suffered to rendezvous, or see together till they came to
Barbadoes, where they arrived January 29, 1654-5. Here they found them
to want 500 of the number promised, being but 2500 men in all, and not
above half of those well armed. And though they had been assured they
should find 1500 arms at Barbadoes, yet they could not there make up
200 arms; and all the help they had was to make half-pikes, wherein,
and in fixing those arms they had, they met with some difficulty, their
smith’s tools being on board their store ships, which were not yet come
to them. For those ships took in their provisions at London, and they
were promised should meet them at Portsmouth, and there they were told
that they should reach them at Barbadoes; which yet they did not, nor
till at least six months after. So that much of the provision, which
was defective at first taking in, was by that time grown very corrupt.
While they staid at Barbadoes it was plainly discovered that not only
the inhabitants there were against the general design, but that the
seamen bandied against the land-men, and gave them not that assistance
and furtherance which was in their power. Notwithstanding the
land-soldiers great want of arms, Penn and the sea-officers would not
be prevailed with to furnish them with any, nor so much as to lend them
a pike or a lance; though he had above 1200 of the former to spare, and
great numbers of the latter were put aboard on purpose for the army to
kill cows with. At their leaving that place, the seamen had their full
allowance of victuals and brandy on their fish-days; when the land-men
had for four days in the week, but half their proportions, the other
three fish-days, only bread and water.
In this condition they left Barbadoes, March the last, 1655. By the way
they touched at St. Christopher’s, whence they took aboard a regiment
of soldiers, who had been raised in that island; among whom they were
pleased to find two Englishmen, Cox and Bounty, who had then lately
come from Hispaniola, where the former had lived twelve years, and
served as a gunner in the castle of St. Domingo.
Now when they were far out at sea, a dormant commission, not before
discovered, was broken up, whereby two others, Winslow and Butler, were
joined in commission, and equally empowered, with the two generals
Venables and Penn; and nothing was to be done without their joint
advice and orders: yea, when on shore, Venables, (though he had by
his own commission a command of all the land forces in chief,) yet
he was by this commission restrained from acting any thing without
the concurrence of the commissioners, or such one, or more, of them
as was present with him. A great debate now arose between these
Commissioners about dividing the lion’s skin, before he was caught,
which occasioned much heat among them, and gave great dissatisfaction
to the soldiers. There was a clause in this joint commission, that all
prizes and booties got by sea or land should be at the disposal of the
commissioners, for the advance of the present service and design. This
the greater part of the Commissioners judged was to be extended to all
sorts of pillage. Venables thought it was meet to interpret it only of
ships and their lading, and large quantities of treasure and goods in
towns and forts: and that to extend it to all booty, by whomsoever got,
would be both impossible to put in execution, and hugely disgustful
to the soldier to attempt. When he could not prevail to have his
sense of this hard clause pass, he propounded a middle way: that none
should conceal or retain any arms, money, plate, jewels, or goods, to
his private use, on pain of forfeiting his share in the whole, &c.
but that all should be brought in unto officers, chosen by mutual
consent, and sworn to be faithful therein; and then distribution to be
made to each man according to his quality and desert. And agreeably
thereto he framed both an order for the Commissioners to sign, and
a declaration for the officers of the army to subscribe, testifying
their submission to the order, and that they would endeavour that all
under their respective commands should observe it; and further, that
when their several pays should be discharged, they would acquiesce in
the disposal of the surplus by the Commissioners, either in rewards to
the deserving, or in necessaries for the public service, &c. This the
Commissioners so far approved as to appoint it to be writ fair, and
copies made, for each regiment one. The officers and soldiers were also
content, and satisfied therewith; but when it came to the point, only
Venables and Penn signed the order, and so the declaration fell too.
Which surely was a great oversight in the Commissioners who refused,
for by this means they would have soothed and pleased the army with a
fair flourish, but in reality had by common consent obtained the whole
to be at their own disposal.
Then the Commissioners propounding a fortnight’s pay to the soldiery
instead of the pillage of St. Domingo, the chief city of Hispaniola,
Venables prevailed with them to be content with six weeks pay. But when
that would not be yielded to by the Commissioners, he requested the
officers and soldiers, without standing on any terms, to venture their
lives with him, and trust to Providence for the issue and reward; which
they agreed unto for that time, but withal many of them declared they
would never strike stroke more, where there should be commissioners
thus to controul the general and soldiers, but would forthwith return
for England.
By this time they drew near to Hispaniola; the land general and
officers were for running the fleet into the harbour of St. Domingo,
but they of the fleet opposed it, Penn assured them there was a bomb
which would hinder their advance; though Cox, being called in, said
he believed there was none, yea, declared among the soldiers, that he
conceived the harbour was incapable of any thing of that kind. During
the debate about this matter, Captain Crispin, who commanded a frigate,
offered to venture the running in of his vessel into the harbour, and
bore up so near as to fire on the castle of St. Domingo, and discovered
nothing of any bomb, or other obstruction, as he after declared; yet
was he commanded off by Penn. Then they of the army resolved at a
council of war, among other things, that one regiment staying to land
to the east of the city, which fell by lot to Col. Butler; the rest of
the army should land some miles distant at the river Hine, the place
where Drake landed, and force the fort which stood at the mouth of
it: yet they of the fleet carried the army westward to Point Nizas,
whence they had to march above thirty miles north to the city, through
a strange, woody, and very hot country, where no water could be found,
and many of them had but two days victuals delivered them from the
fleet, none above three. The mean while Cox, who was designed to be
guide to the land forces, had been sent by Penn a fishing, and was not
returned, nor could be heard of at the landing; in the want of him,
Venables desired to have had Bounty, or Fernes, who also was acquainted
with the Island, but Penn would not part with either of them.
So soon as they were landed, the Commissioners appointed the publishing
of an order against plundering, and that all pillage should be brought
in unto a common store; but therein gave Venables liberty to promise
the soldiers, in case the city should be taken by storm, six weeks pay,
or a moiety of the pillage, excepting arms, ammunition, and such like:
or in case it should be surrendered, three weeks pay, or a third of the
pillage. This was signed by Penn, Winslow, and Butler.
The soldiers, who were before disgusted, were by this exasperated into
mutiny. A sea regiment, which came ashore, was the first that laid
down arms; and by their example all the rest. And much ado Venables
had in any sort to pacify them; at last they were persuaded to march,
though with much discontent: and in that unsatisfied, mutinying humour,
they marched four days without any guide, tormented with heat, hunger
and thirst, when they might have landed at the place best fitted for
attack, fresh on the first day.
The mean while Col. Buller had, according to his order, essayed to
land eastward of the city; but finding no place for it, was afterwards
appointed by the Commissioners to land at Hine river, but with
express order not to stir thence till the army came up. Accordingly
he landed on Monday, April 17, and with him Col. Houldip, and 500 of
his regiment, having Cox in their company. At their approaching, the
Spaniards abandoned the fort near the river mouth, leaving two great
guns dismounted, and the walls, as much as their haste would allow,
dismantled. This encouraged Buller to pursue them towards the city; but
in the narrow passes of the woods, he missed his way, and came to some
plantations vacant and waterless, purposing there to expect the army:
yet next morning sent out a party to descry the fort St. Hieronimo, who
exposed themselves too much to view, and alarmed the Spaniards.
Soon after Buller had marched from the fort where he landed, the army
came to the other side of the river Hine, but could not pass it,
wanting a guide to shew them the ford, which induced them to march
five miles up the river, seeking one; and at last, the day being spent,
they were forced to quarter that night without either food or good
fresh water. Next day, after three miles march more, a ford was found,
and the river passed, and they had not gone far, when a farm with water
chancing in their way, gave them great refreshment. Where making a
halt, and consulting what was meet for them to do, they resolved to
go to the fleet at the harbour for provision for their hungry men;
to which an Irishman, then brought in by some stratagem, offered to
guide them the shortest way. And though Venables was jealous of him,
and would not have heeded him, yet Commissioner Butler would have him
followed, and charged them by virtue of their instructions so to do;
and follow him they did, till a fruitless march three or four miles the
contrary way, proved him a liar. At last, hearing Buller’s drums, they
made towards him, and met with him near the strong fort, St. Hieronimo,
a regular and well fortified pier, in the road to the city. Venables
being at this time in the van, which he had led all their long march,
went himself with the guide, for the officers being all very weary,
were willing to be excused; to search the woods before the army, and
discovered the Spaniards in ambush, before they stirred; who presently,
thereupon advancing, the English forlorn immediately fired upon
them too hastily and at too much distance, which gave the Spaniards
advantage to fall in with them with their lances, before they could
charge again, and so gave them some disorder, and killed some officers;
among whom, to their great loss, Captain Cox perished; but the English
quickly recovering themselves, beat the enemy back, and pursued them
within cannon shot of the city.
These weary spent men, drawn on by their eagerness to this skirmish,
forgot that thirst, which, so soon as the pursuit was over, they
fainted under; many, both men and horse, dying on the place for very
thirst. Venables, being much endangered at this action in the route of
the forlorn, was earnestly entreated and pressed by the officers not to
hazard himself so again, but to march with the body. This over, they
called a council of war, where, considering their want of match, which
was spent to three or four inches, and of provision, which all had been
without two days, and some longer, and had no other sustenance but
what fruits the woods afforded; they once again resolved to return to
their ships, which the Irishman’s relation, and Commissioner Butler’s
peremptory charge had diverted them from, and caused them to lose many
men and horses with thirst and hunger in marching back that way, which
otherwise had been saved.
Some four or five days were spent at the harbour in refreshing the
tired, fainting soldiery, and taking new resolutions for a second march
and charge. Wherein, they could not well be more speedy, for Penn and
Winslow, two of the Commissioners, keeping at sea with the fleet,
(which rode some leagues off from the fort by Hine river,) and refusing
to come ashore, Venables, though then ill with the flux, was forced to
make many dangerous passages to and from them in small Brigantines for
their concurring counsel, which often differing, caused much delay,
and gave the Spaniards time to gather heart and strength for better
defence. The common soldiers this mean while, were but ill treated from
the fleet. Those that by sickness or wounds in the last action, were
disabled for further service, (they having no tents or carriages ashore
to dispose of them in) were sent a ship board, and there they were kept
forty-eight hours on the bare decks, without either meat, drink, or
dressing; that worms bred in their wounds, which would soon be in that
hot country, and some of them by that very usage perished, particularly
one Captain Leverington, a brave man. The others ashore being furnished
with the worst, and most mouldy of the biscuits; no beef, altogether
unwatered, and no brandy to cheer their spirits; had their thirst
greatly enraged, which that river, even where it was fresh, yet coming
from copper, rather augmented than assuaged. And this usage and diet,
together with the extraordinary rains that fell on their unsheltered
bodies, cast them all into violent fluxes; sorry encouragements and
preparatives for a second attempt, which yet was at last resolved on.
Tuesday, April 25. They had with them one mortar-piece, and two
drakes, in the drawing whereof, and carrying of mattocks, spades, and
calabashes of fresh water, the strongest men were employed till all
were reduced to almost a like weakness; and the cruel sea-officers
offered them no more brandy with them, than would be about a good
spoonful to a man. One night they lodged in the woods; the next day
they advanced toward the fort of St. Hieronimo, which they resolved to
attack, being in their way, about a mile from the town, and not fit to
leave at their backs.
April 26. Adjutant-General Jackson had this day the command of the
forlorn, consisting of four hundred men; in the van whereof, he put
Captain Butler, and himself brought up the rear. Also he marched
without any wings on either hand to search the woods, and discover
ambushes, which was expressly contrary both to order, and their
daily practice throughout their whole march from Point Nizas. With
the forlorn thus managed, and all ready to faint with thirst, having
marched eight miles without water, in a narrow pass in the thick woods,
where but six could well march abreast, they fell into an ambuscado
of the Spaniards, who suffered the forlorn all to march within them,
and then charged them both in van and flank. Captain Butler with the
van undauntedly received the charge, and in order, fired again, and
all of them stood till he fell; but the rear ran away without abiding
a charge, Jackson himself being the first man that turned his back.
Venables, his regiment, with Ferguson his Lieutenant Colonel in the
head of them, being next, charged their pikes on Jackson and his flying
men; but they being too well resolved to be stopt, first routed that
regiment, and then most of Heanes’s regiment. These all came violently
upon the sea regiment, which was led by Venables and Goodson, then
Vice-Admiral, who with their swords forced the runaways into the
woods, choosing rather to kill, than be routed by them. At the same
time, which much advantaged them, the rear part of Heanes’s regiment
having opened and drawn themselves on either side into the woods,
counterflanked the Spaniards, and charged their ambuscadoes, which the
Spaniards perceiving, and that the sea regiment advanced unrouted,
retreated. The English then charged them afresh, pursued them, and beat
them back beyond the fort, and so regained the bodies of the slain,
and the place of fight, which ground they kept the rest of that day,
and the night following, though the guns from the fort all that time,
as well as during the skirmish, played hotly upon them, and killed
sometimes eight or nine at a shot.
In this action, the valiant Heanes, major general, and Ferguson before
mentioned, and such other officers of those regiments as knew not what
it was to fly, fell by the swords and lances of the Spaniards; and many
common soldiers with them.
The English now about the fort, Venables commanded to assault it, and
that to that end, they should play the mortar-piece against it, and
had it drawn up for that purpose. But he himself being before brought
very low with his flux, the toil of the day had so far spent him, that
he could not stand or go but as supported by two; and in that manner
he moved from place to place, to encourage the men to stand, and to
plant it. But the latter he could not prevail on, neither by commands,
entreaties, or offers of rewards. At last, fainting among them, he
was carried off, and Fortescue, who succeeded major general, in the
stead of Heanes, took the command, who laboured much also to get the
mortar-piece planted, but without any effect. For the spirits of the
English soldiers were so sunk, by their want of water and provisions,
the excessive heat, and their great sickness occasioned thereby, that
not any one upon any account could be got to plant it. Night drawing
on, whilst the soldiers buried the dead, they called a council of war
of all the colonels, and field officers, where it was agreed, no man
dissenting, that the difficulties of thirst were not to be overcome,
and that if they staid there, though they beat the enemy, they must
perish for want of water. Whereupon, it was resolved to retreat next
morn at sun rise, if the mortar-piece could not play before. The
morning came, and no place found to plant the mortar-piece, nor men
that would work, the guns from the fort beating them off from every
place, they buried their shells, drew off their mortar-piece, drakes,
spades, &c. and making a strong rear-guard, retreated to their ships at
the harbour.
In this attempt against the fort, the common soldiers shewed themselves
so extremely heartless, that they only followed their officers to
charge, and left them there to die, unless they were as nimble footed
as themselves. And of all others, the planters, whom they had raised in
those parts, were the worst, being only forward to do mischief; men so
debauched as not to be kept under discipline, and so cowardly as not to
be made to fight.
Being come to the harbour, they betook themselves to the examination
and punishment of the cowardice of some, and of divers miscarriages
and disorders of others. Jackson was accused.
1. That contrary to express order, he had marched without any to search
the woods.
2. That he took but few pikes, and those he placed in the rear, as if
he feared only his own party.
3. That he put others in the van, and himself brought up his rear.
4. That he was the first man that run, and when there was a stop, he
opened his way with both hands to get foremost.
These being proved before a council of war, he was sentenced to be
cashiered: his sword broken over his head: and he made a swabber to
keep the hospital ship clean, which was executed accordingly. And well
it might, for sure it was much gentler than he deserved.[1]
[1] The Revolution in England, having necessarily raised great numbers
of individuals to the rank of officers, from the lowest stations, a
kind of equality reigned among the soldiery. The following instance of
that equality is a curious fact, and displays equally the republican
manners, and uncivilized spirit of that age.
Adjutant-General Jackson, who had been the first to run during the
engagement, was tried by a court-martial, convicted of cowardice,
cashiered with ignominy, and condemned to _serve as a_ SWABBER _on
board the hospital ship_!!—General Venables, with a naiveté common to
the writers of that age, which, though seldom respectable, is always
pleasing, makes the following observations on this sentence. After
mentioning the terms of it, he adds, “And justly,—for the benefit of
the sick and wounded, who owed their sufferings to his mis-behaviour.
A sentence too gentle for so notorious an offender, against whom some
of the Colonels made a complaint for _whoring_ and drunkenness at
Barbadoes; but not being able to _prove_ the fact, he escaped; though
considering his former course of life, the presumptions were _strong_,
he and a woman lodging in one chamber, and not any other person with
either, _which was enough to induce a belief of his offence_, he,
having two wives in England, and standing guilty of forgery; all which
I desired Major-General Worsley in joining with me to acquaint his
Highness (Cromwell) with, that he might be taken off, and not suffered
to go with me, lest he should _bring a curse on us_, as I feared.
But his Highness would not hear us.—After this, both perjury and
forgery were proved against him, in the case of a Colonel or General,
at Barbadoes, ruined by him, by that means. Upon the complaint, and
with the advice of the said General, I rebuked him privately; which
he took so distastely, that as it afterwards appeared, he studied and
endeavoured nothing but mutiny; and found fit matter to work upon, as
with an army that has neither pay nor pillage, arms nor ammunition,
nor victuals, is not difficult: but this I came to understand
afterwards.”—VENABLES’ _Narrative_.
A serjeant also, who in the skirmish threw down his arms, crying,
“gentlemen, shift for yourselves, we are all lost;” and ran away, was
hanged. Other offences met with meet punishments.
Now the business was, to consult what was next to be done. Commissioner
Winslow came ashore to press for a third attempt, which the officers of
the army would not be persuaded to undertake; for they all, with one
consent, declared they would not lead on their men, saying, they would
never be got to march up to that place again; or if they did, they
would not follow them to a charge, but they freely offered to regiment
themselves, and to live and die together. Whereupon, the Commissioners
judging it needful to try to raise the soldiers by some success in a
smaller exploit, resolved to attempt some other plantation, and at last
Jamaica was pitched on to be the place.
During this debate, the soldiers on land were in great want and
streights; for though all their provision was spent, yet Penn forbade
any supply to be sent them from the fleet, that their scarcity, yea,
famine, grew so high, that they ate all the horses, asses, and dogs
in the camp; yea, some ate such poisonous food, that they fell dead
instantaneously. But beyond all this, a motion was made, that setting
sail for England, the soldiers, whom they of the fleet usually called
dogs, should be left ashore to the mercy of the enemy; which motion,
Venables in behalf of the land-men, stiffly opposed, detesting so great
inhumanity. Yet the soldiers were so apprehensive of such a trick, that
when they came to go aboard, their officers would not suffer the sea
regiment, which was on shore, to be first shipped, lest they should be
so left in the lurch.
The fifth day after they set sail from Hispaniola, they came before
Jamaica, where remembering the cowardice of the soldiers, which if not
experienced, would scarce have been believed so great in Englishmen,
they published an order against runaways, that the next man to any that
offered to run, should kill him, or be tried for his own life. Which
done, Penn and Venables placed themselves in the martin galley, and
sailed up to the fort, and played upon it with their great guns, as it
did upon them all the time that the soldiers were getting into the flat
bottomed boats. Which so soon as they had done, a fresh gale of wind
arose, which drove the boats directly upon the fort; this the Spaniards
seeing, and a major, their best soldier, being disabled by a shot from
the martin galley, they were so daunted that they took to their heels,
and left the fort to the English. The army finding fresh water here,
and fearing to advance further, lest (it being then three o’clock)
they should in a strange country, and without guides, be inconveniently
overtaken with night, in some place where they might be more exposed
to the enemies assaults, and beating up their quarters, they resolved
to stay at that fort, and landing place that night, and rest their
weak and sick men. Next morning they marched early, and about noon,
came to a Savanna near the chief town of the island, St. Jago, where
two or three Spaniards appeared at a distance, making some signals of
civility. The like number of English was sent to them, upon which they
rode away, but making a stand, one was sent to them to know what they
desired; they answered, ‘a treaty.’ The English, replied, they would
treat when they saw any impowered thereunto. After some time, a priest
and a major were sent from the town. The English as an introduction
to the treaty, first demanded to have one hundred cows, with cassavia
bread proportionably, sent them immediately; and so daily while the
treaty lasted. Cows were sent in, but no bread; that being, as they
said, scarce with them. Whereupon Commissioners were appointed on both
sides to treat, and in conclusion, the Spaniards yielded to render the
island and all in it, and all ships in the havens unto the English; the
Spaniards and inhabitants having their lives granted them, and such as
would, to be at liberty by a certain day to depart the island, but to
take nothing, save their wearing apparel, and their books, and writings
with them.
Articles of agreement to this purpose being signed on both sides, the
English for their true performance, demanded and had the Governor
of the island, and the Spanish Commissioners for hostages; and so
they seemed to be in a fair way of settlement, with little ado. Yet
after this, a colonel among the Spaniards, who had no good will
to the governor, and was a man of interest among the commonalty,
persuaded them to drive all the cattle away to the mountains, and
thereby starve out the English. Which being understood, one of the
Spanish Commissioners, Don Acosta, a Portuguese, sent his priest, an
understanding negro, to dissuade them from their purpose. But they
being resolute, and instigated by the colonel, hanged the negro, which
enraged Acosta, and to be revenged on them for the death of his priest,
whom he loved, advised the English that the cattle must necessarily, in
a while, come down into the plains to drink. And by his direction, the
English recovered the cattle, and prevented their mischief.
After this an order was published, that no private soldier should go
out to shoot cows, which was done for two reasons; first, because the
soldiers straggling about and going single, were often knocked on the
head; and next, because they maimed and marred more than they killed;
for it being a very woody country, unless a beast was shot dead, which
was but seldom done, it escaped its pursuer, though it often died of
its wounds; and many hundreds were found in the woods that had been
so slain, and very many running about hurt and wounded. Thus great
destruction was made of them, to no bodies advantage, that in the end,
they must need have smarted for the want of those which had been thus
lavishly spoiled and lost. Besides, the cattle which at their first
coming, were seen by great numbers, and so tame, that they might have
been easily managed and driven up, were so affrighted by the soldiers
disorderly chasing and shouting after them, that they were now grown
wild and untractable. And therefore, commanded parties with their
officers were thenceforwards ordered out to fetch in cattle as there
was need; and by that means they were sufficiently supplied, and no
waste made. But bread they still much wanted, for their own store ships
not having yet reached them, they had no bread but what came from the
fleet, whence it was very sparingly sent, and scarce any but what was
bad and corrupt. I find it noted, that in seventeen days time, they had
but three biscuits a man; that they could seldom get any thing from
the fleet, unless the Commissioner would sign remittances for greater
proportions than were indeed delivered; that of above a hundred tuns of
brandy, which was put on board in England for this service, and above
thirty tuns more taken in at Barbadoes, it could not be observed, that
the land-men ever had ten tuns to their use, between the middle of
April and the middle of July. So that the soldiers being put to feed
wholly on fresh flesh and fruits, without either brandy, or any kind of
bread; and that after they had been long at a scanty diet, upon salt
meats, it hugely increased sickness among them, insomuch, that after
their coming to Jamaica, they died by fifty, sixty, and sometimes a
hundred in a week, of fevers and fluxes.
Their streights and distresses being so great, put them on necessity
of hastening to distribute the soldiers to plant for themselves, that
they might have somewhat of their own to subsist on, without depending
on the courtesy of others. And accordingly several of the regiment were
dispersed into several places; but though such was their occasion, each
for his particular private goods and necessaries, yet they could not
without much difficulty, and many fruitless labours, obtain to have
their trunks and stuff ashore to them; and many never had them at all,
but they were carried back with the fleet into England.
Some discontents grew among the great ones. Venables telling
Commissioner Butler of his drunkenness, which he was often guilty of,
and in that condition, had discovered too much to the Spaniards, and
reproving him for it, made him his enemy, and to practise against him,
and thenceforwards he endeavoured to make factions, and raise disgusts
in the army.
Penn gave notice of his intentions, suddenly to set sail for England,
and would not be dissuaded.
* * * * *
Here the manuscript ends, but in continuation, Oldmixon[2] observes,
that “they arrived in England in September, when they were both
imprisoned for their scandalous conduct in this expedition, which
would have been an irreparable dishonour to the English Nation, had
not the island of Jamaica, which chance more than council, bestowed
upon them, made amends for the loss at Hispaniola.” Their imprisonment
would seem to have received general approbation, as in certain Passages
of Every Dayes Intelligence, from Sept. 21 to 28, 1655, published
by authority, it is said, “Gov. Penn and Gen. Venables, would be
petitioning his Highnes, the Lord Protector for their enlargement
out of the Tower again; but it is a little too soon yet; it were not
amiss that they stayed till we hear again from the West Indies.” His
subsequent liberation, and the particulars of his life after this
period, with the time of his decease, and his residence when he quitted
the cares of this world, are alike unknown to the writer, and have
baffled all attempts at discovery.
[2] _British Empire in America_, 1740, 8vo.
[Illustration: _THE Experienc’d Angler, or Angling Improved._
_Sold by Rich: Marriott in S^t Dunstans Church-yard._
_Vaughan Sculp._ ]
THE Experienced Angler:
OR ANGLING IMPROVED.
_BEING_
_A general Discourse of Angling_;
Imparting many of the aptest wayes and choicest Experiments for the
taking of most sorts of Fish in Pond or River.
_LONDON_:
Printed for _Richard Marriot_, and are to be sold at his Shop in St.
_Dunstan’s_ Church-yard, _Fleet-street_. 1662.
PREFATORY ADDRESS TO THE READER, FROM THE EDITION OF MDCLXII.
PREFATORY ADDRESS.
Delight and Pleasure are so fast rivetted and firmly rooted in the
heart of man, that I suppose there are none so morose or melancholy,
that will not only pretend to, but plead for an interest in the same,
most being so much enamoured therewith, that they judge that life but a
living death, which is wholly deprived or abridged of all pleasure; and
many pursue the same with so much eagerness and importunity, as though
they had been born for no other end, as that they not only consume
their most precious time, but also totally ruin their estates thereby:
for in this loose and licentious age, when profuse prodigality passes
for the characteristical mark of true generosity and frugality, I mean
not niggardliness; is branded with the ignominious blot of baseness. I
expect not that this under-valued subject, though it propound delight
at an easy rate, will meet with any other entertainment than neglect,
if not contempt, it being an art which few take pleasure in, nothing
passing for noble or delightful which is not costly; as though men
could not gratify their senses, but with the consumption of their
fortunes.
_Hawking_ and _Hunting_ have had their excellencies celebrated with
large _encomiums_ by divers pens, and although I intend not any
undervaluing to those noble recreations, so much famed in all ages
and by all degrees, yet I must needs affirm, that they fall not within
the compass of every ones ability to pursue, being as it were only
entailed on great persons and vast estates; for if meaner fortunes
seek to enjoy them, _Actæon’s_ fable often proves a true story, and
these birds of prey not seldom quarry upon their masters: besides those
recreations are most subject to choler and passion, by how much those
creatures exceed a hook or line in worth: and indeed in those exercises
our pleasure depends much upon the will and humour of a sullen cur or
_kite_, (as I have heard their own passions phrase them); which also
require much attendance, care and skill to keep her serviceable to our
ends. Further, these delights are often prejudicial to the husbandman
in his corn, grass and fences; but in this pleasant and harmless Art
of Angling a man hath none to quarrel with but himself, and we are
usually so entirely our own friends, as not to retain an irreconcilable
hatred against ourselves, but can in short time easily compose the
enmity; and besides ourselves none are offended, none endamaged; and
this recreation falleth within the capacity of the lowest fortune to
compass, affording also profit as well as pleasure, in following of
which exercise a man may employ his thoughts in the noblest studies,
almost as freely as in his closet.
The minds of anglers being usually more calm and composed than many
others, especially hunters and falconers, who too frequently lose their
delight in their passion, and too often bring home more of melancholy
and discontent than satisfaction in their thoughts; but the angler,
when he hath the worst success, loseth but a hook or line, or perhaps,
what he never possessed, a fish; and suppose he should take nothing,
yet he enjoyeth a delightful walk by pleasant rivers in sweet pastures,
amongst odoriferous flowers, which gratify his senses and delight his
mind; which contentments induce many, who affect not angling, to choose
those places of pleasure for their Summer’s recreation and health.
But, peradventure, some may alledge that this art is mean, melancholy,
and insipid; I suppose the old answer, _de gustibus non est
disputandum_, will hold as firmly in recreations as palates, many
have supposed Angling void of delight, having never tried it, yet
have afterwards experimented it so full of content, that they have
quitted all other recreations, at least in its season, to pursue it;
and I do pursuade myself, that whosoever shall associate himself with
some honest expert angler, who will freely and candidly communicate
his skill unto him, will in short time be convinced, that _Ars non
habet inimicum nisi ignorantem_; and the more any experiment its
harmless delight, not subject to passion or expence, he will probably
be induced to relinquish those pleasures which being obnoxious to
choler or contention so discompose the thoughts, that nothing during
that unsettlement can relish or delight the mind; to pursue that
recreation which composeth the soul to that calmness and serenity,
which gives a man the fullest possession and fruition of himself
and all his enjoyments; this clearness and equanimity of spirit
being a matter of so high a concern and value in the judgments of
many profound Philosophers, as any one may see that will bestow the
pains to read, _de Tranquilitate Animi_, and _Petrarch de Utriusque
Conditionis Statu_: Certainly he that lives _Sibi et Deo_, leads the
most happy life; and if this art do not dispose and incline the mind
of man to a quiet calm sedateness, I am confident it doth not, as many
other delights; cast blocks and rubs before him to make his way more
difficult and less pleasant. The cheapness of the recreation abates
not its pleasure, but with rational persons heightens it; and if it
be delightful the charge of melancholy falls upon that score, and if
example, which is the best proof, may sway any thing, I know no sort
of men less subject to melancholy than anglers; many have cast off
other recreations and embraced it, but I never knew any angler wholly
cast off, though occasions might interrupt, their affections to their
beloved recreation; and if this art may prove a _Noble brave rest_
to thy mind, it will be satisfaction to his, who is thy well-wishing
Friend.
[Illustration]
ANGLING IMPROVED:
OR
PROFIT AND PLEASURE UNITED.
CHAP. I.
WHEN TO PROVIDE TOOLS, AND HOW TO MAKE THEM.
For the attaining of such ends which our desires propose to themselves,
of necessity we must make use of such common mediums as have a natural
tendency to the producing of such effects as are in our eye, and at
which we aim; and as in any work, if one principal material be wanting,
the whole is at a stand, neither can the same be perfected: so in
Angling, the end being recreation, which consisteth in drawing the
fish to bite, that we may take them; if you want tools, though you
have baits, or baits, though you have tackle, yet you have no part
of pleasure by either of these singly: nay, if you have both, yet
want skill to use them, all the rest is to little purpose. I shall
therefore first begin with your tools, and so proceed in order with the
rest.
1. In Autumn, when the leaves are almost or altogether fallen, which
is usually about the Winter solstice, the sap being then in the root;
which about the middle of January begins to ascend again, and then the
time is past to provide yourself with stocks or tops: you need not be
so exactly curious for your stocks as the tops, though I wish you to
choose the neatest taper-grown you can for stocks, but let your tops be
the most neat rush-grown shoots you can get, straight and smooth; and
if for the ground-rod, near or full two yards long, the reason for that
length shall be given presently; and if for the fly, of what length
you please, because you must either choose them to fit the stock, or
the stock to fit them in a most exact proportion; neither do they need
to be so very much taper-grown as those for the ground, for if your
rod be not most exactly proportionable, as well as slender, it will
neither cast well, strike readily, or ply and bend equally, which will
very much endanger your line. When you have fitted yourself with tops
and stocks, for all must be gathered in one season, if any of them
be crooked, bind them all together, and they will keep one another
straight; or lay them on some even-boarded floor, with a weight on the
crooked parts, or else bind them close to some straight staff or pole;
but before you do this you must bathe them all, save the very top, in a
gentle fire.