The encampments of these heterogeneous multitudes offered a singular

aspect. Those vassals who ranged themselves under the banners of their

lord erected tents around his castle; while those who undertook the war on

their own account constructed booths and huts in the neighbourhood of the

towns or villages, preparatory to their joining some popular leader of the

expedition. The meadows of France were covered with tents. As the

belligerents were to have remission of all their sins on their arrival in

Palestine, hundreds of them gave themselves up to the most unbounded

licentiousness. The courtesan, with the red cross upon her shoulders,

plied her shameless trade with sensual pilgrims without scruple on either

side; the lover of good cheer gave loose rein to his appetite, and

drunkenness and debauchery flourished. Their zeal in the service of the

Lord was to wipe out all faults and follies, and they had the same surety

of salvation as the rigid anchorite. This reasoning had charms for the

ignorant, and the sounds of lewd revelry and the voice of prayer rose at

the same instant from the camp.

It is now time to speak of the leaders of the expedition. Great multitudes

ranged themselves under the command of Peter the Hermit, whom, as the

originator, they considered the most appropriate leader of the war. Others

joined the banner of a bold adventurer, whom history has dignified with no

other name than that of Gautier sans Avoir, or Walter the Pennyless, but

who is represented as having been of noble family, and well skilled in the

art of war. A third multitude from Germany flocked around the standard of

a monk named Gottschalk, of whom nothing is known except that he was a

fanatic of the deepest dye. All these bands, which together are said to

have amounted to three hundred thousand men, women, and children, were

composed of the vilest rascality of Europe. Without discipline, principle,

or true courage, they rushed through the nations like a pestilence,

spreading terror and death wherever they went. The first multitude that

set forth was led by Walter the Pennyless early in the spring of 1096,

within a very few months after the Council of Clermont. Each man of that

irregular host aspired to be his own master. Like their nominal leader,

each was poor to penury, and trusted for subsistence on his journey to the

chances of the road. Rolling through Germany like a tide, they entered

Hungary, where, at first, they were received with some degree of kindness

by the people. The latter had not yet caught sufficient of the fire of

enthusiasm to join the Crusade themselves, but were willing enough to

forward the cause by aiding those embarked in it. Unfortunately this good

understanding did not last long. The swarm were not contented with food

for their necessities, but craved for luxuries also. They attacked and

plundered the dwellings of the country people, and thought nothing of

murder where resistance was offered. On their arrival before Semlin, the

outraged Hungarians collected in large numbers, and, attacking the rear of

the crusading host, slew a great many of the stragglers, and, taking away

their arms and crosses, affixed them as trophies to the walls of the city.

Walter appears to have been in no mood or condition to make reprisals; for

his army, destructive as a plague of locusts when plunder urged them on,

were useless against any regular attack from a determined enemy. Their

rear continued to be thus harassed by the wrathful Hungarians until they

were fairly out of their territory. On his entrance into Bulgaria, Walter

met with no better fate. The cities and towns refused to let him pass; the

villages denied him provisions; and the citizens and country people

uniting, slaughtered his followers by hundreds. The progress of the army

was more like a retreat than an advance; but as it was impossible to stand

still, Walter continued his course till he arrived at Constantinople with

a force which famine and the sword had diminished to one-third of its

original number.

The greater multitude, led by the enthusiastic Hermit, followed close upon

his heels, with a bulky train of baggage, and women and children

sufficient to form a host of themselves. If it were possible to find a

rabble more vile than the army of Walter the Pennyless, it was that led by

Peter the Hermit. Being better provided with means, they were not reduced

to the necessity of pillage in their progress through Hungary; and had

they taken any other route than that which led through Semlin, might

perhaps have traversed the country without molestation. On their arrival

before that city, their fury was raised at seeing the arms and red crosses

of their predecessors hanging as trophies over the gates. Their pent-up

ferocity exploded at the sight. The city was tumultuously attacked, and

the besiegers entering, not by dint of bravery, but of superior numbers,

it was given up to all the horrors which follow when victory, brutality,

and licentiousness are linked together. Every evil passion was allowed to

revel with impunity, and revenge, lust, and avarice,--each had its

hundreds of victims in unhappy Semlin. Any maniac can kindle a

conflagration, but it may require many wise men to put it out. Peter the

Hermit had blown the popular fury into a flame, but to cool it again was

beyond his power. His followers rioted unrestrained, until the fear of

retaliation warned them to desist. When the king of Hungary was informed

of the disasters of Semlin, he marched with a sufficient force to chastise

the Hermit, who, at the news, broke up his camp and retreated towards the

Morava, a broad and rapid stream that joins the Danube a few miles to the

eastward of Belgrade. Here a party of indignant Bulgarians awaited him,

and so harassed him, as to make the passage of the river a task both of

difficulty and danger. Great numbers of his infatuated followers perished

in the waters, and many fell under the swords of the Bulgarians. The

ancient chronicles do not mention the amount of the Hermit's loss at this

passage, but represent it in general terms as very great.

At Nissa, the Duke of Bulgaria fortified himself, in fear of an assault;

but Peter, having learned a little wisdom from experience, thought it best

to avoid hostilities. He passed three nights in quietness under the walls,

and the duke, not wishing to exasperate unnecessarily so fierce and

rapacious a host, allowed the townspeople to supply them with provisions.

Peter took his departure peaceably on the following morning; but some

German vagabonds, falling behind the main body of the army, set fire to

the mills and house of a Bulgarian, with whom, it appears, they had had

some dispute on the previous evening. The citizens of Nissa, who had

throughout mistrusted the Crusaders, and were prepared for the worst,

sallied out immediately, and took signal vengeance. The spoilers were cut

to pieces, and the townspeople pursuing the Hermit, captured all the women

and children who had lagged in the rear, and a great quantity of baggage.

Peter hereupon turned round and marched back to Nissa, to demand

explanation of the Duke of Bulgaria. The latter fairly stated the

provocation given, and the Hermit could urge nothing in palliation of so

gross an outrage. A negotiation was entered into, which promised to be

successful, and the Bulgarians were about to deliver up the women and

children, when a party of undisciplined Crusaders, acting solely upon

their own suggestion, endeavoured to scale the walls and seize upon the

town. Peter in vain exerted his authority; the confusion became general,

and after a short but desperate battle, the Crusaders threw down their

arms, and fled in all directions. Their vast host was completely routed,

the slaughter being so great among them, as to be counted, not by

hundreds, but by thousands.

It is said that the Hermit fled from this fatal field to a forest a few

miles from Nissa, abandoned by every human creature. It would be curious

to know whether, after so dire a reverse,

"His enpierced breast

Sharp sorrow did in thousand pieces rive,"

or whether his fiery zeal still rose superior to calamity, and pictured

the eventual triumph of his cause. He, so lately the leader of a hundred

thousand men, was now a solitary skulker in the forests, liable at every

instant to be discovered by some pursuing Bulgarian, and cut off in mid

career. Chance at last brought him within sight of an eminence, where two

or three of his bravest knights had collected five hundred of the

stragglers. These gladly received the Hermit, and a consultation having

taken place, it was resolved to gather together the scattered remnants of

the army. Fires were lighted on the hill, and scouts sent out in all

directions for the fugitives. Horns were sounded at intervals, to make

known that friends were near, and before nightfall the Hermit saw himself

at the head of seven thousand men. During the succeeding day, he was

joined by twenty thousand more, and with this miserable remnant of his

force, he pursued his route towards Constantinople. The bones of the rest

mouldered in the forests of Bulgaria.

On his arrival at Constantinople, where he found Walter the Pennyless

awaiting him, he was hospitably received by the Emperor Alexius. It might

have been expected that the sad reverses they had undergone would have

taught his followers common prudence; but, unhappily for them, their

turbulence and love of plunder was not to be restrained. Although they

were surrounded by friends, by whom all their wants were liberally

supplied, they could not refrain from rapine. In vain the Hermit exhorted

them to tranquillity; he possessed no more power over them, in subduing

their passions, than the obscurest soldier of the host. They set fire to

several public buildings in Constantinople out of pure mischief, and

stripped the lead from the roofs of the churches, which they afterwards

sold for old metal in the purlieus of the city. From this time may be

dated the aversion which the Emperor Alexius entertained for the

Crusaders, and which was afterwards manifested in all his actions, even

when he had to deal with the chivalrous and more honourable armies which

arrived after the Hermit. He seems to have imagined that the Turks

themselves were enemies less formidable to his power than these

outpourings of the refuse of Europe: he soon found a pretext to hurry them

into Asia Minor. Peter crossed the Bosphorus with Walter, but the excesses

of his followers were such, that, despairing of accomplishing any good end

by remaining at their head, he left them to themselves, and returned to

Constantinople, on the pretext of making arrangements with the government

of Alexius for a proper supply of provisions. The Crusaders, forgetting

that they were in the enemy's country, and that union, above all things,

was desirable, gave themselves up to dissensions. Violent disputes arose

between the Lombards and Normans commanded by Walter the Pennyless, and

the Franks and Germans led out by Peter. The latter separated themselves

from the former, and, choosing for their leader one Reinaldo, or Reinhold,

marched forward, and took possession of the fortress of Exorogorgon. The

Sultan Solimaun was on the alert, with a superior force. A party of

Crusaders, which had been detached from the fort, and stationed at a

little distance as an ambuscade, were surprised and cut to pieces, and

Exorogorgon invested on all sides. The siege was protracted for eight

days, during which the Christians suffered the most acute agony from the

want of water. It is hard to say how long the hope of succour or the

energy of despair would have enabled them to hold out: their treacherous

leader cut the matter short by renouncing the Christian faith, and

delivering up the fort into the hands of the sultan. He was followed by

two or three of his officers; all the rest, refusing to become Mahometans,

were ruthlessly put to the sword. Thus perished the last wretched remnant

of the vast multitude which had traversed Europe with Peter the Hermit.

Walter the Pennyless and his multitude met as miserable a fate. On the

news of the disasters of Exorogorgon, they demanded to be led instantly

against the Turks. Walter, who only wanted good soldiers to have made a

good general, was cooler of head, and saw all the dangers of such a step.

His force was wholly insufficient to make any decisive movement in a

country where the enemy was so much superior, and where, in case of

defeat, he had no secure position to fall back upon; and he therefore

expressed his opinion against advancing until the arrival of

reinforcements. This prudent counsel found no favour: the army loudly

expressed their dissatisfaction at their chief, and prepared to march

forward without him. Upon this, the brave Walter put himself at their

head, and rushed to destruction. Proceeding towards Nice, the modern

Isnik, he was intercepted by the army of the sultan: a fierce battle

ensued, in which the Turks made fearful havoc; out of twenty-five thousand

Christians, twenty-two thousand were slain, and among them Gautier

himself, who fell pierced by seven mortal wounds. The remaining three

thousand retreated upon Civitot, where they entrenched themselves.

[Illustration: ISNIK.]

Disgusted as was Peter the Hermit at the excesses of the multitude, who,

at his call, had forsaken Europe, his heart was moved with grief and pity

at their misfortunes. All his former zeal revived: casting himself at the

feet of the Emperor Alexius, he implored him, with tears in his eyes, to

send relief to the few survivors at Civitot. The emperor consented, and a

force was sent, which arrived just in time to save them from destruction.

The Turks had beleaguered the place, and the Crusaders were reduced to the

last extremity. Negotiations were entered into, and the last three

thousand were conducted in safety to Constantinople. Alexius had suffered

too much by their former excesses to be very desirous of retaining them in

his capital: he therefore caused them all to be disarmed, and, furnishing

each with a sum of money, he sent them back to their own country.

While these events were taking place, fresh hordes were issuing from the

woods and wilds of Germany, all bent for the Holy Land. They were

commanded by a fanatical priest, named Gottschalk, who, like Gautier and

Peter the Hermit, took his way through Hungary. History is extremely

meagre in her details of the conduct and fate of this host, which amounted

to at least one hundred thousand men. Robbery and murder seem to have

journeyed with them, and the poor Hungarians were rendered almost

desperate by their numbers and rapacity. Karloman, the king of the

country, made a bold effort to get rid of them; for the resentment of his

people had arrived at such a height, that nothing short of the total

extermination of the Crusaders would satisfy them. Gottschalk had to pay

the penalty, not only for the ravages of his own bands, but for those of

the swarms that had come before him. He and his army were induced, by some

means or other, to lay down their arms: the savage Hungarians, seeing them

thus defenceless, set upon them, and slaughtered them in great numbers.

How many escaped their arrows we are not informed; but not one of them

reached Palestine.

Other swarms, under nameless leaders, issued from Germany and France, more

brutal and more frantic than any that had preceded them. Their fanaticism

surpassed by far the wildest freaks of the followers of the Hermit. In

bands, varying in numbers from one to five thousand, they traversed the

country in all directions, bent upon plunder and massacre. They wore the

symbol of the Crusade upon their shoulders, but inveighed against the

folly of proceeding to the Holy Land to destroy the Turks, while they left

behind them so many Jews, the still more inveterate enemies of Christ.

They swore fierce vengeance against this unhappy race, and murdered all

the Hebrews they could lay their hands on, first subjecting them to the

most horrible mutilation. According to the testimony of Albert Aquensis,

they lived among each other in the most shameless profligacy, and their

vice was only exceeded by their superstition. Whenever they were in search

of Jews, they were preceded by a goose and goat, which they believed to be

holy, and animated with divine power to discover the retreats of the

unbelievers. In Germany alone they slaughtered more than a thousand Jews,

notwithstanding all the efforts of the clergy to save them. So dreadful

was the cruelty of their tormentors, that great numbers of Jews committed

self-destruction to avoid falling into their hands.

Again it fell to the lot of the Hungarians to deliver Europe from these

pests. When there were no more Jews to murder, the bands collected in one

body, and took the old route to the Holy Land, a route stained with the

blood of three hundred thousand who had gone before, and destined also to

receive theirs. The number of these swarms has never been stated; but so

many of them perished in Hungary, that contemporary writers, despairing of

giving any adequate idea of their multitudes, state that the fields were

actually heaped with their corpses, and that for miles in its course the

waters of the Danube were dyed with their blood. It was at Mersburg, on

the Danube, that the greatest slaughter took place,--a slaughter so great

as to amount almost to extermination. The Hungarians for a while disputed

the passage of the river, but the Crusaders forced their way across, and

attacking the city with the blind courage of madness, succeeded in making

a breach in the walls. At this moment of victory an unaccountable fear

came over them. Throwing down their arms, they fled panic-stricken, no one

knew why, and no one knew whither. The Hungarians followed, sword in hand,

and cut them down without remorse, and in such numbers, that the stream of

the Danube is said to have been choked up by their unburied bodies.

This was the worst paroxysm of the madness of Europe; and this passed, her

chivalry stepped upon the scene. Men of cool heads, mature plans, and

invincible courage stood forward to lead and direct the grand movement of

Europe upon Asia. It is upon these men that romance has lavished her most

admiring epithets, leaving to the condemnation of history the vileness and

brutality of those who went before. Of these leaders the most

distinguished were Godfrey of Bouillon duke of Lorraine, and Raymond count

of Toulouse. Four other chiefs of the royal blood of Europe also assumed

the cross, and led each his army to the Holy Land; Hugh count of

Vermandois, brother of the king of France; Robert duke of Normandy, the

elder brother of William Rufus; Robert count of Flanders, and Bohemund

prince of Tarentum, eldest son of the celebrated Robert Guiscard. These

men were all tinged with the fanaticism of the age, but none of them acted

entirely from religious motives. They were neither utterly reckless like

Gautier sans Avoir, crazy like Peter the Hermit, nor brutal like

Gottschalk the Monk, but possessed each of these qualities in a milder

form; their valour being tempered by caution, their religious zeal by

worldly views, and their ferocity by the spirit of chivalry. They saw

whither led the torrent of the public will; and it being neither their

wish nor their interest to stem it, they allowed themselves to be carried

with it, in the hope that it would lead them at last to a haven of

aggrandisement. Around them congregated many minor chiefs, the flower of

the nobility of France and Italy, with some few from Germany, England, and

Spain. It was wisely conjectured that armies so numerous would find a

difficulty in procuring provisions if they all journeyed by the same road.

They therefore resolved to separate; Godfrey de Bouillon proceeding

through Hungary and Bulgaria, the Count of Toulouse through Lombardy and

Dalmatia, and the other leaders through Apulia to Constantinople, where

the several divisions were to reunite. The forces under these leaders have

been variously estimated. The Princess Anna Comnena talks of them as

having been as numerous as the sands on the sea-shore, or the stars in the

firmament. Fulcher of Chartres is more satisfactory, and exaggerates less

magnificently, when he states, that all the divisions, when they had sat

down before Nice in Bithynia, amounted to one hundred thousand horsemen,

and six hundred thousand men on foot, exclusive of the priests, women, and

children. Gibbon is of opinion that this amount is exaggerated; but thinks

the actual numbers did not fall very far short of the calculation. The

Princess Anna afterwards gives the number of those under Godfrey of

Bouillon as eighty thousand foot and horse; and supposing that each of the

other chiefs led an army as numerous, the total would be near half a

million. This must be over rather than under the mark, as the army of

Godfrey of Bouillon was confessedly the largest when it set out, and

suffered less by the way than any other.

[Illustration: GODFREY DE BOUILLON.]

The Count of Vermandois was the first who set foot on the Grecian

territory. On his arrival at Durazzo he was received with every mark of

respect and courtesy by the agents of the emperor, and his followers were

abundantly supplied with provisions. Suddenly, however, and without cause

assigned, the count was arrested by order of the Emperor Alexius, and

conveyed a close prisoner to Constantinople. Various motives have been

assigned by different authors as having induced the emperor to this

treacherous and imprudent proceeding. By every writer he has been

condemned for so flagrant a breach of hospitality and justice. The most

probable reason for his conduct appears to be that suggested by Guibert of

Nogent, who states that Alexius, fearful of the designs of the Crusaders

upon his throne, resorted to this extremity in order afterwards to force

the count to take the oath of allegiance to him, as the price of his

liberation. The example of a prince so eminent as the brother of the king

of France, would, he thought, be readily followed by the other chiefs of

the Crusade. In the result he was wofully disappointed, as every man

deserves to be who commits positive evil that doubtful good may ensue. But

this line of policy accorded well enough with the narrowmindedness of the

emperor, who, in the enervating atmosphere of his highly civilised and

luxurious court, dreaded the influx of the hardy and ambitious warriors of

the West, and strove to nibble away by unworthy means the power which he

had not energy enough to confront. If danger to himself had existed from

the residence of the chiefs in his dominions, he might easily have averted

it, by the simple means of placing himself at the head of the European

movement, and directing its energies to their avowed object, the conquest

of the Holy Land. But the emperor, instead of being, as he might have

been, the lord and leader of the Crusades, which he had himself aided in

no inconsiderable degree to suscitate by his embassies to the Pope, became

the slave of men who hated and despised him. No doubt the barbarous

excesses of the followers of Gautier and Peter the Hermit made him look

upon the whole body of them with disgust, but it was the disgust of a

little mind, which is glad of any excuse to palliate or justify its own

irresolution and love of ease.

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