Hardly was that monarch laid in his grave ere the popular ha

[Illustration: THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME: GARDENS OF THE HOTEL DE

SOISSONS, 1720.]

MEMOIRS

OF

EXTRAORDINARY POPULAR DELUSIONS.

VOLUME I.

[Illustration: THE BUBBLERS' ARMS--PROSPERITY.]

LONDON:

OFFICE OF THE NATIONAL ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY,

227 STRAND.

1852.

MEMOIRS

OF

EXTRAORDINARY POPULAR DELUSIONS

AND THE

MADNESS OF CROWDS.

BY CHARLES MACKAY, LL.D.

AUTHOR OF "EGERIA," "THE SALAMANDRINE," ETC.

ILLUSTRATED WITH NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS.

VOL. I.

N'en déplaise à ces fous nommés sages de Grèce,

En ce monde il n'est point de parfaite sagesse;

Tous les hommes sont fous, et malgré tous leurs soîns

Ne diffèrent entre eux que du plus ou du moins.

BOILEAU.

LONDON:

OFFICE OF THE NATIONAL ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY,

227 STRAND.

1852.

LONDON:

PRINTED BY ROBSON, LEVEY, AND FRANKLYN,

Great New Street, Fetter Lane.

CONTENTS.

THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME.

John Law; his birth and youthful career--Duel between Law and

Wilson--Law's escape from the King's Bench--The "Land-bank"--Law's

gambling propensities on the continent, and acquaintance with the Duke

of Orleans--State of France after the reign of Louis XIV.--Paper money

instituted in that country by Law--Enthusiasm of the French people at

the Mississippi Scheme--Marshal Villars--Stratagems employed and

bribes given for an interview with Law--Great fluctuations in

Mississippi stock--Dreadful murders--Law created comptroller-general

of finances--Great sale for all kinds of ornaments in Paris--Financial

difficulties commence--Men sent out to work the mines on the

Mississippi, as a blind--Payment stopped at the bank--Law dismissed

from the ministry--Payments made in specie--Law and the Regent

satirised in song--Dreadful crisis of the Mississippi Scheme--Law,

almost a ruined man, flies to Venice--Death of the Regent--Law obliged

to resort again to gambling--His death at Venice

THE SOUTH-SEA BUBBLE.

Originated by Harley Earl of Oxford--Exchange Alley a scene of great

excitement--Mr. Walpole--Sir John Blunt--Great demand for

shares--Innumerable "Bubbles"--List of nefarious projects and

bubbles--Great rise in South-sea stock--Sudden fall--General meeting

of the directors--Fearful climax of the South-sea expedition--Its

effects on society--Uproar in the House of Commons--Escape of

Knight--Apprehension of Sir John Blunt--Recapture of Knight at

Tirlemont--His second escape--Persons connected with the scheme

examined--Their respective punishments--Concluding remarks

THE TULIPOMANIA.

Conrad Gesner--Tulips brought from Vienna to England--Rage for the

tulip among the Dutch--Its great value--Curious anecdote of a sailor

and a tulip--Regular marts for tulips--Tulips employed as a means of

speculation--Great depreciation in their value--End of the mania

THE ALCHYMISTS.

Introductory remarks--Pretended antiquity of the

art--Geber--Alfarabi--Avicenna--Albertus Magnus--Thomas

Aquinas--Artephius--Alain de Lisle--Arnold de Villeneuve--Pietro

d'Apone--Raymond Lulli--Roger Bacon--Pope John XXII.--Jean de

Meung--Nicholas Flamel--George Ripley--Basil Valentine--Bernard of

Trèves--Trithemius--The Maréchal de Rays--Jacques Coeur--Inferior

adepts--Progress of the infatuation during the sixteenth and

seventeenth centuries--Augurello--Cornelius

Agrippa--Paracelsus--George Agricola--Denys Zachaire--Dr. Dee and

Edward Kelly--The Cosmopolite--Sendivogius--The Rosicrucians--Michael

Mayer--Robert Fludd--Jacob Böhmen--John Heydon--Joseph Francis

Borri--Alchymical writers of the seventeenth century--Delisle--Albert

Aluys--Count de St. Germain--Cagliostro--Present state of the science

MODERN PROPHECIES.

Terror of the approaching day of judgment--A comet the signal of that

day--The prophecy of Whiston--The people of Leeds greatly alarmed at

that event--The plague in Milan--Fortune-tellers and

Astrologers--Prophecy concerning the overflow of the Thames--Mother

Shipton--Merlin--Heywood--Peter of Pontefract--Robert

Nixon--Almanac-makers

FORTUNE-TELLING.

Presumption and weakness of man--Union of Fortune-tellers and

Alchymists--Judicial astrology encouraged in England from the time of

Elizabeth to William and Mary--Lilly the astrologer consulted by the

House of Commons as to the cause of the Fire of London--Encouragement

of the art in France and Germany--Nostradamus--Basil of

Florence--Antiochus Tibertus--Kepler--Necromancy--Roger Bacon,

Albertus Magnus, Arnold Villeneuve--Geomancy--Augury--Divination: list

of various species of divination--Oneiro-criticism (interpretation of

dreams)--Omens

THE MAGNETISERS.

The influence of imagination in curing diseases--Mineral

magnetisers--Paracelsus--Kircher the Jesuit--Sebastian Wirdig--William

Maxwell--The Convulsionaries of St. Medard--Father Hell--Mesmer, the

founder of Animal Magnetism--D'Eslon, his disciple--M. de

Puysegur--Dr. Mainauduc's success in London--Holloway, Loutherbourg,

Mary Pratt, &c.--Perkins's "Metallic Tractors"--Decline of the science

INFLUENCE OF POLITICS AND RELIGION ON THE HAIR AND BEARD.

Early modes of wearing the hair and beard--Excommunication and

outlawry decreed against curls--Louis VII.'s submission thereto the

cause of the long wars between England and France--Charles V. of Spain

and his courtiers--Peter the Great--His tax upon beards--Revival of

beards and moustaches after the French Revolution of 1830--The King of

Bavaria (1838) orders all civilians wearing moustaches to be arrested

and shaved--Examples from Bayeux tapestry

LIST OF ENGRAVINGS IN VOL. I.

Frontispiece--Gardens of the Hotel de Soissons. (From a print in Mr.

Hawkins' collection.)

Vignette--The Bubblers' Arms, Prosperity. (_Bubblers' Mirror, or

England's Folly_.)

John Law. (From a rare print by Leon Schenk. 1720)

The Regent D'Orleans

Old Palais Royal from the Garden. (From a scarce print, _circa_

1720)

Law's House; Rue de Quincampoix. (From Nodier's _Paris_)

Humpbacked Man hiring himself as a Table

Hôtel de Soissons. (From Nodier's _Paris_)

The Coach upset

Murder of a Broker by Count D'Horn

John Law as Atlas. (From _England under the House of Hanover_)

Caricature--Lucifer's new Row Barge

Procession of Miners for the Mississippi

The Chancellor D'Aguesseau

Caricature--Law in a Car drawn by Cocks

M. D'Argenson

Caricature--Neck or Nothing, or Downfall of the Mississippi Company

The South-Sea House. (From a print, _circa_ 1750)

Harley Earl of Oxford

Sir Robert Walpole

Cornhill. (Print, _circa_ 1720)

Stock-jobbing Card, or the Humours of Change Alley. 1720. (From the

_Bubblers' Medley_)

Caricature--People climbing the Tree of Fortune. (From the

_Bubblers' Medley_)

The Gateway to Merchant Tailors' Hall. (Gateway from old print)

Mr. Secretary Craggs

Caricature--Beggars on Horseback. (From the _Bubblers' Medley_)

Caricature--Britannia stript by a South-Sea Director

Caricature--The Brabant Screen. (Copied from a rare print of the time,

in the collection of E. Hawkins, Esq., F.S.A.)

Bonfires on Tower Hill

The Earl of Sunderland

Caricature--Emblematic Print of the South-Sea Scheme. (From a print by

Hogarth)

Caricature--Bubblers' Arms: Despair. (From _Bubblers' Mirror, or

England's Glory_)

Conrad Gesner

The Alchymist. (From print after Teniers)

Albertus Magnus

Arnold de Villeneuve

Raymond Lulli

House of Jacques Coeur at Bourges. (From _Sommerard's Album_)

Cornelius Agrippa

Paracelsus

Dr. Dee

Dr. Dee's Show-stone and Magic Crystal. (Originals in the possession

of Lord Londesborough and British Museum)

Innspruck. (From Nodier's _Paris_)

House of Cagliostro (Rue de Clery, No. 278), Paris

Mother Shipton's House

Henry Andrews, the original "Francis Moore, physician"

Nostradamus. (From the frontispiece to a collection of his Prophecies,

published at Amsterdam A.D. 1666)

Serlo clipping Henry I.'s hair

Peter the Great

Bayeux Tapestry

PREFACE.

In reading the history of nations, we find that, like individuals,

they have their whims and their peculiarities; their seasons of

excitement and recklessness, when they care not what they do. We find

that whole communities suddenly fix their minds upon one object, and

go mad in its pursuit; that millions of people become simultaneously

impressed with one delusion, and run after it, till their attention is

caught by some new folly more captivating than the first. We see one

nation suddenly seized, from its highest to its lowest members, with a

fierce desire of military glory; another as suddenly becoming crazed

upon a religious scruple; and neither of them recovering its senses

until it has shed rivers of blood and sowed a harvest of groans and

tears, to be reaped by its posterity. At an early age in the annals of

Europe its population lost their wits about the sepulchre of Jesus,

and crowded in frenzied multitudes to the Holy Land; another age went

mad for fear of the devil, and offered up hundreds of thousands of

victims to the delusion of witchcraft. At another time, the many

became crazed on the subject of the philosopher's stone, and committed

follies till then unheard of in the pursuit. It was once thought a

venial offence, in very many countries of Europe, to destroy an enemy

by slow poison. Persons who would have revolted at the idea of

stabbing a man to the heart, drugged his pottage without scruple.

Ladies of gentle birth and manners caught the contagion of murder,

until poisoning, under their auspices, became quite fashionable. Some

delusions, though notorious to all the world, have subsisted for ages,

flourishing as widely among civilised and polished nations as among

the early barbarians with whom they originated,--that of duelling, for

instance, and the belief in omens and divination of the future, which

seem to defy the progress of knowledge to eradicate them entirely from

the popular mind. Money, again, has often been a cause of the delusion

of multitudes. Sober nations have all at once become desperate

gamblers, and risked almost their existence upon the turn of a piece

of paper. To trace the history of the most prominent of these

delusions is the object of the present pages. Men, it has been well

said, think in herds; it will be seen that they go mad in herds, while

they only recover their senses slowly, and one by one.

Some of the subjects introduced may be familiar to the reader; but the

Author hopes that sufficient novelty of detail will be found even in

these, to render them acceptable, while they could not be wholly

omitted in justice to the subject of which it was proposed to treat.

The memoirs of the South-Sea madness and the Mississippi delusion are

more complete and copious than are to be found elsewhere; and the same

may be said of the history of the Witch Mania, which contains an

account of its terrific progress in Germany, a part of the subject

which has been left comparatively untouched by Sir Walter Scott in his

_Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft_, the most important that

have yet appeared on this fearful but most interesting subject.

Popular delusions began so early, spread so widely, and have lasted so

long, that instead of two or three volumes, fifty would scarcely

suffice to detail their history. The present may be considered more of

a miscellany of delusions than a history--a chapter only in the great

and awful book of human folly which yet remains to be written, and

which Porson once jestingly said he would write in five hundred

volumes! Interspersed are sketches of some lighter matters,--amusing

instances of the imitativeness and wrongheadedness of the people,

rather than examples of folly and delusion.

Religious matters have been purposely excluded as incompatible with

the limits prescribed to the present work; a mere list of them would

alone be sufficient to occupy a volume.

[Illustration: JOHN LAW.]

MONEY MANIA.--THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME.

Some in clandestine companies combine;

Erect new stocks to trade beyond the line;

With air and empty names beguile the town,

And raise new credits first, then cry 'em down;

Divide the empty nothing into shares,

And set the crowd together by the ears.--_Defoe_.

The personal character and career of one man are so intimately connected

with the great scheme of the years 1719 and 1720, that a history of the

Mississippi madness can have no fitter introduction than a sketch of the

life of its great author John Law. Historians are divided in opinion as to

whether they should designate him a knave or a madman. Both epithets were

unsparingly applied to him in his lifetime, and while the unhappy

consequences of his projects were still deeply felt. Posterity, however,

has found reason to doubt the justice of the accusation, and to confess

that John Law was neither knave nor madman, but one more deceived than

deceiving, more sinned against than sinning. He was thoroughly acquainted

with the philosophy and true principles of credit. He understood the

monetary question better than any man of his day; and if his system fell

with a crash so tremendous, it was not so much his fault as that of the

people amongst whom he had erected it. He did not calculate upon the

avaricious frenzy of a whole nation; he did not see that confidence, like

mistrust, could be increased almost _ad infinitum_, and that hope was as

extravagant as fear. How was he to foretell that the French people, like

the man in the fable, would kill, in their frantic eagerness, the fine

goose he had brought to lay them so many golden eggs? His fate was like

that which may be supposed to have overtaken the first adventurous boatman

who rowed from Erie to Ontario. Broad and smooth was the river on which he

embarked; rapid and pleasant was his progress; and who was to stay him in

his career? Alas for him! the cataract was nigh. He saw, when it was too

late, that the tide which wafted him so joyously along was a tide of

destruction; and when he endeavoured to retrace his way, he found that the

current was too strong for his weak efforts to stem, and that he drew

nearer every instant to the tremendous falls. Down he went over the sharp

rocks, and the waters with him. _He_ was dashed to pieces with his bark,

but the waters, maddened and turned to foam by the rough descent, only

boiled and bubbled for a time, and then flowed on again as smoothly as

ever. Just so it was with Law and the French people. He was the boatman,

and they were the waters.

John Law was born at Edinburgh in the year 1671. His father was the

younger son of an ancient family in Fife, and carried on the business of a

goldsmith and banker. He amassed considerable wealth in his trade,

sufficient to enable him to gratify the wish, so common among his

countrymen, of adding a territorial designation to his name. He purchased

with this view the estates of Lauriston and Randleston, on the Firth of

Forth, on the borders of West and Mid Lothian, and was thenceforth known

as Law of Lauriston. The subject of our memoir, being the eldest son, was

received into his father's counting-house at the age of fourteen, and for

three years laboured hard to acquire an insight into the principles of

banking as then carried on in Scotland. He had always manifested great

love for the study of numbers, and his proficiency in the mathematics was

considered extraordinary in one of his tender years. At the age of

seventeen he was tall, strong, and well made; and his face, although

deeply scarred with the small-pox, was agreeable in its expression, and

full of intelligence. At this time he began to neglect his business, and

becoming vain of his person, indulged in considerable extravagance of

attire. He was a great favourite with the ladies, by whom he was called

Beau Law; while the other sex, despising his foppery, nicknamed him

Jessamy John. At the death of his father, which happened in 1688, he

withdrew entirely from the desk, which had become so irksome, and being

possessed of the revenues of the paternal estate of Lauriston, he

proceeded to London, to see the world.

He was now very young, very vain, good-looking, tolerably rich, and quite

uncontrolled. It is no wonder that, on his arrival in the capital, he

should launch out into extravagance. He soon became a regular frequenter

of the gaming-houses, and by pursuing a certain plan, based upon some

abstruse calculation of chances, he contrived to gain considerable sums.

All the gamblers envied him his luck, and many made it a point to watch

his play, and stake their money on the same chances. In affairs of

gallantry he was equally fortunate; ladies of the first rank smiled

graciously upon the handsome Scotchman--the young, the rich, the witty,

and the obliging. But all these successes only paved the way for reverses.

After he had been for nine years exposed to the dangerous attractions of

the gay life he was leading, he became an irrecoverable gambler. As his

love of play increased in violence, it diminished in prudence. Great

losses were only to be repaired by still greater ventures, and one unhappy

day he lost more than he could repay without mortgaging his family estate.

To that step he was driven at last. At the same time his gallantry brought

him into trouble. A love affair, or slight flirtation, with a lady of the

name of Villiers,[1] exposed him to the resentment of a Mr. Wilson, by

whom he was challenged to fight a duel. Law accepted, and had the ill

fortune to shoot his antagonist dead upon the spot. He was arrested the

same day, and brought to trial for murder by the relatives of Mr. Wilson.

He was afterwards found guilty, and sentenced to death. The sentence was

commuted to a fine, upon the ground that the offence only amounted to

manslaughter. An appeal being lodged by a brother of the deceased, Law was

detained in the King's Bench, whence, by some means or other, which he

never explained, he contrived to escape; and an action being instituted

against the sheriffs, he was advertised in the Gazette, and a reward

offered for his apprehension. He was described as "Captain John Law, a

Scotchman, aged twenty-six; a very tall, black, lean man; well shaped,

above six feet high, with large pock-holes in his face; big nosed, and

speaking broad and loud." As this was rather a caricature than a

description of him, it has been supposed that it was drawn up with a view

to favour his escape. He succeeded in reaching the Continent, where he

travelled for three years, and devoted much of his attention to the

monetary and banking affairs of the countries through which he passed. He

stayed a few months in Amsterdam, and speculated to some extent in the

funds. His mornings were devoted to the study of finance and the

principles of trade, and his evenings to the gaming-house. It is generally

believed that he returned to Edinburgh in the year 1700. It is certain

that he published in that city his _Proposals and Reasons for constituting

a Council of Trade_. This pamphlet did not excite much attention.

[1] Miss Elizabeth Villiers, afterwards Countess of Orkney.

In a short time afterwards he published a project for establishing what he

called a Land-bank,[2] the notes issued by which were never to exceed

the value of the entire lands of the state, upon ordinary interest, or

were to be equal in value to the land, with the right to enter into

possession at a certain time. The project excited a good deal of

discussion in the Scottish Parliament, and a motion for the establishment

of such a bank was brought forward by a neutral party, called the

Squadrone, whom Law had interested in his favour. The Parliament

ultimately passed a resolution to the effect, that, to establish any kind

of paper credit, so as to force it to pass, was an improper expedient for

the nation.

[2] The wits of the day called it a _sand-bank_, which would

wreck the vessel of the state.

Upon the failure of this project, and of his efforts to procure a pardon

for the murder of Mr. Wilson, Law withdrew to the Continent, and resumed

his old habits of gaming. For fourteen years he continued to roam about,

in Flanders, Holland, Germany, Hungary, Italy, and France. He soon became

intimately acquainted with the extent of the trade and resources of each,

and daily more confirmed in his opinion that no country could prosper

without a paper currency. During the whole of this time he appears to have

chiefly supported himself by successful play. At every gambling-house of

note in the capitals of Europe he was known and appreciated as one better

skilled in the intricacies of chance than any other man of the day. It is

stated in the _Biographie Universelle_ that he was expelled, first from

Venice, and afterwards from Genoa, by the magistrates, who thought him a

visitor too dangerous for the youth of those cities. During his residence

in Paris he rendered himself obnoxious to D'Argenson, the

lieutenant-general of the police, by whom he was ordered to quit the

capital. This did not take place, however, before he had made the

acquaintance, in the saloons, of the Duke de Vendôme, the Prince de Conti,

and of the gay Duke of Orleans, the latter of whom was destined afterwards

to exercise so much influence over his fate. The Duke of Orleans was

pleased with the vivacity and good sense of the Scottish adventurer, while

the latter was no less pleased with the wit and amiability of a prince who

promised to become his patron. They were often thrown into each other's

society, and Law seized every opportunity to instil his financial

doctrines into the mind of one whose proximity to the throne pointed him

out as destined, at no very distant date, to play an important part in the

government.

[Illustration: THE REGENT OF FRANCE.]

Shortly before the death of Louis XIV., or, as some say, in 1708, Law

proposed a scheme of finance to Desmarets, the comptroller. Louis is

reported to have inquired whether the projector were a Catholic, and on

being answered in the negative, to have declined having any thing to do

with him.[3]

[3] This anecdote, which is related in the correspondence of

Madame de Bavière, Duchess of Orleans and mother of the

Regent, is discredited by Lord John Russell in his _History of

the principal States of Europe from the Peace of Utrecht_; for

what reason he does not inform us. There is no doubt that Law

proposed his scheme to Desmarets, and that Louis refused to

hear of it. The reason given for the refusal is quite

consistent with the character of that bigoted and tyrannical

monarch.

It was after this repulse that he visited Italy. His mind being still

occupied with schemes of finance, he proposed to Victor Amadeus, duke of

Savoy, to establish his land-bank in that country. The duke replied that

his dominions were too circumscribed for the execution of so great a

project, and that he was by far too poor a potentate to be ruined. He

advised him, however, to try the king of France once more; for he was

sure, if he knew any thing of the French character, that the people would

be delighted with a plan, not only so new, but so plausible.

Louis XIV. died in 1715, and the heir to the throne being an infant only

seven years of age, the Duke of Orleans assumed the reins of government,

as regent, during his minority. Law now found himself in a more favourable

position. The tide in his affairs had come, which, taken at the flood, was

to waft him on to fortune. The regent was his friend, already acquainted

with his theory and pretensions, and inclined, moreover, to aid him in any

efforts to restore the wounded credit of France, bowed down to the earth

by the extravagance of the long reign of Louis XIV.

Hardly was that monarch laid in his grave ere the popular hatred,

suppressed so long, burst forth against his memory. He who, during his

life, had been flattered with an excess of adulation, to which history

scarcely offers a parallel, was now cursed as a tyrant, a bigot, and a

plunderer. His statues were pelted and disfigured; his effigies torn down,

amid the execrations of the populace, and his name rendered synonymous

with selfishness and oppression. The glory of his arms was forgotten, and

nothing was remembered but his reverses, his extravagance, and his

cruelty.

The finances of the country were in a state of the utmost disorder. A

profuse and corrupt monarch, whose profuseness and corruption were

imitated by almost every functionary, from the highest to the lowest

grade, had brought France to the verge of ruin. The national debt amounted

to 3000 millions of livres, the revenue to 145 millions, and the expenses

of government to 142 millions per annum; leaving only three millions to

pay the interest upon 3000 millions. The first care of the regent was to

discover a remedy for an evil of such magnitude, and a council was early

summoned to take the matter into consideration. The Duke de St. Simon was

of opinion that nothing could save the country from revolution but a

remedy at once bold and dangerous. He advised the regent to convoke the

states-general, and declare a national bankruptcy. The Duke de Noailles, a

man of accommodating principles, an accomplished courtier, and totally

averse from giving himself any trouble or annoyance that ingenuity could

escape from, opposed the project of St. Simon with all his influence. He

represented the expedient as alike dishonest and ruinous. The regent was

of the same opinion, and this desperate remedy fell to the ground.

The measures ultimately adopted, though they promised fair, only

aggravated the evil. The first, and most dishonest measure was of no

advantage to the state. A recoinage was ordered, by which the currency was

depreciated one-fifth; those who took a thousand pieces of gold or silver

to the mint received back an amount of coin of the same nominal value, but

only four-fifths of the weight of metal. By this contrivance the treasury

gained seventy-two millions of livres, and all the commercial operations

of the country were disordered. A trifling diminution of the taxes

silenced the clamours of the people, and for the slight present advantage

the great prospective evil was forgotten.

A Chamber of Justice was next instituted to inquire into the malversations

of the loan-contractors and the farmers of the revenues. Tax-collectors

are never very popular in any country, but those of France at this period

deserved all the odium with which they were loaded. As soon as these

farmers-general, with all their hosts of subordinate agents, called

_maltôtiers_,[4] were called to account for their misdeeds, the most

extravagant joy took possession of the nation. The Chamber of Justice,

instituted chiefly for this purpose, was endowed with very extensive

powers. It was composed of the presidents and councils of the parliament,

the judges of the Courts of Aid and of Requests, and the officers of the

Chamber of Account, under the general presidence of the minister of

finance. Informers were encouraged to give evidence against the offenders

by the promise of one-fifth part of the fines and confiscations. A tenth

of all concealed effects belonging to the guilty was promised to such as

should furnish the means of discovering them.

[4] From _maltôte_, an oppressive tax.

The promulgation of the edict constituting this court caused a degree of

consternation among those principally concerned, which can only be

accounted for on the supposition that their peculation had been enormous.

But they met with no sympathy. The proceedings against them justified

their terror. The Bastille was soon unable to contain the prisoners that

were sent to it, and the gaols all over the country teemed with guilty or

suspected persons. An order was issued to all innkeepers and postmasters

to refuse horses to such as endeavoured to seek safety in flight; and all

persons were forbidden, under heavy fines, to harbour them or favour their

evasion. Some were condemned to the pillory, others to the galleys, and

the least guilty to fine and imprisonment. One only, Samuel Bernard, a

rich banker and farmer-general of a province remote from the capital, was

sentenced to death. So great had been the illegal profits of this

man,--looked upon as the tyrant and oppressor of his district,--that he

offered six millions of livres, or 250,000l. sterling, to be allowed to

escape.

His bribe was refused, and he suffered the penalty of death. Others,

perhaps more guilty, were more fortunate. Confiscation, owing to the

concealment of their treasures by the delinquents, often produced less

money than a fine. The severity of the government relaxed, and fines, under

the denomination of taxes, were indiscriminately levied upon all offenders;

but so corrupt was every department of the administration, that the country

benefited but little by the sums which thus flowed into the treasury.

Courtiers and courtiers' wives and mistresses came in for the chief share

of the spoils. One contractor had been taxed, in proportion to his wealth

and guilt, at the sum of twelve millions of livres. The Count ----, a man

of some weight in the government, called upon him, and offered to procure a

remission of the fine if he would give him a hundred thousand crowns. "Vous

êtes trop tard, mon ami," replied the financier; "I have already made a

bargain with your wife for fifty thousand."[5]

[5] This anecdote is related by M. de la Hode, in his _Life of

Philippe of Orleans_. It would have looked more authentic if

he had given the names of the dishonest contractor and the

still more dishonest minister. But M. de la Hode's book is

liable to the same objection as most of the French memoirs of

that and of subsequent periods. It is sufficient with most of

them that an anecdote be _ben trovato_; the _vero_ is but

matter of secondary consideration.

About a hundred and eighty millions of livres were levied in this manner,

of which eighty were applied in payment of the debts contracted by the

government. The remainder found its way into the pockets of the courtiers.

Madame de Maintenon, writing on this subject, says,--"We hear every day of

some new grant of the regent. The people murmur very much at this mode of

employing the money taken from the peculators." The people, who, after the

first burst of their resentment is over, generally express a sympathy for

the weak, were indignant that so much severity should be used to so little

purpose. They did not see the justice of robbing one set of rogues to

fatten another. In a few months all the more guilty had been brought to

punishment, and the Chamber of Justice looked for victims in humbler walks

of life. Charges of fraud and extortion were brought against tradesmen of

good character in consequence of the great inducements held out to common

informers. They were compelled to lay open their affairs before this

tribunal in order to establish their innocence. The voice of complaint

resounded from every side; and at the expiration of a year the government

found it advisable to discontinue further proceedings. The Chamber of

Justice was suppressed, and a general amnesty granted to all against whom

no charges had yet been preferred.

In the midst of this financial confusion Law appeared upon the scene. No

man felt more deeply than the regent the deplorable state of the country,

but no man could be more averse from putting his shoulders manfully to the

wheel. He disliked business; he signed official documents without proper

examination, and trusted to others what he should have undertaken himself.

The cares inseparable from his high office were burdensome to him. He saw

that something was necessary to be done; but he lacked the energy to do

it, and had not virtue enough to sacrifice his ease and his pleasures in

the attempt. No wonder that, with this character, he listened favourably

to the mighty projects, so easy of execution, of the clever adventurer

whom he had formerly known, and whose talents he appreciated.

When Law presented himself at court he was most cordially received. He

offered two memorials to the regent, in which he set forth the evils that

had befallen France, owing to an insufficient currency, at different times

depreciated. He asserted that a metallic currency, unaided by a paper

money, was wholly inadequate to the wants of a commercial country, and

particularly cited the examples of Great Britain and Holland to shew the

advantages of paper. He used many sound arguments on the subject of

credit, and proposed as a means of restoring that of France, then at so

low an ebb among the nations, that he should be allowed to set up a bank,

which should have the management of the royal revenues, and issue notes

both on that and on landed security. He further proposed that this bank

should be administered in the king's name, but subject to the control of

commissioners to be named by the States-General.

While these memorials were under consideration, Law translated into French

his essay on money and trade, and used every means to extend through the

nation his renown as a financier. He soon became talked of. The confidants

of the regent spread abroad his praise, and every one expected great

things of Monsieur Lass.[6]

[6] The French pronounced his name in this manner to avoid the

ungallic sound, _aw_. After the failure of his scheme, the

wags said the nation was _lasse de lui_, and proposed that he

should in future be known by the name of Monsieur He_las_!

On the 5th of May, 1716, a royal edict was published, by which Law was

authorised, in conjunction with his brother, to establish a bank under the

name of Law and Company, the notes of which should be received in payment

of the taxes. The capital was fixed at six millions of livres, in twelve

thousand shares of five hundred livres each, purchasable one fourth in

specie, and the remainder in _billets d'état_. It was not thought

expedient to grant him the whole of the privileges prayed for in his

memorials until experience should have shewn their safety and advantage.

Law was now on the high road to fortune. The study of thirty years was

brought to guide him in the management of his bank. He made all his notes

payable at sight, and in the coin current at the time they were issued.

This last was a master-stroke of policy, and immediately rendered his

notes more valuable than the precious metals. The latter were constantly

liable to depreciation by the unwise tampering of the government. A

thousand livres of silver might be worth their nominal value one day, and

be reduced one-sixth the next, but a note of Law's bank retained its

original value. He publicly declared at the same time, that a banker

deserved death if he made issues without having sufficient security to

answer all demands. The consequence was, that his notes advanced rapidly

in public estimation, and were received at one per cent more than specie.

It was not long before the trade of the country felt the benefit.

Languishing commerce began to lift up her head; the taxes were paid with

greater regularity and less murmuring; and a degree of confidence was

established that could not fail, if it continued, to become still more

advantageous. In the course of a year, Law's notes rose to fifteen per

cent premium, while the _billets d'état_, or notes issued by the

government as security for the debts contracted by the extravagant Louis

XIV., were at a discount of no less than seventy-eight and a half per

cent. The comparison was too great in favour of Law not to attract the

attention of the whole kingdom, and his credit extended itself day by day.

Branches of his bank were almost simultaneously established at Lyons,

Rochelle, Tours, Amiens, and Orleans.

The regent appears to have been utterly astonished at his success, and

gradually to have conceived the idea that paper, which could so aid a

metallic currency, could entirely supersede it. Upon this fundamental

error he afterwards acted. In the mean time, Law commenced the famous

project which has handed his name down to posterity. He proposed to the

regent (who could refuse him nothing) to establish a company that should

have the exclusive privilege of trading to the great river Mississippi and

the province of Louisiana, on its western bank. The country was supposed

to abound in the precious metals; and the company, supported by the

profits of their exclusive commerce, were to be the sole farmers of the

taxes and sole coiners of money. Letters patent were issued, incorporating

the company, in August 1717. The capital was divided into two hundred

thousand shares of five hundred livres each, the whole of which might be

paid in _billets d'état_, at their nominal value, although worth no more

than a hundred and sixty livres in the market.

It was now that the frenzy of speculating began to seize upon the nation.

Law's bank had effected so much good, that any promises for the future

which he thought proper to make were readily believed. The regent every

day conferred new privileges upon the fortunate projector. The bank

obtained the monopoly of the sale of tobacco, the sole right of refinage

of gold and silver, and was finally erected into the Royal Bank of France.

Amid the intoxication of success, both Law and the regent forgot the maxim

so loudly proclaimed by the former, that a banker deserved death who made

issues of paper without the necessary funds to provide for them. As soon

as the bank, from a private, became a public institution, the regent

caused a fabrication of notes to the amount of one thousand millions of

livres. This was the first departure from sound principles, and one for

which Law is not justly blameable. While the affairs of the bank were

under his control, the issues had never exceeded sixty millions. Whether

Law opposed the inordinate increase is not known; but as it took place as

soon as the bank was made a royal establishment, it is but fair to lay the

blame of the change of system upon the regent.

Law found that he lived under a despotic government; but he was not yet

aware of the pernicious influence which such a government could exercise

upon so delicate a framework as that of credit. He discovered it

afterwards to his cost, but in the meantime suffered himself to be

impelled by the regent into courses which his own reason must have

disapproved. With a weakness most culpable, he lent his aid in inundating

the country with paper money, which, based upon no solid foundation, was

sure to fall, sooner or later. The extraordinary present fortune dazzled

his eyes, and prevented him from seeing the evil day that would burst over

his head, when once, from any cause or other, the alarm was sounded. The

parliament were from the first jealous of his influence as a foreigner,

and had, besides, their misgivings as to the safety of his projects. As

his influence extended, their animosity increased. D'Aguesseau, the

chancellor, was unceremoniously dismissed by the regent for his opposition

to the vast increase of paper money, and the constant depreciation of the

gold and silver coin of the realm. This only served to augment the enmity

of the parliament, and when D'Argenson, a man devoted to the interests of

the regent, was appointed to the vacant chancellorship, and made at the

same time minister of finance, they became more violent than ever. The

first measure of the new minister caused a further depreciation of the

coin. In order to extinguish the _billets d'état_, it was ordered that

persons bringing to the mint four thousand livres in specie and one

thousand livres in _billets d'état_, should receive back coin to the

amount of five thousand livres. D'Argenson plumed himself mightily upon

thus creating five thousand new and smaller livres out of the four

thousand old and larger ones, being too ignorant of the true principles of

trade and credit to be aware of the immense injury he was inflicting upon

both.

The parliament saw at once the impolicy and danger of such a system, and

made repeated remonstrances to the regent. The latter refused to entertain

their petitions, when the parliament, by a bold and very unusual stretch

of authority, commanded that no money should be received in payment but

that of the old standard. The regent summoned a _lit de justice_, and

annulled the decree. The parliament resisted, and issued another. Again

the regent exercised his privilege, and annulled it, till the parliament,

stung to fiercer opposition, passed another decree, dated August 12th,

1718, by which they forbade the bank of Law to have any concern, either

direct or indirect, in the administration of the revenue; and prohibited

all foreigners, under heavy penalties, from interfering, either in their

own names, or in that of others, in the management of the finances of the

state. The parliament considered Law to be the author of all the evil, and

some of the councillors, in the virulence of their enmity, proposed that

he should be brought to trial, and, if found guilty, be hung at the gates

of the Palais de Justice.

[Illustration: PALAIS ROYAL FROM THE GARDEN.]

Law, in great alarm, fled to the Palais Royal, and threw himself on the

protection of the regent, praying that measures might be taken to reduce

the parliament to obedience. The regent had nothing so much at heart, both

on that account and because of the disputes that had arisen relative to

the legitimation of the Duke of Maine and the Count of Thoulouse, the sons

of the late king. The parliament was ultimately overawed by the arrest of

their president and two of the councillors, who were sent to distant

prisons.

Thus the first cloud upon Law's prospects blew over: freed from

apprehension of personal danger, he devoted his attention to his famous

Mississippi project, the shares of which were rapidly rising, in spite of

the parliament. At the commencement of the year 1719, an edict was

published, granting to the Mississippi Company the exclusive privilege of

trading to the East Indies, China, and the South Seas, and to all the

possessions of the French East India Company, established by Colbert. The

Company, in consequence of this great increase of their business, assumed,

as more appropriate, the title of Company of the Indies, and created fifty

thousand new shares. The prospects now held out by Law were most

magnificent. He promised a yearly dividend of two hundred livres upon each

share of five hundred, which, as the shares were paid for in _billets

d'état_ at their nominal value, but worth only 100 livres, was at the rate

of about 120 per cent profit.

[Illustration: LAW'S HOUSE; RUE DE QUINCAMPOIX.]

The public enthusiasm, which had been so long rising, could not resist a

vision so splendid. At least three hundred thousand applications were made

for the fifty thousand new shares, and Law's house in the Rue de

Quincampoix was beset from morning to night by the eager applicants. As it

was impossible to satisfy them all, it was several weeks before a list of

the fortunate new stockholders could be made out, during which time the

public impatience rose to a pitch of frenzy. Dukes, marquises, counts,

with their duchesses, marchionesses, and countesses, waited in the streets

for hours every day before Mr. Law's door to know the result. At last, to

avoid the jostling of the plebeian crowd, which, to the number of

thousands, filled the whole thoroughfare, they took apartments in the

adjoining houses, that they might be continually near the temple whence

the new Plutus was diffusing wealth. Every day the value of the old shares

increased, and the fresh applications, induced by the golden dreams of the

whole nation, became so numerous that it was deemed advisable to create no

less than three hundred thousand new shares, at five thousand livres each,

in order that the regent might take advantage of the popular enthusiasm to

pay off the national debt. For this purpose, the sum of fifteen hundred

millions of livres was necessary. Such was the eagerness of the nation,

that thrice the sum would have been subscribed if the government had

authorised it.

Law was now at the zenith of his prosperity, and the people were rapidly

approaching the zenith of their infatuation. The highest and the lowest

classes were alike filled with a vision of boundless wealth. There was not

a person of note among the aristocracy, with the exception of the Duke of

St. Simon and Marshal Villars, who was not engaged in buying or selling

stock. People of every age and sex and condition in life speculated in the

rise and fall of the Mississippi bonds. The Rue de Quincampoix was the

grand resort of the jobbers, and it being a narrow, inconvenient street,

accidents continually occurred in it, from the tremendous pressure of the

crowd. Houses in it, worth, in ordinary times, a thousand livres of yearly

rent, yielded as much as twelve or sixteen thousand. A cobbler, who had a

stall in it, gained about two hundred livres a day by letting it out, and

furnishing writing materials to brokers and their clients. The story goes,

that a hunchbacked man who stood in the street gained considerable sums by

lending his hump as a writing-desk to the eager speculators! The great

concourse of persons who assembled to do business brought a still greater

concourse of spectators. These again drew all the thieves and immoral

characters of Paris to the spot, and constant riots and disturbances took

place. At nightfall, it was often found necessary to send a troop of

soldiers to clear the street.

[Illustration: THE HUNCHBACK.]

Law, finding the inconvenience of his residence, removed to the Place

Vendôme, whither the crowd of _agioteurs_ followed him. That spacious

square soon became as thronged as the Rue de Quincampoix: from morning to

night it presented the appearance of a fair. Booths and tents were erected

for the transaction of business and the sale of refreshments, and gamblers

with their roulette tables stationed themselves in the very middle of the

place, and reaped a golden, or rather a paper, harvest from the throng.

The boulevards and public gardens were forsaken; parties of pleasure took

their walks in preference in the Place Vendôme, which became the

fashionable lounge of the idle, as well as the general rendezvous of the

busy. The noise was so great all day, that the chancellor, whose court was

situated in the square, complained to the regent and the municipality,

that he could not hear the advocates. Law, when applied to, expressed his

willingness to aid in the removal of the nuisance, and for this purpose

entered into a treaty with the Prince de Carignan for the Hôtel de

Soissons, which had a garden of several acres in the rear. A bargain was

concluded, by which Law became the purchaser of the hotel at an enormous

price, the prince reserving to himself the magnificent gardens as a new

source of profit. They contained some fine statues and several fountains,

and were altogether laid out with much taste. As soon as Law was installed

in his new abode, an edict was published, forbidding all persons to buy or

sell stock any where but in the gardens of the Hôtel de Soissons. In the

midst, among the trees, about five hundred small tents and pavilions were

erected, for the convenience of the stock-jobbers. Their various colours,

the gay ribands and banners which floated from them, the busy crowds which

passed continually in and out--the incessant hum of voices, the noise, the

music, and the strange mixture of business and pleasure on the

countenances of the throng, all combined to give the place an air of

enchantment that quite enraptured the Parisians. The Prince de Carignan

made enormous profits while the delusion lasted. Each tent was let at the

rate of five hundred livres a month; and, as there were at least five

hundred of them, his monthly revenue from this source alone must have

amounted to 250,000 livres, or upwards of 10,000l. sterling.

[Illustration: HOTEL DE SOISSONS.]

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