MEMOIRS
OF THE
Marchioness of Pompadour.
WRITTEN BY HERSELF.
Wherein are Displayed
The Motives of the Wars, Treaties of Peace, Embassies, and
Negotiations, in the several Courts of Europe:
The Cabals and Intrigues of Courtiers; the Characters of Generals,
and Ministers of State, with the Causes of their Rise and Fall;
and, in general, the most remarkable Occurrences at the Court of
France, during the last twenty Years of the Reign of Lewis XV.
Translated from the French.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
Printed for P. Vaillant, in the Strand; and
W. JOHNSTON, in Ludgate-Street.
M DCC LXVI.
MEMOIRS
OF THE
Marchioness of Pompadour.
Lewis XV. as I have said in another place, visited me habitually. He
could not dispense with my company, which was become absolutely
necessary to him: but this inclination had not entirely removed a taste
for transitory amours. He yielded to them by constitution; but never
reflected on them without repentance. After an adventure of gallantry,
he was more constant than ever. Remorse brought him back to himself and
to me. I may venture to say, that I enjoyed his infidelity; and had he
been entirely divested of it, he would have given way to some other
passion, that would have separated him from me. I was under
apprehensions for some time that his mind would take a warlike turn: I
desired Maurice count Saxe, who regularly paid his court to him, after
the campaigns in Flanders, not to dwell so much upon battles and sieges:
but Lewis assured me, as I have already mentioned, that he had
sacrificed this inclination to the welfare of France.
The king had for some time devoted himself to politics; but this study
no way interfered with his amusements. He applied himself to it through
that beneficent disposition, which naturally prompts him to solace his
people. He was desirous of being possessed of the present state of
Europe: M. De Belleisle furnished him with it. The king shewed it to me:
it was a system of political-topography. The Marshal entered into a
minute detail upon the power of each government. He took a review of
all Europe, and stipulated the state of the forces of the different
people.
M. de Noailles, who saw this state of Europe, said, “That there was too
much geometry in it; that the republic of Christendom was subject to so
many revolutions, which derived their origin from so many secondary
causes, wherewith politics had no kind of connexion, that cabinets
frequently obtained honour from what was the mere effect of fortune.
France, said he to me, exerted her influence to acquire Lorrain:
Cardinal Richelieu could not succeed in the business, and Mazarin
miscarried; accident threw it into the hands of France under the
administration of cardinal de Fleuri.
“Europe was engaged for near two hundred years in negociation and war,
to prevent the crown of Spain devolving to any branch of the house of
Bourbon. The will of a weak and languishing prince bequeathed it
entirely to France, at a time that Lewis XIV. did not even think of
being included in the treaty of partition.
“The English never could have imagined making a conquest of Gibraltar,
which gave them an ascendency in the ocean, and made them masters of the
Mediterranean; when the same accident that gave Spain to the house of
Bourbon, produced them the acquisition of that important fortress, which
they have ever since retained, though the reasons that induced them to
gain possession of it no longer subsist, &c.
“If we were to recur to the origin of great revolutions, we should find
that fortune governed the world, and that policy, which would reduce all
events to rule, prevails too much in the cabinet of princes. He added,
that these enumerations of the power of the states of Europe are
useless, as it is not strength that regulates the fate of governments,
but a certain combination of accidents, in opposition to which neither
negociations nor armies can prevail.”
I do not at present recollect the precise terms in which this memorial
of M. de Belleisle was conceived; I only remember that he concluded with
these words: “France cannot be hurt by all the great states of Europe:
Prussia only is to be feared, and England dreaded.”
Though the king had for some time been fond of talking of state affairs,
he was so polite as to dwell but little upon them in my company.
Notwithstanding what I have said of his gravity, there is no man in
France so agreeable at _a tête-a-tête_, as Lewis XV. He is some days so
happy and vivacious, as even to inspire mirth and joy.
I have frequently mentioned his goodness; I shall now give a little
anecdote, which will corroborate what I have said upon that head. One
night, after having been pretty late with me in my apartments, he told
me he should not dine with me the next day (as he frequently used to do)
having resolved to go to Marli, where he should remain till towards the
evening. My brother Marigni paid me a morning visit that day, and as I
was quite alone, I desired him to stay and dine with me. We conversed
together for some time, after which he went to take a turn in Versailles
gardens, till it was the hour to go to dinner.
The king altered his mind and did not go a riding. Instead of going to
Marli, he came to dine with me. He observed the table laid with two
covers, and as he had the day before acquainted me with his intended
journey, he testified his surprise, asking me for whom I had intended
the second cover. “Sire, I replied, my brother came to see me this
morning, and as I was alone, I invited him to dine with me; but as your
majesty does me that honour yourself, I shall send to acquaint him that
he cannot be a guest.” _No_, replied the king, _your brother is one of
the family; instead of removing the cover that was laid for him, only
lay another, and we will all three dine together_. My brother returned,
and the king behaved to him with all possible politeness. This is not an
important anecdote, but it displays this prince’s regard, even in the
most minute affairs.
M. Rouillé furnished the king every day with fresh estimates, by which
it appeared that the marine was re-established. This minister publickly
said in 1751, that he had seventy ships of the line, and thirty
frigates; but he said that he had more than there really were.
Ministers, in general, increase their plan; they almost constantly
confound the establishments already made, with those that still remain
to be made, and these latter frequently never take place.
A man of understanding said to me at that time, that if France had a
fleet of seventy men of war or frigates, ready to put to sea, the great
object of the French marine would be accomplished. This same person
averred, that we wanted no more to face the English, who have not a
greater number of ships fit for engagement; for, added he, we must not
confound the coasting cruizers, and those which are destined for
convoys; they are not comprised among the number of ships of the line.
The English embassador was ordered to keep a watchful eye upon M.
Rouillé and all his operations, in order to acquaint his court
therewith. He no longer asked the administration, as was customary with
him, what we intended to do with so many ships, because he had
frequently had for answer, that the court of France was not obliged to
give Great-Britain an account of what she did.
The king made a promotion of sea officers; commodores were appointed,
captains and old lieutenants were promoted, and there was so much bustle
made about the state of the marine, that the court of London began to
take umbrage at it.
A foreign embassador told me one day upon this occasion, that he
discerned a great error in the French government, that is to say, “that
we make a shew of ourselves to all Europe and our enemies. He added,
there are no secrets of state at Versailles; all Christendom is informed
of the designs of France, long before she is in a condition to execute
them, whereby they are frustrated.”
An affair that no way related to France, excited the attention of the
king for a short time. The Genoese (an unsteady people, and who have
never been in a state of tranquility since the foundation of their
republic) had carried on a war for a long time against the Corsicans,
whom they stiled rebels, whilst the Corsicans gave them the appellation
of tyrants. There had been several engagements between them, which
served only to protract the war, as peace must ever be the result of a
reconciliation of sentiments. Hatred and antipathy had barred all the
avenues to a mediation. Their aversion to each other surpassed their
reciprocal dread. If religion itself had fomented a division, it could
not have been more animated.
Marshal Belleisle, speaking to me of this war, often told me that the
Genoese would never be rulers over the Corsicans; for which he assigned
this reason; “When the principal state combats with its subjects, the
first battle must decide the quarrel, otherwise it will remain for a
long time undetermined. Rebels, who by sieges and battles, poise the
sovereign authority, no longer bear the name of subjects, but adopt that
of enemies; for the force of arms, which destroys all privilege,
restores the level.”
Such people as are in subjection to kings, would no longer be so, if
they were capable of throwing off their submission; for subordination
was not agreed upon by convention, but compelled by violence or open
force. So that a people who throw off the yoke, are not rebels any
farther than their ill conduct in the revolution, and their ignorance to
procure the means of success, give them this title.
The Genoese, after fruitless endeavours to reduce the Corsicans, took a
wrong step in addressing themselves to foreign powers; France, of whom
they had asked succours, furnished them with some troops and a
commander. The Venetian embassador, who was then at Paris, said upon
this occasion; “That the Genoese, who were reckoned to be people of
great memory, had lost their recollection with regard to France, as they
forgot that she bombarded Genoa in the time of Lewis XIV. and that the
republic narrowly escaped from destruction through her, in the reign of
Lewis XV.”
The Genoese officers, whom the senate had appointed and sent to that
island for the defence of their rights, were greater foes to the
republic than they were to the Corsicans, seeking disputes with the
French mediators, under pretence that they excited those islanders to
hold them in contempt. If the allegation had been just, they should have
connived at it, and pursued, without interruption, the restoration of
peace. But envy, that vice so natural to Italians, and particularly the
Genoese, occasioned this dissention. They saw with jealous eyes,
foreigners interfering in a peace, all the honour of which they were
desirous of keeping to themselves. The republic, equally jealous of
their own officers, as these were of the French, took another ill-judged
measure, by making application to the court of Versailles, to know how
they should act against themselves, and what satisfaction the king
required. Any other nation would rather have given up their interest
with respect to Corsica, which even France could not bring back to its
duty, than to have thus humbled themselves: but the republic of Genoa
have been long accustomed to meanness and submission.
“The Genoese, said the King, deserve to be punished, by my interfering
no longer with their affairs: but they have paved the way for my son Don
Philip into Italy, and I owe them some acknowledgment--this predominates
in my heart over the resentment which their conduct deserves.”
Lewis XV. who had appointed M. de Chauvelin plenipotentiary in the
island of Corsica, to terminate matters in an amicable manner, gave him
fresh instructions to hasten his negociation, and new orders were
dispatched to the marquis of Cursai, who commanded the French troops.
These two mediators settled the place for holding a congress, and peace
was in appearance concluded. All formalities were observed: Harangues
were made at the opening of the assemblies, and flowers of rhetoric were
scattered amongst an ignorant and barbarous people. The Corsicans
stretched their large ears to these studied orations, but did not
understand a syllable. They replied with acclamations, and the orators
imagined they had seduced them by their eloquence.
After these speeches, the treaty, or regulation between the Republic and
the Corsicans, was brought upon the carpet. Each party thereby retained
prerogatives which made them independent of each other; that is to say,
the subjects of this republic were treating for their liberty. The
Corsicans terminated by negociation, what they could not accomplish by
arms.
When the articles of the treaty were sent to Versailles, Marshal
Belleisle publickly said, “That the Republic had submitted too much:
that they should have granted an amnesty to the rebels, and not have
treated with them: that subjects who have thrown off the yoke, in
returning to their duty, should obtain nothing but pardon. He added,
that the Corsicans should either be punished as guilty of treason, or
else abandoned as rebels; for subjects who are sufficiently powerful to
oblige their sovereign to treat with them, are not faithful enough to
submit long to obedience.”
These reflexions appeared to be the more justly founded, as all these
negotiations soon became useless, and a war was presently after
rekindled.
Be this as it may, the Genoese were for the present left here, the
attention of every one being taken up with news from Asia, which greatly
flattered the king’s expectations. We were informed from India, that the
Nabob had confidence enough in France, to place his political interest
in the hands of a Frenchman, named Dupleix; and that the nation of the
Marats, who were subject to the Nabob, had appointed him their commander
in chief.
It is said that Lewis XIV. who was animated with every kind of glory,
was sensibly struck with the information given him by an embassador from
the king of Siam, who was delegated to acquaint him that his name was
held in great veneration in those states. He testified more public joy,
and was more flattered with this honour, than if he had obtained an
important conquest.
The peace concluded with the Nabob, and the confidence which this prince
reposed in France, were objects of far greater consequence. They
increased the riches of the state, whereas the embassy from Siam had no
other effect than flattering the monarch’s vanity.
Dupleix became at once plenipotentiary and generalissimo; he stipulated
the terms of the treaty of peace, and received the command. These two
posts were preceded by an important negociation, without which he could
never have obtained them; he fixed the unsteady disposition of the
Marats. This nation had been hitherto divided into various factions,
who, in weakening themselves, prevented France deriving any advantage
from them. This foreigner upbraided them with their impolitic conduct,
and taught them to pursue connected views, and an uniform system.
This Dupleix was not, however, any great genius: but there are people
who perform great things with very little capacity. We have since seen
him at Paris fallen from the pinnacle of his fame, and at length give up
his breath with the reputation of a man, who, so far from having been
capable of governing India, had not talents sufficient to regulate his
own houshold affairs.
He had a great law-suit with the India company. This quarrel is equally
remarkable by the nature of the demand, as by that of the refusal. The
Nabob’s general declared, that the directors were indebted to him
several millions, and the directors set forth that they owed him
nothing. There is, in general, ingratitude on the one side, and but
little acknowledgment on the other. The memorials that were published
upon this occasion, produced at least this advantage, they opened the
eyes of the government with respect to many things relative to India,
which they would never have been acquainted with, had not these
publications taken place.
I made business, pleasure, and amusements, by turns succeed at
Versailles, which still prevented the king’s serious reflexions. Lewis
XV. existed, I may say, by a constitution which I communicated to him,
and this factitious temperament hindered his own prevailing. I believe
he would have been at length overcome without that art which I employed
to repress nature. Notwithstanding this precaution, there were moments
in which he gave himself up to melancholy. It was then necessary to
invent new pleasures, in order to excite fresh sensations. As soon as I
perceived these produced no effect, I redoubled my attention to
substitute others that might be more prevalent.
Religion was the greatest obstacle I had to surmount, for the King was
very devout. He prayed regularly, and went every day to mass, but did
not perform his Easter-devotions. This estrangement from the sacraments
arose rather from an excess of delicacy, than a contempt for the
communion. His transitory amours separated him from the sacrament, which
he feared to prophane. The jesuit who enjoyed the title of his
confessor, had made various attempts to conquer his delicacy upon this
head. His power would then have been more extensive, as his penitent
would have been more at his devotion; but Lewis XV. never submitted.
I was judged a proper instrument to hint something to the monarch upon
this subject; but it was necessary that I should begin by convincing
myself, in order to persuade the King. This was thought an easy matter;
people of the first rank, and of considerable dignity in the church, but
who shall not be named here, fearing that the Roman catholic religion
might appear to lose ground to the enemies of the state, undertook this
great work.
I was not much versed in this kind of matters; for the women of Paris
have no more religion than what is just necessary to prevent their
having none at all.
These able theologists settled it as a principle, “That scandal in a
king was the greatest evil he could be guilty of: that he is the
mirrour, where every one looks to see himself: that his example carries
with it that of the state: that from the time the King did not commune,
there were upwards of a million of subjects in France, who no longer
partook of the sacraments: that the desertion from the holy table was
become general,” &c. &c.
Then speaking of constitutions, they added, “That God had given power to
his ministers to absolve past sins; that repentance effaced in heaven
crimes committed upon earth: that the Divinity, in forming man, had been
obliged to give way to his weaknesses: that we should always fulfil our
christian obligations, notwithstanding the continual temptations with
which the heart of man is surrounded,” &c. &c.
In a word, I saw through these maxims of the fathers of the church, that
the King, in order to be a good catholic, should be regularly guilty of
profanation of the sacrament once a year.
I refused taking upon myself this moral commission. I had a glimpse of
those consequences which might have affected myself. This prince’s
approaching the communion table, must necessarily have caused a
revolution in him. I was under less apprehension for the King’s
religion, than the intrigues of churchmen. The confessor was
particularly to be dreaded. He is always powerful, when the monarch is
frequently at his feet.
Neither did I advise the King to absent himself from the holy table. I
left things just as they were.
Peace, which had restored political tranquility, of itself produced
fresh divisions in the state. Churchmen, the clergy, and the parliament,
who in time of war, unite themselves to the administration, to
participate of public misfortunes, in their turn create them, when
battles and sieges are passed: so that by a fatality, which is, perhaps,
derived from the constitution itself, France must always be armed to
avoid domestic quarrels; or continually wage war with herself, to
prevent that of the enemy. I have heard very able politicians say, that
this arises from the government’s not being sufficiently powerful to
suppress divisions abroad, nor sufficiently absolute to destroy
dissentions at home: a mixed state that will one day make it a prey to
its enemies, or a victim to its subjects.
A trifling affair gave rise to a great misunderstanding between the
court and the parliament, which was the distribution of the alms
collected for the mendicants. The directors of the hospital of Paris had
never yet been blamed by either the court or the city, because the war
had engaged the attention of the government; but peace being restored,
which gave them leisure to inspect into the minutest affairs, they at
length took this into consideration.
The archbishop of Paris claimed this jurisdiction by right; the King was
of the same opinion; but the parliament judged differently, and
henceforward representations and deputations took place. A Prince of
the blood royal said upon this occasion, _The parliament of Paris must
have very little to do, when they quarrel with the King about beggars_.
Lewis XV. issued an arret in favour of the archbishop; it was to be
registered, and now dissention broke out. The parliament went to
Versailles and came back--they met, they adjourned; but the King shewed
himself absolute. He wrote in these terms to the chambers assembled. “If
I have thought proper to allow you to make remonstrances to me upon the
edicts and declarations which I send you to be registered, I never gave
you the power to annul or alter them, under pretence of
modification.--It is my will that my declaration concerning the hospital
be registered purely and simply. I shall see that my parliament obey my
orders.”
This was speaking like a master: the King was animated at certain
moments support all his rights; but the goodness of his heart, his love
of peace, and the tranquility of the state, and perhaps more than all,
an undetermined character, discouraged by difficulties and opposition,
made him yield.
I often complained to him of this disposition, which induced him to
grant what he had at first refused. “What would you have me do, madam?”
he said to me with that complaisance and sweetness which are so natural
to him. “I know I should harden myself against certain bodies, who want
to raise their authority upon a level with my throne. But I sacrifice my
resentment to the general tranquility. I tremble to think of the
misfortunes that the people suffered under the reign of my great
grandfather, by the quarrels which arose between the court and the
parliament. These quarrels renewed civil wars, which immersed France in
the deepest desolation. I would rather be complaisant than
ostentatious, as the consequences of the latter might be fatal to my
subjects.”
The majority of the members of the council were not of this way of
thinking; one of the most penetrating said, that under a firm and
absolute government, the laws were restored to their vigour, and abuses
reformed; whereas indulgence and relaxation were the effects of a weak
and irresolute administration. I acknowledge that I differ much in
opinion from this last, and I could have wished that the King had
possessed a little more resolution. The affair relating to the hospital
terminated, like most of those of the parliament, that is to say, by
modifications.
The King of his own accord, and without being sollicited, appointed the
count de St. Florentin and M. Rouillé ministers of state: They were each
of them secretaries of state. A courtier at that time said, that the
King had done a great deal in appointing them his secretaries, and that
he had done too much in creating them ministers. It is certain that
these two men had done nothing to entitle them to that rank. M. Rouillé,
in particular, was far from being bright, having no other recommendation
than his assiduity and application, which most constantly destroy every
thing, when they are not accompanied with genius.
It was said at Paris that I induced the King to make this nomination.
The truth is, that I no way interfered in it: Nay, it was added, that M.
de St. Florentin had sold himself to me, and that I paid him for the
letters de cachet which I had occasion for to drive such persons from
Paris as displeased me. Those who spoke in this manner were ignorant
that the great letters de cachet were not issued but in the name and by
the consent of the King. The sovereign commands and the minister obeys.
I had very little acquaintance with this secretary of state; he paid his
court to me like the other ministers; but he seldom spoke to me about
private affairs. I found him at court, the King employed him, and this
sufficed me.
M. Rouillé had been recommended to me. I mentioned him to the King. I
recommended him to this Prince, not as a great minister, but as an
honest man.
M. de Puisieux, secretary of state for the department of foreign
affairs, begged leave to retire. This office was difficult to manage;
several persons had refused it. Those who had before filled this
employment, had sown disorder in this department, and the last troubles
of Europe had compleated its confusion. France was not in a situation to
hope that the last treaty of peace could long subsist, and in time of
war there was more business in this department than in all the others.
One minister is scarce sufficient when every thing is in order, but when
every thing is in confusion, before sieges and battles take place, it is
impossible for him to go on.
I very seldom saw M. de Puisieux. Those who were personally acquainted
with this minister, have told me that he had knowledge and
understanding; but that he was deficient in that superiority of genius
which characterizes a statesman. He had gone through the negociations
for which he was appointed with such middling talents, as never confer
any future reputation. He may be ranked with those common ministers, who
after having compleated their career in this world, never enter upon any
in history.
After the retreat of M. de Puisieux, the King said to me: “_Well, madam,
to whom shall we give the department of foreign affairs?_” And without
giving me time to reply, he added, _This office requires an able
minister, a man of assiduity and integrity. Do you know of such a one in
my kingdom?_
“Sire, I replied, what you require is pretty difficult to be found; but
some of your subjects may possess all these qualities; and amongst this
number, I may venture to presume, that the marquis de Sr. Contest, your
embassador at the Hague, deserves a distinguished rank.” _I am of your
opinion_, the King immediately said; _M. Contest has already done me
such services, as have entitled him to this place: I will give it to
him_; and the embassador immediately left the Hague, to come and take
upon him this office.
I shall in this place mention an establishment which I planned, and to
which the King gave his assistance, in order to put it in execution:
This will appear but a trifling affair to those who estimate
establishments in proportion as they are striking. I prevailed upon
Lewis XV. to change the object of the expence made for public
rejoicings, by applying it to the increase of the human species, which
luxury and debauchery constantly diminish in France. His Majesty gave
orders in consequence, that 600,000 livres, which were to be expended
for fireworks, on account of the birth of the duke of Burgundy, should
be divided into portions amongst a certain number of young women, to be
married in the capital. It was then intended that the same orders should
be sent into the provinces. The population of Paris is but the sixteenth
part of that of the whole monarchy; so that, if all the other parts of
France had followed the same example set them by the metropolis,
population would have been considerably increased in France.
M. de Belleisle, who made all the calculations, averred that these
marriages would furnish near 20,000 citizens annually to the monarchy:
thus do small things promote great ones, and one single additional turn
in the finances contribute to aggrandize a state. No one suspected that
I had framed this establishment, any more than several others which I
created for the advantage of France, and from which many persons who had
no hand in them, derived honour to themselves; whilst I was reproached
with others that were detrimental to the government, and of which I was
entirely ignorant.
The sweets of peace began to be relished, when the first sparks of the
torch of war were perceived from a distance. The duke of Mirepoix
complained to the court of London of some grievances with which the
French reproached the English, and the English embassador at Paris
remonstrated against the conduct of the French with respect to the
English. They wanted to make infractions upon the treaty of peace, but
they did not know where to begin. The time for fighting was not yet
come; battles by sea and land, that were to create great revolutions,
were anticipated by preparations on both sides.
The birth of the duke of Burgundy came in time to divert the occupations
of the court. The disorder in the administration, the difficulty of
finding able ministers, the confusion in the state of the finances, the
misery of the people, the obstinacy of the clergy, the perverseness of
the parliament, and the behaviour of the English, who threatened war in
time of peace; these all united to interrupt the King’s tranquility. He,
however, yielded for some time to the pleasure of seeing his crown
secured to his house. Kings are more sensible of this kind of joy than
is imagined. They fancy, that in their descendants they see their reign
perpetuated; it seems to them as if they did not die, if when they go to
the grave, they have an heir in whose hands they can place the scepter.
The rejoicings of the people, which the King was made acquainted with,
increased his felicity. The Parisians, who make a point of loving their
sovereign, surpassed themselves, in their demonstrations of joy.
There were great festivals at court. All the foreign ministers strove to
be first in complimenting Lewis XV. who congratulated himself upon this
birth. I never saw him so happy. This was the only period of his life,
whilst I remained at Versailles, that I found him completely joyful: I
also felt at this instant a sensible pleasure, to see the King so happy.
His usual gaiety was much increased, and of longer duration. Our
interviews were more tender, and our conversation more lively and
animated.
This epocha made me reflect upon the few resources which the human heart
has within itself to be happy. Favourable combinations of nature or
fortune are necessary to draw it from that state of languor, in which it
is almost constantly immersed: and this fatal law must surely be
general, when even kings are not exempt from it. But there is a still
greater misfortune attendant on humanity, which is, that pleasure is
almost constantly counterbalanced by pain. One might say, that in the
human heart there are two equal measures of joy and misery, and in
proportion as the one is emptied the other is filled.
State affairs, and advices from foreign courts, soon overcast the court
with serious looks, and the King lost his gaiety, and became more
melancholy than ever.
Every time there was any important post to fill, or any considerable
employment to be given away, the courtiers greatly increased their
complaisance towards me. I had a constant train of solicitors. The
Marquis de St. Contest having entered upon the post of secretary of
state for foreign affairs, the embassy in Holland was vacant. M. de
Bonac was mentioned to me in a favourable manner. I had but very little
knowledge of him; I acquainted myself with his talents for negociation,
and in consequence of the picture that was drawn to me of him, I
interested myself in his favour. I spoke of him to the King, who
appointed him his embassador to the States General. As many courtiers
interceded for the place, I made myself as many enemies as were refused
it. The King’s service and that of the state determined me in favour of
M. de Bonac, who, it was said, had the necessary qualifications to do
honour to his country.
The Prince of Soubise said, that of all the embassies in Europe, that of
the Seven Provinces was the most difficult, as, in all the other courts,
negociations are carried on with princes of a generous turn of mind, who
often lose sight of their own advantages; whereas in Holland, the
minister treats with merchants, who have their interest constantly in
view. He added, that Holland is so situated, that in the wars between
France and England, it may derive advantages from the one, and
contribute to the other. Wherefore those who treat with the Dutch should
have a great share of address, to make them declare when their succours
are necessary; and they should have great abilities to keep them in an
exact neutrality, when their arms may be prejudicial, &c.
I do not know whether M. de Bonac possessed all these qualities; for
every thing is disguised at court, and people are not known till such
time as they have been tried, and it is then too late to form a judgment
that can be advantageous. M. de Bonac was an officer; this circumstance
alone made me for some time hesitate upon the choice I proposed making.
I never had any great faith in negociations carried on by military men.
They are a kind of people that seldom have a turn of mind, and that
pliant disposition necessary to succeed at foreign courts: but this is
the age of warlike ministers. Lewis XV. has employed no others during
his whole reign: and this, perhaps, is one of the reasons, why our
affairs at foreign courts have not succeeded so well as we might have
expected.
Those churchmen who make vows of poverty, but who are more covetous of
riches than laymen, were also very assiduous in paying their court to
me. The number of these that attended me, increased in proportion as
abbeys and bishopricks became vacant.
There were many candidates for the abbey of Auchin, but the King
disposed of it in favour of Cardinal York, brother to the Pretender, who
by enjoying this benefice, with the possession of several others, was
richer than the real possessor of the duchy of York. This opulence,
which in England the King’s sons and brothers do not enjoy, made a
courtier say upon this occasion, that it was very lucky for Cardinal
York, that the house of Stuart had been dispossessed of the throne of
Great-Britain; for without this accident, he would have been only a poor
English citizen, instead of a rich Roman prince.
People, however, complained of the King’s not having given this benefice
to a Frenchman, who would have expended the revenue of it in the
kingdom, instead of its being carried into Italy, which was now the
case by this nomination. But those who reason in this manner did not
know that kings who waged war against reigning families, gave alms to
those families whose reign was expired. Moreover France had obligations
to this unfortunate house. In the wars which France carried on, the
Pretender was brought upon the carpet, and sent off, in the same manner
as an actor is upon the stage.
In politics, those who perform a part must be paid; and I believe I have
said in another place, that France never seriously thought of placing
the Pretender on the throne of England.
M. de Machault, keeper of the seals and comptroller general, who
laboured to re-establish the finances, succeeded therein but slowly. The
King, who had an estimate of the national debts laid before him every
month, found them always in the same situation. The financiers
engrossed all the money of the state, which made M. de Machault say to
the King, _Sire, I see but one method of bringing the money back into
the treasury, which is to tax hôtel des fermes, or office of the farms_.
This proposal of the minister agreed perfectly well with an anonymous
memorial, which was dedicated to me at Versailles, and which I had read
to the King: it was conceived in these terms.
“The actual riches of the state consist of about eleven hundred millions
of specie. This sum, in order to animate the whole body politic, should
every where circulate geometrically. But this proportion is far from
being settled in France, where it may be demonstratively proved, that
two hundred individuals possess half the coin of the kingdom. These
individuals are the financiers: their cash is that of the state: it
contains the fortunes of all the citizens. Riches are daily buried in
their coffers, as in a gulf. The crown, by yielding to a company the
duties upon the entry of goods, never intended to subscribe to the ruin
of the state. It granted the power of collecting those imposts to
clerks, who by their activity and industry ought to enrich the state,
and not impoverish it. This was the institution of farms; and inasmuch
as they have swerved from this plan, they are become a monopoly of the
company. The King has a right to reform abuses; and every contract that
includes a grievance is of itself void.
“It is not proposed to correct past errors, but to remove present evils.
If an attempt is never made, success cannot be expected. In dangerous
disorders violent remedies are necessary. There is but one method of
restoring the course of general circulation, which the monopoly of the
company has interrupted. This is the establishment of an ardent chamber,
wherein the financiers should give an account of their management of the
farms, and which should enquire into the title whereby they are in
possession of such immense riches, in order to transfer them for the
benefit of the crown, as soon as the grievance and the monopoly shall be
ascertained.
“To prevent the outcries of avarice, and the sordid love of pelf,
against this regulation, two incontestible principles must previously be
laid down.
“1. That the great profits of royal companies, when excessive, no longer
bear that name, but come under the denomination of monopolies, being
contrary to the intentions of the prince, who neither could nor would
divest himself of great advantages upon any consideration whatever.
“2. That a King is always a minor, in regard to any grievance in the
general finances: and that he is authorized by all the fundamental laws
to annul a contract that is pernicious to the state and his people.
“That to proceed legally against the financiers, the ardent chamber
should nominate commissaries to examine the books of the
farmers-general. After having made an abstract thereof, they should
report the monopolies used to accumulate these great riches, of which
the company is possessed.
“From thence they should have recourse to the annual sub-divisions, in
order to pursue the necessary clue, and ascertain the real state of
their accounts.
“This operation being compleated, all the farmers-general should be
summoned, one after another, before the tribunal of the ardent chamber,
to give an account of the sum which they must have appropriated to
themselves, according to the intelligence obtained.
“They should be directed to restore it all, except six per cent. which
should be granted them as interest for their advanced money.
“In case of disobedience, they should be confined and kept in prison,
until they had made entire restitution of the whole sum, without
deducting any interest.
“The chief clerks, such as directors, registers, comptrollers, &c.
should be subpœned before the ardent chamber, and obliged to make
restitution, in the same manner as the farmers-general.
“None should be exempted, but such only as received nothing but wages of
the company, &c. &c.
“According to a calculation made hereupon, 300,000,000, will return into
the royal treasury, without imposing any tax upon the people.
“The establishing of an ardent chamber to compel the farmers to produce
their accounts, is not (according to this memorial) an infraction of the
rights of the people, nor a breach of civil liberty. Fouquet,
intendant-general of the finances, in the former reign, was by a private
commission adjudged to be divested of those immense sums, which he had
accumulated by monopolies,” &c. &c.
This memorial was not put in execution, any more than the greater part
of those plans which have since appeared for the re-establishment of the
finances. Much has been said in France of demolishing the farmers
general; but when this scheme is to be executed no one dare assist,
because those people have a great deal of money, and every body stands
in need of them. I one day asked Marshal Saxe, who was very intimate
with La Poupeliniere, what engaging qualities this farmer-general
possessed, that could so much attract the Marshal. _Madam_, said he, _he
has one that to me is excellent; for when I have occasion for a hundred
thousand livres, I find them in his coffer; whereas when I apply to the
comptroller-general, he constantly tells me he has no money_.
A prince of the blood said, that these people were beneficial, for the
very reason that they appeared pernicious: for that since they were
appointed, it is known where the riches of the state lie, whereas before
no one knew where they were deposited.
The farmers-general got information of the memorial drawn up against the
company, and another was penned to refute it. But this consisted of
nothing but mere words. It chiefly displayed the utility of the company,
who could instantaneously furnish considerable sums to the government in
pressing exigencies: but the memorial took no notice that this money
belonged to the state, and that the farmers are nothing more than agents
to advance it, the money being raised upon the people.
M. de Belleisle, who read this answer, said to me, “These people, among
whom there are many persons of sense, are so prejudiced in favour of
their interest, that they are always extravagant when they are upon the
subject of the finances. There is a capital error in the contract of the
farms, which is, that it puts too much money into the pockets of a few
individuals.”
I have often at Versailles met with advocates who pleaded the cause of
the farmers-general: but I never met with any judges that were
favourable to them.
In the midst of domestic affairs, which occupied the administration and
afflicted the King, a thousand different people eagerly endeavoured to
present memorials to me for promoting arts, and increasing
manufactures. I was unacquainted with the particulars upon which they
turned; I desired the minister, who was sometimes busy with the King, to
acquaint me with the advantages which the state derived from the
prodigious number of manufactures established in France.
“This, madam, (said this statesman) is a matter that would take great
time to impart to you: it would be necessary to recur to the age of
Lewis XIV. in which he made many alterations in France, and who was
called Great, because he struck home great strokes.
“This Prince, who possessed every kind of ambition, was not devoid of
that of multiplying manufactures. Colbert his minister completely backed
his designs; he passed his life in establishing trades as well as
increasing arts; and as he had occasion for a great number of workmen to
accomplish his design, he sent for five hundred thousand husbandmen
from the country to promote the industry of cities. From that time such
lands as were in want of hands remained uncultivated. This minister did
not consider, that to increase the form he should multiply the matter.
This the King over-looked also. Lewis XIV. was entirely taken up with
the thirst of dominion, and this passion favoured those of all his
ministers, who were desirous of sharing this ambition with him.
“The kingdom was filled with handicraftsmen; great luxury, the necessary
consequence, took place, and from that time France, whose happy climate
should make it superior, in point of riches, to all the other states of
Europe, was impoverished.
“Nevertheless, the minister, who has since followed the plan of M.
Colbert, has continued multiplying the arts, at the expence of the
produce of agriculture.
“This policy is supported by a reason, which is, that this industry lays
all the states of Europe under contribution; but France does not see
that she begins by taxing herself, in diminishing the produce of her
first substance: a disadvantage that immediately affects the power of
the state, as it stops the progress of population.”
M. de Belleisle was not of this opinion: he imagined that industry could
supply every thing, even the deficiencies of production; for according
to him the riches of a state depend upon its circulation; and he said
that arts made money circulate better than agriculture: but he was
mistaken. Eminent œconomists have since demonstrated to me that the
productions of the earth create real riches, whereas those formed by
industry are only fictitious. Be this as it may, I determined to
protect arts, and in order to encourage manufactures, I furnished the
necessary funds to bring some into esteem.
Though the King’s habitual disposition to visit me, made all France
consider this inclination as his determined taste; the women constantly
preserved a secret desire of supplanting me in the heart of this Prince.
Lewis XV. always met with some in ambuscade. He could not go up or down
stairs in his way to his own apartment, without meeting a beauty. The
women of Paris, who are seldom in love with any thing but the opera or
the play house, became enamoured with Versailles. They visited this
place pretty regularly.
The custom which Lewis XIV. established of being applied to in person,
when any favour was to be asked at court, and which was almost abolished
since the death of this Prince, now revived. Many fair suiteresses
addressed themselves to Lewis XV. Their eyes petitioned more than their
memorials. Lewis yielded to their solicitations, and often gave them
what they asked. He acquainted me with all these accidental intrigues,
and this confidence enabled me to support them. I should have considered
my influence as in its wane, if he had concealed them from me. I have
said in another place, that unable to fix the constitution of this
Prince, I was compelled to give him up to his inclination. His
infidelity did not diminish the ascendency I had over him. I reigned at
Versailles, in the midst of those very causes which ought to have
subdued my empire. By a contradiction inherent in the human heart, his
inconstancy made him constant to me. Remorse drove him fresh to my arms,
which he only quitted to yield again to love and repentance.
What secured him to me, was, that of all the women, whom I knew he saw,
there was not one, who was possessed of such qualities as were necessary
to wrest him from me. Most of them had beauty; but they were wanting in
those mental engagements, without which the charms of the face are of no
effect. They all wanted to rule at court, to dispose of the first
employments in the state, to acquire the Prince’s favour; and the only
means they used to obtain those ends, was to prostitute themselves to
him; which was an infallible method of not succeeding.
A new object drew the attention of the court. This was to secure the
tranquility of Italy--a boisterous country, where the first clouds of
war always gather. All the treaties which have been concluded between
sovereigns since Charlemain, could never give it stability, because it
is the most happy continent upon earth, and the most feeble country in
Europe.
Marshal Saxe said before he died, that if France could give a permanent
peace to Italy, her population would become more flourishing. This
general had demonstrated, that for two centuries more Frenchmen had
perished in Italy, than all the other wars had carried off in the rest
of Europe.
I have since been told by another general, that the soldiers do not fall
there by cannon. They perish there by heat and voluptuousness; enemies
by far more dangerous than the indefatigable labours of the North.