1809.
Demands for contingents from some of the small States of Germany--
M. Metternich--Position of Russia with respect to France--Union of
Austria and Russia--Return of the English to Spain--Soult King of
Portugal, and Murat successor to the Emperor--First levy of the
landwehr in Austria--Agents of the Hamburg 'Correspondent'--
Declaration of Prince Charles--Napoleon's march to Germany--His
proclamation--Bernadotte's departure for the army--Napoleon's
dislike of Bernadotte--Prince Charles' plan of campaign--The English
at Cuxhaven--Fruitlessness of the plots of England--Napoleon
wounded--Napoleon's prediction realised--Major Schill--Hamburg
threatened and saved--Schill in Lubeck--His death, and destruction
of his band--Schill imitated by the Duke of Brunswick-OEls--
Departure of the English from Cuxhaven.
Bonaparte, the foundations of whose Empire were his sword and his.
victories, and who was anxiously looking forward to the time when the
sovereigns of Continental Europe should be his juniors, applied for
contingents of troops from the States to which I was accredited. The
Duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin was to furnish a regiment of 1800 men, and
the other little States, such as Oldenburg and Mecklenburg-Strelitz, were
to furnish regiments of less amount. All Europe was required to rise in
arms to second the gigantic projects of the new sovereign. This demand
for contingents, and the positive way in which the Emperor insisted upon
them, gave rise to an immense correspondence, which, however, was
unattended by any result. The notes and orders remained in the
portfolios, and the contingents stayed at home.
M. Metternich, whose talent has since been so conspicuously displayed,
had been for upwards of a year Ambassador from Austria to Paris. Even
then he excelled in the art of guiding men's minds, and of turning to the
advantage of his policy his external graces and the favour he acquired in
the drawing-room. His father, a clever man, brought up in the old
diplomatic school of Thugut and Kaunitz, had early accustomed him to the
task of making other Governments believe, by means of agents, what might
lead them into error and tend to the advantage of his own Government.
His manoeuvres tended to make Austria assume a discontented and haughty
tone; and wishing, as she said, to secure her independence, she publicly
declared her intention of protecting herself against any enterprise
similar to those of which she had so often been the victim. This
language, encouraged by the complete evacuation of Germany, and the war
in Spain, the unfortunate issue of which was generally foreseen, was
used--in time of peace between the two empires, and when France was not
threatening war to Austria.
--[Metternich arrived in Paris as Ambassador on 4th August 1806,
after Austria had been vanquished at Austerlitz. It does not seem
probable, either from his views or his correspondence, that he
advised the rash attempt of Austria to attack Napoleon by herself;
compare Metternich tome 1. p. 69, on the mistake of Prussia in 1805
and 1806; see also tome ii. p. 221, "To provoke a war with France
would be madness" (1st July 1808). On the other hand, the tone of
his correspondence in 1808 seams calculated to make Austria believe
that war was inevitable, and that her forces, "so inferior to those
of France before the insurrection in Spain, will at least be equal
to them immediately after that event" (tome ii. p. 808). What is
curious is that Metternich's conduct towards Napoleon while
Ambassador had led even such men as Duke Dalberg to believe that he
was really so well disposed towards Napoleon as to serve his cause
more than that of Austria.
M. Metternich, who had instructions from his Court, gave no satisfactory
explanation of those circumstances to Napoleon, who immediately raised a
conscription, and brought soldiers from Spain into Germany.
It was necessary, also, to come to an understanding with Russia, who,
being engaged with her war in Finland and Turkey, appeared desirous
neither to enter into alliance with Austria nor to afford her support.
What, in fact, was the Emperor Alexander's situation with respect to
France? He had signed a treaty of peace at Tilsit which he felt had been
forced upon him, and he knew that time alone would render it possible for
him to take part in a contest which it was evident would again be renewed
either with Prussia or Austria.
Every person of common sense must have perceived that Austria, in taking
up arms, reckoned, if not on the assistance, at least on the neutrality
of Russia. Russia was then engaged with two enemies, the Swedes and the
Turks, over whom she hoped to triumph. She therefore rejoiced to see
France again engage in a struggle with Austria, and there was no doubt
that she would take advantage of any chances favourable to the latter
power to join her in opposing the encroachments of France. I never could
conceive how, under those circumstances, Napoleon could be so blind as to
expect assistance from Russia in his quarrel with Austria. He must,
indeed, have been greatly deceived as to the footing on which the two
Courts stood with reference to each other--their friendly footing and
their mutual agreement to oppose the overgrowing ambition of their common
enemy.
The English, who had been compelled to quit Spain, now returned there.
They landed in Portugal, which might be almost regarded as their own
colony, and marched against Marshal Soult, who left Spain to meet them.
Any other man than Soult would perhaps have been embarrassed by the
obstacles which he had to surmount. A great deal has been said about his
wish to make himself King of Portugal. Bernadotte told me, when he
passed through Hamburg, that the matter had been the subject of much
conversation at headquarters after the battle of Wagram. Bernadotte
placed no faith in the report, and I am pretty sure that Napoleon also
disbelieved it. However, this matter is still involved in the obscurity
from which it will only be drawn when some person acquainted with the
intrigue shall give a full explanation of it.
Since I have, with reference to Soult, touched upon the subject of his
supposed ambition, I will mention here what I know of Murat's expectation
of succeeding the Emperor. When Romanzow returned from his useless
mission of mediation to London the Emperor proceeded to Bayonne.
Bernadotte, who had an agent in Paris whom he paid highly, told me one
day that he had received a despatch informing him that Murat entertained
the idea of one day succeeding the Emperor. Sycophants, expecting to
derive advantage from it, encouraged Murat in this chimerical hope.
I know not whether Napoleon was acquainted with this circumstance, nor
what he said of it, but Bernadotte spoke of it to me as a certain fact.
It would, however, have been very wrong to attach great importance to an
expression which, perhaps, escaped Murat in a moment of ardour, for his
natural temperament sometimes betrayed him into acts of imprudence, the
result of which, with a man like Napoleon, was always to be dreaded.
It was in the midst of the operations of the Spanish war, which Napoleon
directed in person, that he learned Austria had for the first time raised
the landwehr. I obtained some very curious documents respecting the
armaments of Austria from the Editor of the Hamburg 'Correspondent'.
This paper, the circulation of which amounted to not less than 60,000,
paid considerable sums to persons in different parts of Europe who were
able and willing to furnish the current news. The Correspondent paid
6000 francs a year to a clerk in the war department at Vienna, and it was
this clerk who supplied the intelligence that Austria was preparing for
war, and that orders had been issued in all directions to collect and put
in motion all the resources of that powerful monarchy. I communicated
these particulars to the French Government, and suggested the necessity
of increased vigilance and measures of defence. Preceding aggressions,
especially that of 1805, were not to be forgotten. Similar information
probably reached the French Government from many quarters. Be that as it
may, the Emperor consigned the military operations in Spain to his
generals, and departed for Paris, where he arrived at the end of January
1809. He had been in Spain only since the beginning of November 1808,'
and his presence there had again rendered our banners victorious. But
though the insurgent troops were beaten the inhabitants showed themselves
more and more unfavourable to Joseph's cause; and it did not appear very
probable that he could ever seat himself tranquilly on the throne of
Madrid.
--[The successes obtained by Napoleon during his stay of about three
months in Spain were certainly very great, and mainly resulted from
his own masterly genius and lightning-like rapidity. The Spanish
armies, as yet unsupported by British troops, were defeated at
Gomenal, Espinosa, Reynosa, Tudela, and at the pass of the Somo
sierra Mountains, and at an early hour of the morning of the 4th
December Madrid surrendered. On the 20th of December Bonaparte
marched with far superior forces against the unfortunate Sir John
Moore, who had been sent to advance into Spain both by the wrong
route and at a wrong time. On the 29th, from the heights of
Benevento, his eyes were delighted by seeing the English in full
retreat. But a blow struck him from another quarter, and leaving
Soult to follow up Moore he took the road to Paris.]--
The Emperor Francis, notwithstanding his counsellors, hesitated about
taking the first step; but at length, yielding to the solicitations of
England and the secret intrigues of Russia, and, above all, seduced by
the subsidies of Great Britain, Austria declared hostilities, not at
first against France, but against her allies of the Confederation of the
Rhine. On the 9th of April Prince Charles, who was appointed commander-
in-chief of the Austrian troops, addressed a note to the commander-in-
chief of the French army in Bavaria, apprising him of the declaration of
war.
A courier carried the news of this declaration to Strasburg with the
utmost expedition, from whence it was transmitted by telegraph to Paris.
The Emperor, surprised but not disconcerted by this intelligence,
received it at St. Cloud on the 11th of April, and two hours after he was
on the road to Germany. The complexity of affairs in which he was then
involved seemed to give a new impulse to his activity. When he reached
the army neither his troops nor his Guard had been able to come up, and
under those circumstances he placed himself at the head of the Bavarian
troops, and, as it were, adopted the soldiers of Maximilian. Six days
after his departure from Paris the army of Prince Charles, which had
passed the Inn, was threatened. The Emperor's headquarters were at
Donauwerth, and from thence he addressed to his soldiers one of those
energetic and concise proclamations which made them perform so many
prodigies, and which was soon circulated in every language by the public
journals. This complication of events could not but be fatal to Europe
and France, whatever might be its result, but it presented an opportunity
favourable to the development of the Emperor's genius. Like his
favourite poet Ossian, who loved best to touch his lyre midst the
howlings of the tempest, Napoleon required political tempests for the
display of his abilities.
During the campaign of 1809, and particularly at its commencement,
Napoleon's course was even more rapid than it had been in the campaign
of 1805. Every courier who arrived at Hamburg brought us news, or rather
prodigies. As soon as the Emperor was informed of the attack made by the
Austrians upon Bavaria orders were despatched to all the generals having
troops under their command to proceed with all speed to the theatre of
the war. The Prince of Ponte-Corvo was summoned to join the Grand Army
with the Saxon troops under his command and for the time he resigned the
government of the Hanse Towns. Colonel Damas succeeded him at Hamburg
during that period, but merely as commandant of the fortress; and he
never gave rise to any murmur or complaint. Bernadotte was not satisfied
with his situation, and indeed the Emperor, who was never much disposed
to bring him forward, because he could not forgive him for his opposition
on the 18th Brumaire, always appointed him to posts in which but little
glory was to be acquired, and placed as few troops as possible under his
command.
It required all the promptitude of the Emperor's march upon Vienna to
defeat the plots which were brewing against his government, for in the
event of his arms being unsuccessful, the blow was ready to be struck.
The English force in the north of Germany amounted to about 10,000 men:
The Archduke Charles had formed the project of concentrating in the
middle of Germany a large body of troops, consisting of the corps of
General Am Eude, of General Radizwowitz, and of the English, with whom
were to be joined the people who were expected to revolt. The English
would have wished the Austrian troops to advance a little farther. The
English agent made some representations on this subject to Stadion, the
Austrian Minister; but the Archduke preferred making a diversion to
committing the safety of the monarchy by departing from his present
inactivity and risking the passage of the Danube, in the face of an enemy
who never suffered himself to be surprised, and who had calculated every
possible event: In concerting his plan the Archduke expected that the
Czar would either detach a strong force to assist his allies, or that he
would abandon them to their own defence. In the first case the Archduke
would have had a great superiority, and in the second, all was prepared
in Hesse and in Hanover to rise on the approach of the Austrian and
English armies.
At the commencement of July the English advanced upon Cuxhaven with a
dozen small ships of war. They landed 400 or 600 sailors and about 50
marines, and planted a standard on one of the outworks. The day after
this landing at Cuxhaven the English, who were in Denmark evacuated
Copenhagen, after destroying a battery which they had erected there.
All the schemes of England were fruitless on the Continent, for with the
Emperor's new system of war, which consisted in making a push on the
capitals, he soon obtained negotiations for peace. He was master of
Vienna before England had even organised the expedition to which I have
just alluded. He left Paris on the 11th of April, was at Donauwerth on
the 17th, and on the 23d he was master of Ratisbon. In the engagement
which preceded his entrance into that town Napoleon received a slight
wound in the heel. He nevertheless remained on the field of battle. It
was also between Donauwerth and Ratisbon that Davoust, by a bold
manoeuvre, gained and merited the title of Prince of Eckmuhl.
--[The great battle of Eckmuhl, where 100,000 Austrians were driven
from all their positions, was fought on the 22d of April.-Editor of
1836 edition.]--
At this period fortune was not only bent on favouring Napoleon's arms,
but she seemed to take pleasure in realising even his boasting
predictions; for the French troops entered Vienna within a month after a
proclamation issued by Napoleon at Ratisbon, in which he said he would be
master of the Austrian capital in that time.
But while he was thus marching from triumph to triumph the people of
Hamburg and the neighbouring countries had a neighbour who did not leave
them altogether without inquietude. The famous Prussian partisan, Major
Schill, after pursuing his system of plunder in Westphalia, came and
threw himself into Mecklenburg, whence, I understood, it was his
intention to surprise Hamburg. At the head of 600 well-mounted hussars
and between 1500 and 2000 infantry badly armed, he took possession of the
little fort of Domitz, in Mecklenburg, on the 15th of May, from whence he
despatched parties who levied contributions on both banks of the Elbe.
Schill inspired terror wherever he went. On the 19th of May a detachment
of 30 men belonging to Schill's corps entered Wismar. It was commanded
by Count Moleke, who had formerly been in the Prussian service, and who
had retired to his estate in Mecklenburg, where the Duke had kindly given
him an appointment. Forgetting his duty to his benefactor, he sent to
summon the Duke to surrender Stralsund.
Alarmed at the progress of the partisan Schill, the Duke of Mecklenburg
and his Court quitted Ludwigsburg, their regular residence, and retired
to Doberan, on the seacoast. On quitting Mecklenburg Schill advanced to
Bergdorf, four leagues from Hamburg. The alarm then increased in that
city. A few of the inhabitants talked of making a compromise with Schill
and sending him money to get him away. But the firmness of the majority
imposed silence on this timid council. I consulted with the commandant
of the town, and we determined to adopt measures of precaution. The
custom-house chest, in which there was more than a million of gold, was
sent to Holstein under a strong escort. At the same time I sent to
Schill a clever spy, who gave him a most alarming account of the means of
defence which Hamburg possessed. Schill accordingly gave up his designs
on that city, and leaving it on his left, entered Lubeck, which was
undefended.
Meanwhile Lieutenant-General Gratien, who had left Berlin by order of the
Prince de Neufchatel, with 2500 Dutch and 3000 Swedish troops, actively
pursued Schill, and tranquillity was soon restored throughout all the
neighbouring country, which had been greatly agitated by his bold
enterprise. Schill, after wandering for some days on the shores of the
Baltic, was overtaken by General Gratien at Stralsund, whence he was
about to embark for Sweden. He made a desperate defence, and was killed
after a conflict of two hours. His band was destroyed. Three hundred of
his hussars and 200 infantry, who had effected their escape, asked leave
to return to Prussia, and they were conducted to the Prussian general
commanding a neighbouring town. A war of plunder like that carried on by
Schill could not be honourably acknowledged by a power having, any claim
to respect. Yet the English Government sent Schill a colonel's
commission, and the full uniform of his new rank, with the assurance that
all his troops should thenceforth be paid by England.
Schill soon had an imitator of exalted rank. In August 1809 the Duke of
Brunswick-OEls sought the dangerous honour of succeeding that famous
partisan. At the head of at most 2000 men he for some days disturbed the
left bank of the Elbe, and on the 5th entered Bremen. On his approach
the French Vice-Consul retired to Osterhulz. One of the Duke's officers
presented himself at the hones of the Vice-Consul and demanded 200 Louis.
The agent of the Vice-Consul, alarmed at the threat of the place being
given up to pillage, capitulated with the officer, and with considerable
difficulty got rid of him at the sacrifice of 80 Louis, for which a
receipt was presented to him in the name of the Duke. The Duke, who now
went by the name of "the new Schill," did not remain long in Bremen.
Wishing to repair with all possible speed to Holland he left Bremen on
the evening of the 6th, and proceeded to Dehnenhorst, where his advanced
guard had already arrived. The Westphalian troops, commanded by Reubell,
entered Bremen on the 7th, and not finding the Duke of Brunswick,
immediately marched in pursuit of him. The Danish troops, who occupied
Cuxhaven, received orders to proceed to Bremerlehe, to favour the
operations of the Westphalians and the Dutch. Meanwhile the English
approached Cuxhaven, where they landed 3000 or 4000 men. The persons in
charge of the custom-house establishment, and the few sailors who were in
Cuxhaven, fell back upon Hamburg. The Duke of Brunswick, still pursued
crossed Germany from the frontiers of Bohemia to Elsfleth, a little port
on the left bank of the Weser, where he arrived on the 7th, being one day
in advance of his pursuers. He immediately took possession of all the
transports at Elsfleth, and embarked for Heligoland.
The landing which the English effected at Cuxhaven while the Danes, who
garrisoned that port, were occupied in pursuing the Duke of Brunswick,
was attended by no result. After the escape of the Duke the Danes
returned to their post which the English immediately evacuated.
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