with the bourgeois, the peasant beside the man of learning, the Prince
beside the workman; and they all fight for German freedom, for German
domestic life, for German art, German science, German progress; they
fight with the full, clear consciousness of a noble and rich national
possession, for internal and external goods, all of which serve for the
general progress and development of mankind.
*To Americans From a German Friend*
*By Ludwig Fulda.*
_Like most of the champions of Germany in the literary field,
Ludwig Fulda is a Doctor of Philosophy. He is also author of many
famous poetical and prose works of fiction._
Many things have been revealed to us by this war that even the
keenest-minded among us would have declared immediately before its
outbreak to be impossibilities. Nothing, however, has been a greater and
more painful surprise to Germans than the position taken by a great part
of the American press. There is nothing that we would have suspected
less than that within the one neutral nation with which we felt
ourselves most closely connected, both by common interests and by common
ideals, voices would be raised that in the hour of our greatest danger
would deny us their sympathy, yes, even their comprehension of our
course.
To me, personally--I cannot avoid saying it--this was a very bitter
disappointment. A year has hardly passed since I was over there the
second time as a guest and returned strengthened in my admiration for
that great, upward striving community. In my book, "Amerikanische
Eindrucke," ("American Impressions,") a new edition of which has just
appeared in a considerably supplemented form, comprising the fruits of
that trip, I have made every effort to place before my countrymen in the
brightest light the advantages and superiorities of Americans, and
especially to convince them that the so-called land of the dollar was
not only economically but also mentally and spiritually striding upward
irresistibly; that also in the longing and effort to obtain education
and knowledge and in the valuation of all the higher things in life, it
was not surpassed by any other country in the world. In the entire book
there is not a page that is not filled with the confidence that for
these very reasons America and Germany were called upon to march hand in
hand at the head of cultured humanity. Is this belief now to be
contradicted? Shall I as a German no longer be permitted to call myself
a friend of America because over there they think the worst of us for
the reason that we, attacked in dastardly wise by a world of foes, are
struggling with unanimous determination for our existence?
*Guillotining German Honor.*
Of course I know very well that public opinion over there has largely
been misled by our opponents and is continuously being misled. Did not
the English at the very beginning of the war cut our cable, in order to
be able to guillotine our honor without the least interference? For this
reason I cannot blame the masses if they took for truth the absurd
fables dished out to them, when no contradicting voice could reach them.
Less than that, however, can I understand how educated beings, even men
who, thanks to their gifts and their standing, play the part of
responsible leaders, not only accepted believingly these prevarications
and distortions, but, with them as a basis, immediately rendered a
verdict against us. For he who publicly judges must be expected to have
heard first both parties; and whoever is not in a position to do this
must in decency be expected to postpone his verdict. Yes, even more than
that, one should think that the sense of justice of every non-partisan
must be violated if the one party is absolutely muzzled by the other,
and even for this one reason the cause of the latter must be considered
as not being free from reason for doubt. Furthermore, one should assume
that he who once has been unmasked as a liar therewith should have lost
the blind confidence of the impartial in his future assertions. In spite
of this, although the first ridiculous news of German defeats and
internal dissent could not withstand the far-sounding echo of facts,
there still seems to be no twisting of the truth, no defamation, which
over there is considered as too thin and too ridiculous by the press and
as too shameless by the public.
Should the Germans, who, since the time when they fought for and
attained their national unity, have exclusively devoted themselves to
works of peace and culture, suddenly have been transformed into an
adventurous, booty-hungry horde which from mere lust challenged a
tremendously superior force to do battle? Should they suddenly have
sacrificed to their so-called militarism all their other efforts in
commerce, industry, art, and science, in order to risk their very
existence for the love of this Moloch? Do you believe that, Americans?
*Question of Militarism.*
Our militarism! What does this expression, quoted until it is sickening,
mean in the mouth of enemies who in respect of the energy and extent of
their armaments were not behind us? Is there no such thing as militarism
in France and in Russia? Is the English giant fleet an instrument of
peace? Was the Triple Entente founded in order to bring about the
millennium on earth? Would the Entente, if we had been foolish enough to
disarm, have guaranteed our possessions as a reward for being good? Do
you believe that, Americans?
It certainly may be difficult for the citizens of the Union--happy
beings they are for it--to put themselves in the place of a nation that
knows it is surrounded on its open borders by jealous, hateful, and
greedy neighbors; of a country that for centuries has been the
battlefield of all European wars, the place of strife of all the
European peoples. They, the members of a nation which for itself
occupies a space nearly as large as Europe, almost half of a continent,
protected on both sides by the ocean and on the other borders not
seriously threatened for as long a time to come as may be anticipated,
have no people's army because they do not need any; and yet they
would--their history proves it--give their blood and that of their sons
for the cause of their nation just as gladly as we, if the necessity for
doing so came to them. Will they, therefore, reproach us for loving our
country not less than they do theirs, only for the reason that we have a
thousand times more difficulty in protecting it?
Our general military service, which today is being defamed by the word
"militarism," is born of the iron commandment of self-preservation.
Without it the German Empire and the German Nation long ago would have
been struck out of the list of the living. Only lack of knowledge or
intentional misconception of our character could accuse us of having an
aggressive motive back of it. On earth there is no more peaceful nation
than Germany, providing she be left in peace and her room to breathe be
not lessened. Germany never has had the least thought of assuming for
herself the European hegemony, much less the rulership of the world. She
has never greedily eyed colonial possessions of other great powers. On
the contrary, in the acquisition of her colonies she was satisfied with
whatever the others had left for her. And least of all did she carry up
her sleeve a desire of extending the frontiers of the empire. The famous
word of Bismarck, that Germany was "saturated" with acquired territory,
is still accepted as fully in force to such an extent that even in case
of her victory the question as to which parts of the enemies' territory
we should claim for our own would cause us a great deal of perplexity.
The German Empire could only lose as the national State she is in
strength and unity by acquiring new and strange elements.
Otherwise would the empire, from the day of its founding until now, for
nearly half a century, actually have avoided every war, often enough
under the most difficult circumstances? Would it have quietly suffered
the open or hidden challenges, the machinations of its enemies
constantly appearing more plainly? Yes, would it have tried again and
again to improve its relations with these very same enemies by the
greatest advances? As opposed to the ill-concealed hostility of the
French, would it not have been shaken in its steadfast policy of
conciliation by the fact that this policy with them only made the
impression of weakness and fear? Would it have permitted France to
reconstruct her power which was destroyed in 1870 to a greater extent
than before, and, in addition, allowed her to conquer a new and gigantic
colonial empire? Would it have permitted prostrate Russia to recuperate
undisturbed from the almost annihilating blows of the revolution and the
Japanese war? Would it, in the countless threatening conflicts of the
last decades, have on every occasion thrown the entire weight of its
sword into the scales for the preservation of peace?
*The Kaiser's Responsibility.*
Then, too, many Americans emphasize the fact that they are making not
the German people but the Emperor alone responsible for this war. It is
hardly conceivable how serious-minded people can lend themselves to the
spreading of a fable so childish. When William II., 29 years old,
mounted the throne, the entire world said of him that his aim was the
acquirement of the laurels of war. In spite of this for twenty-six years
he has shown that this accusation was absurd and has proved himself to
be the most honest and most dependable protector of European peace. In
fact, the very circle of enemies which now dares to call him a military
despot thirsting for glory, has year in and year out ridiculed him as a
ruler, whose provocation to the very limit was an amusement absolutely
fraught with no danger. He who has never been misled by the fiery
enthusiasm of youth nor by the full strength of ripe manhood to adorn
his brow with the bloody halo of glory, should he suddenly, when his
hair is turned gray, have turned into a Caesar, an Attila? Do you
believe that, Americans?
It is a fact in times of peace there have been certain differences of
opinion between the Emperor and his people. Although at all times the
honesty of his intentions was elevated above every doubt, the one or
other impulsive moves he took to obtain their realization exposed him to
criticism at home. Today one may safely admit that--today, when of these
trifling disputes not even a breath, not even a shadow, remains. Never
before has his whole people, his whole nation, in every grade of
education, in all classes, in all parties, stood behind him so
absolutely without reserve as now, when in the last, the very last hour,
and driven by direst need, he finally drew the sword to ward off an
attack from three sides, long ago prepared.
Our nation and our Emperor have not wanted this war and are not to be
blamed for it. Even the "White Book" of the German Government, by the
very uncontrovertible language of its documents, must convince every
impartial being of this fact. And day by day the overwhelming evidence
of the plot systematically hatched and systematically carried out under
the guidance of England, which put before us the alternative of cutting
our way through or being annihilated, is increasing.
*No Treason to Austria Considered.*
It may be that the catastrophe, so far as we are concerned, might have
been staved off once more if we would have disregarded the obligation of
our alliance and would have left Austria in the lurch--the Austria which
did not want anything else than to put a stop to the nasty work of a
band of assassins organized by a neighboring State. But it requires an
extreme degree of political blindness for the assumption that by such
cowardly treason we should have been able to purchase a change of mind
or a lasting peace from our enemies. On the contrary, they would soon
enough have used a suitable opportunity to fall upon Germany, which then
would have been completely isolated, and the struggle for our national
existence would have had to be fought under conditions very much more
favorable to our enemies.
According to a newspaper report, the esteemed President Eliot of Harvard
has written that the fear of the Muscovites could not explain our
action, and that an alliance with the Western powers would have offered
better protection against a Russian attack. Yes; if such a thing had
been possible! As a matter of fact, however, the Western powers did not
ally themselves with us against Russia, but with Russia against us; and
not the fear of the Muscovites, but their mobilization, encouraged and
aided by the very same Western powers, drove us to war. I wonder what
President Eliot himself would have done under these circumstances had he
been the guardian responsible for Germany's fate?
*Belgium's Alleged Neutrality.*
But then the violation of Belgian neutrality! How with the aid of this
bugaboo the entire neutral world has been stirred up against us, after
England made it the hypocritical excuse for her declaration of war! We
knew very well that England and France were determined to violate this
neutrality; but, then, we ought to have been very good; we ought to have
waited until they did so. Waited until their armies would break into our
country across our unprotected Belgian frontier! In other words, we
ought to have committed national suicide. Whoever, even up until now,
has doubted the German assertion that Belgium was under one roof with
England and France, and had herself thrown away her neutrality, must
have his eyes opened by the latest official developments. The documents
of the Belgian General Staff which have fallen into our hands contain an
agreement according to which the march through Belgium of British troops
in the case of a Franco-German war was provided for in every detail.
Whosoever in the face of these documents repeats the assertion that we
have committed a violation of innocent Belgium gives aid to a historical
forgery.
We have violated the alleged neutrality of Belgium in self-defense. On
the other hand, the Japanese, egged on and supported by England, have
violated the real neutrality of China from pure lust for robbery. For
the three great powers allied against Germany and Austria have not been
satisfied with their own nominal superiority of 220 millions against 110
millions! In addition to this they have urged on into war against us a
Mongolian people, the most dangerous enemy of the white race and its
culture. They have supplemented their armies by a motley collection of
all the African negro tribes. They lead into battle against us Indian
troops, and the Christian Germanic King of England prays to God for the
victory of the heathen Hindus over his coreligionists and blood
relatives. Americans, does your racial feeling, at other times so
sensitive, remain silent in view of this unexampled shame? Do you accord
to the English and the French, who are attacking us in co-operation with
the Russians, the Servians, and the Montenegrins, who are dirtying
themselves with a brotherhood in arms with the yellow skins, the brown
skins, and the blacks, the right to declare themselves the
representatives of civilization and us to be barbarians?
In order to drive home such evident absurdities, they were, of course,
obliged to carry on the poisoning of the spring of information to the
utmost, they had to suppress the news of the vile deeds of guerrillas
and "snipers" in Belgium and of the Russian ghouls in East Prussia, that
were crying to heaven, and to send out into the world instead fables of
German brutality. Our national army, permeated with ethical seriousness
and iron discipline, the scientist standing beside the farmer, the
workman beside the artist, should be guilty of unnecessary severity,
uncontrollable brutality, brutality against people unable to defend
themselves? Do you believe that, Americans?
*The Charge of Vandalism.*
The climax of absurdity, however, is reached when the Germans, who in
their love and appreciation of art are not surpassed by any people in
the world, are accused of having raged as vandals against works of art.
Even now these accusations, which the French Government itself had the
pitiful courage to support, have proved totally groundless. The City
Hall at Louvain stands uninjured; while the populace fired at them, our
soldiers had, risking their own lives, saved it from the flames. An
imperial art commission followed at the heels of our victorious troops
in Belgium, in order to take charge of the guarding and administration
of the treasures of art. The cathedral at Rheims has received but slight
damage, and would not have been damaged at all had its tower not been
misused by the French as an observation station. I should like to see
the commander of an army who, for the sake of the safety of a historical
monument, would forget the safety of the troops intrusted into his care!
Enough of it! What I have stated is sufficient to show what low weapons
our enemies are using behind the battlefield to sully Germany's shield
of honor. It is enough for those who care to listen at all. But, also,
wherever the weak voice of one rebounds from ears stubbornly closed, the
more powerful voice of truth eventually will force a more just verdict.
Justice--that is all that we expect from America. We respect its
neutrality; we do not ask from it an ideal partisanship for our benefit.
If it does not have for us the sympathy which we have already extended
to it and, after a century and a half of unclouded intercourse between
the two nations, have anticipated there, then we cannot imbue it with
that spirit by reasoning. Furthermore, in the existence of nations
sympathy is not the deciding factor, and every nation should be rebuked
which out of regard for sympathy would in decisive matters act against
its own interests. But just for that very reason one more question must
be raised. In the present conflict, which momentarily almost splits the
entire world into two camps, where do the interests of America lie?
That they are not lying on the side of Russia probably is self-evident.
No free American can find desirable a further extension of the Russian
world empire and of Russian despotism at the expense of Germany. But how
about a country from which once America had to wrest its own liberty in
bloody battle? How about England? Where, if England should succeed in
downing Germany, would her eyes next be pointed? Has she not herself
admitted that she is making war on us principally because she sees in us
an uncomfortable competitor in trade? And which competitor would be the
next one after us that would become awkward to the trust on the Thames?
Yes, have they not already hauled off for the smash against America,
when Japan is given opportunity to increase her power--the same Japan
with whom America sooner or later will be bound to have an accounting
and whose victory over us would make that accounting a great deal more
difficult for the United States?
Germany's fate certainly does not depend upon the friendly or unfriendly
feeling of America. It will be decided solely upon the European
battlefields. But because we are looking out from the night to a future
dawn, because in the midst of our national need the cause of humanity is
close to our heart, for these reasons it is not immaterial to us how the
greatest neutral nation of culture thinks of us. Americans, the cable
between us has been cut. It is our wish and our hope that the stronger
band that unites American ideals with German ideals shall not also be
cut.
*To the Civilized World*
*By Professors of Germany.*
As representatives of German science and art, we hereby protest to the
civilized world against the lies and calumnies with which our enemies
are endeavoring to stain the honor of Germany in her hard struggle for
existence--in a struggle which has been forced upon her.
The iron mouth of events has proved the untruth of the fictitious German
defeats, consequently misrepresentation and calumny are all the more
eagerly at work. As heralds of truth we raise our voices against these.
_It is not true_ that Germany is guilty of having caused this war.
Neither the people, the Government, nor the Kaiser wanted war. Germany
did her utmost to prevent it; for this assertion the world has
documental proof. Often enough during the twenty-six years of his reign
has Wilhelm II. shown himself to be the upholder of peace, and often
enough has this fact been acknowledged by our opponents. Nay, even the
Kaiser they now dare to call an Attila has been ridiculed by them for
years, because of his steadfast endeavors to maintain universal peace.
Not till a numerical superiority which had been lying in wait on the
frontiers assailed us did the whole nation rise to a man.
_It is not true_ that we trespassed in neutral Belgium. It has been
proved that France and England had resolved on such a trespass, and it
has likewise been proved that Belgium had agreed to their doing so. It
would have been suicide on our part not to have been beforehand.
_It is not true_ that the life and property of a single Belgian citizen
was injured by our soldiers without the bitterest self-defense having
made it necessary; for again and again, notwithstanding repeated
threats, the citizens lay in ambush, shooting at the troops out of the
houses, mutilating the wounded, and murdering in cold blood the medical
men while they were doing their Samaritan work. There can be no baser
abuse than the suppression of these crimes with the view of letting the
Germans appear to be criminals, only for having justly punished these
assassins for their wicked deeds.
_It is not true_ that our troops treated Louvain brutally. Furious
inhabitants having treacherously fallen upon them in their quarters, our
troops with aching hearts were obliged to fire a part of the town as a
punishment. The greatest part of Louvain has been preserved. The famous
Town Hall stands quite intact; for at great self-sacrifice our soldiers
saved it from destruction by the flames. Every German would of course
greatly regret if in the course of this terrible war any works of art
should already have been destroyed or be destroyed at some future time,
but inasmuch as in our great love for art we cannot be surpassed by any
other nation, in the same degree we must decidedly refuse to buy a
German defeat at the cost of saving a work of art.
_It is not true_ that our warfare pays no respect to international laws.
It knows no indisciplined cruelty. But in the east the earth is
saturated with the blood of women and children unmercifully butchered by
the wild Russian troops, and in the west dumdum bullets mutilate the
breasts of our soldiers. Those who have allied themselves with Russians
and Servians, and present such a shameful scene to the world as that of
inciting Mongolians and negroes against the white race, have no right
whatever to call themselves upholders of civilization.
_It is not true_ that the combat against our so-called militarism is not
a combat against our civilization, as our enemies hypocritically pretend
it is. Were it not for German militarism German civilization would long
since have been extirpated. For its protection it arose in a land which
for centuries had been plagued by bands of robbers as no other land had
been. The German Army and the German people are one and today this
consciousness fraternizes 70,000,000 of Germans, all ranks, positions,
and parties being one.
We cannot wrest the poisonous weapon--the lie--out of the hands of our
enemies. All we can do is to proclaim to all the world that our enemies
are giving false witness against us. You, who know us, who with us have
protected the most holy possessions of man, we call to you:
Have faith in us! Believe that we shall carry on this war to the end as
a civilized nation, to whom the legacy of a Goethe, a Beethoven, and a
Kant is just as sacred as its own hearths and homes.
For this we pledge you our names and our honor:
ADOLF VON BAEYER, Professor of Chemistry, Munich.
Prof. PETER BEHRENS, Berlin.
EMIL VON BEHRING, Professor of Medicine, Marburg.
WILHELM VON BODE, General Director of the Royal Museums, Berlin.
ALOIS BRANDL, Professor, President of the Shakespeare Society, Berlin.
LUJU BRENTANO, Professor of National Economy, Munich.
Prof. JUSTUS BRINKMANN, Museum Director, Hamburg.
JOHANNES CONRAD, Professor of National Economy, Halle.
FRANZ VON DEFREGGER, Munich.
RICHARD DEHMEL, Hamburg.