Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this
file which includes the original illustrations.
See 41663-h.htm or 41663-h.zip:
(https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/41663/pg41663-images.html)
or
(https://www.gutenberg.org/files/41663/41663-h.zip)
Images of the original pages are available through
Internet Archive. See
http://archive.org/details/dearbornmassacr00helmrich
[Illustration: _Monument commemorating the Fort Dearborn Massacre_]
THE FORT DEARBORN MASSACRE
Written in 1814 by
LIEUTENANT LINAI T. HELM
One of the survivors
With Letters and Narratives of Contemporary Interest
Edited by Nelly Kinzie Gordon
Rand Mcnally & Company
Chicago New York
Copyright, 1912, by
Nelly Kinzie Gordon
[Illustration: _Old Fort Dearborn_]
To my Native City Chicago
WHOSE MARVELOUS GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT
I HAVE WATCHED WITH PRIDE AND UNFAILING
INTEREST SINCE THE YEAR 1835
I dedicate this book
THE CONTENTS
PAGE
_Introduction_ 5
Judge Woodward's Letter to Colonel Proctor 9
Lieutenant Helm's Letter to Judge Woodward 13
Lieutenant Helm's Narrative 15
The Massacre at Chicago 27
John Kinzie 85
The Capture by the Indians of Little Eleanor
Lytle 109
THE ILLUSTRATIONS
Monument commemorating the Fort
Dearborn Massacre _Frontispiece_
FACING PAGE
Old Fort Dearborn 15
The old Kinzie house 85
Cornplanter, a Seneca chief 109
INTRODUCTION
The narrative of Lieutenant Linai T. Helm, one of the two officers who
survived the Chicago Massacre, mysteriously disappeared nearly one
hundred years ago. This manuscript has lately been found and is now in
the possession of the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, by whose
kind permission it is here presented to the public, together with
letters explaining its loss and its recovery. It is the earliest extant
account given by a participator in the fearful tragedy of August 15,
1812. It was written by Lieutenant Helm in 1814, at the request of Judge
Augustus B. Woodward, of Detroit, and was accompanied by a letter asking
Judge Woodward's opinion as to whether the strictures made in the
narrative upon the conduct of Captain Heald would result in Helm's being
court-martialed for disrespect to his commanding officer.
Judge Woodward evidently advised Lieutenant Helm not to take the risk,
for the manuscript was found many years later among the Judge's papers.
That Lieutenant Helm was a soldier rather than a scholar is evidenced by
the faulty construction of his narrative. Its literary imperfections,
however, in no way detract from its value as a truthful account of the
events he describes.
In the records of the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, volume
12, page 659, is a letter concerning the survivors of the Chicago
Massacre, written October, 1812, to Colonel Proctor by Judge Woodward,
in which he says:
"First, there is one officer, a lieutenant of the name of Linai T. Helm,
with whom I had the happiness of a personal acquaintance. His father is
a gentleman, originally of Virginia, and of the first society of the
city, who has since settled in the State of New York. He is an officer
of great rank, and unblemished character. The lady of this gentleman, a
young and amiable victim of misfortune, was separated from her husband.
She was delivered up to her father-in-law, who was present. Mr. Helm was
transported into the Indian country a hundred miles from the scene of
action, and has not since been heard of at this place."
She was captured during the fight and delivered to her stepfather, Mr.
John Kinzie. Her own account is given in the extract from "Waubun."
Lieutenant Helm's feeling against Captain Heald was due to the latter's
refusal to take any advice from those who thoroughly understood the
Indians with whom they had to deal, and his failure to consult any of
his junior officers as to what course might be pursued to save the
garrison.
Kirkland, in his "Story of Chicago," chapter 8, page 66, says: "Captain
Heald's conduct seems like that of a brave fool." Captain Heald was by
no means a fool, but he was afraid to take any responsibility. He
considered a soldier's first duty obedience to orders. If in carrying
out the orders he had received from General Hull he sacrificed his
command, it would not be his fault, but Hull's; whereas, if he disobeyed
instructions and remained in the fort awaiting reinforcements, any
disastrous results would be visited upon him alone. He was willing,
however, to accept John Kinzie's offer to provide a forged order,
purporting to come from General Hull, authorizing the destruction of all
arms, ammunition, and liquor before evacuating the fort, instead of
giving them to the savages.
Lieutenant Helm was promoted to a captaincy, but as his wound continued
very troublesome he resigned from the army soon afterward, and retired
to private life.
The experiences of Mrs. Helm and of her mother, Mrs. John Kinzie, were
related by them personally to Mrs. Juliette A. Kinzie, the author of
"Waubun."
The little captive stolen by the Senecas and adopted into the tribe by
their famous chief, "The Corn Planter," was Eleanor Lytle. She
afterwards was rescued and became the wife of John Kinzie. To her
daughter-in-law, Mrs. Juliette A. Kinzie, she told the story of her
captivity among the Senecas, and her experiences during the Chicago
Massacre.
It seems proper in giving Lieutenant Helm's account of Fort Dearborn
Massacre to preface it with a letter written by Judge Augustus B.
Woodward of Detroit, of which two copies exist: one of the original
draft, and one of the letter sent. They differ only in some unimportant
details.
Detroit was surrendered the day before the Chicago Massacre took place.
As soon as information of the tragedy reached Detroit, Judge Woodward
appealed to Colonel Proctor in behalf of the prisoners and possible
survivors of the Massacre at Fort Dearborn.
The information given by Judge Woodward in this letter to Colonel
Proctor probably came from William Griffith, a survivor who had reached
Detroit. It could not have come from Lieutenant Helm, who had been sent
as a prisoner to Peoria, Illinois, and did not reach St. Louis until
October 14.
NELLY KINZIE GORDON.
JUDGE WOODWARD'S LETTER TO COLONEL PROCTOR
"Territory of Michigan,"
October 8th, 1812.
Sir:
It is already known to you that on Saturday the fifteenth day of August
last, an order having been given to evacuate Fort Dearborn an attack was
made by the savages of the vicinity on the troops and persons
appertaining to that garrison on their march, at the distance of about
three miles from the Fort, and the greater part of the number
barbarously and inhumanly massacred.
Three of the survivors of that unhappy and terrible disaster having
since reached this country, I have employed some pains to collect the
number and names of those who were not immediately slain and to
ascertain whether any hopes might yet be entertained of saving the
remainder.
It is on this subject that I wish to interest your feelings and to
solicit the benefit of your interposition; convinced that you estimate
humanity among the brightest virtues of the soldier.
I find, sir, that the party consisted of ninety-three persons. Of these
the military, including officers, non-commissioned officers and
privates, amounted to fifty-four--the citizens, not acting in a military
capacity, consisted of twelve. The number of women was nine, and that of
the children eighteen.
The whole of the citizens were slaughtered, two women and twelve
children.
Of the military, twenty-six were killed at the time of the attack, and
accounts have arrived of at least five of the surviving prisoners having
been put to death in the course of the same night.
There will remain then twenty-three of the military, seven women and six
children, whose fate, with the exception of the three who have come in,
and of two others who are known to be in safety at St. Joseph's, remains
to be yet ascertained.
Of these, amounting in all to thirty-one persons, I will furnish you
with the names of all that I have been able to identify.
First: there is one officer, a lieutenant, of the name of Linai T. Helm,
with whom I have had the honor of a personal acquaintance. He is an
officer of great merit, and of the most unblemished character. His
father is a gentleman originally of Virginia, and of the first
respectability, who has since settled in the State of New York. The lady
of this gentleman, a young and amiable victim of misfortune, was
separated from her husband during the fight. She is understood to be now
at St. Joseph's. Mr. Helm was conveyed a hundred miles into the Indian
country, and no accounts of his fate have yet reached this quarter.
Second: of the six non-commissioned officers, four survived the action:
John Crozier, a sergeant; Daniel Dougherty, a corporal; one other
corporal by the name of Bowen, and William Griffin (Griffith), sergeant,
now here.
Third: of the privates it is said that five, and it is not known how
many more, were put to death in the night after the action. Of those who
are said to have thus suffered, I have been able to collect only the
names of two; Richard Garner and James Latta. Mr. Burns, a citizen,
severely wounded, was killed by an Indian woman, in the daytime, about
an hour after the action. Micajah Dennison and John Fury were so badly
wounded in the action that little hope was indulged of their recovery.
There will thus remain twenty to be accounted for, of whom I can only
give the following names: Dyson Dyer, William Nelson Hunt, Duncan
McCarty, Augustus Mott, John Smith, John Smith, his son, a fifer, James
Van Horn.
Four: of the five women whose fate remains to be ascertained, I am
enabled to give the names of them all. They were Mrs. Burns, wife to the
citizen before mentioned as killed after the attack; Mrs. Holt, Mrs.
Lee, Mrs. Needs, and Mrs. Simmons. Among these women six children saved
out of the whole number, which was eighteen; part of them belonging to
the surviving mothers, and part to those who were slain.
As to the means of preserving these unhappy survivors from the
distressing calamities which environ them, if they have preserved their
lives, and which the rigors of the approaching season cannot fail to
heighten, I would beg leave to suggest the following:
First: to send a special messenger to that quarter, overland, and with
such safeguard of Indians or others, as can be procured, charged with
collecting the prisoners who may yet survive, and accounts of those who
may have ultimately suffered, and supplied with the means of conveying
them either to Detroit or Michillimackinac.
Second: to communicate to Captain Roberts, who now commands at
Michillimackinac, the circumstances of the same in full, and to request
his co-operation in effecting the humane object of their ultimate
preservation.
I am not authorized by my Government to make the assurance, but I shall
not doubt their cheerfully defraying such expense of ransom, or
conveyance, as circumstances will justify; and private funds are also
ready to be applied to the same purpose. I do not less doubt your
willing and zealous assistance, and with a confident hope of it, permit
me, sir, to assure you of the high respect with which I have the honor
to be
Your obedient servant,
A. B. WOODWARD.
To Col. Henry Proctor.
LIEUTENANT HELM'S LETTER TO JUDGE WOODWARD
Flemington, New Jersey,
6th June, 1814.
Dear Sir:--
I hope you will excuse the length of time I have taken to communicate
the history of the unfortunate massacre of Chicago. It is now nearly
finished, and in two weeks you may expect it. As the history cannot
possibly be written with truth without eternally disgracing Major Heald,
I wish you could find out whether I shall be cashiered or censured for
bringing to light the conduct of so great a man as many think him. You
know I am the only officer that has escaped to tell the news. Some of
the men have got off, but where they are I know not; they would be able
to testify to some of the principal facts. I have waited a long time
expecting a court of inquiry on his conduct but see plainly it is to be
overlooked. I am resolved now to do myself justice even if I have to
leave the service to publish the history. I shall be happy to hear from
you immediately on the receipt of this.
I have the honor to be sir,
with great respect,
Your obedient servant,
L. T. HELM.
Augustus B. Woodward, Esqr.
Washington City
(Addressed:) Flemington, Jan. 6th.
Augustus B. Woodward, Esq.
Milton, Va.
(Endorsed:) Helm, Mr. Linah T.
letter from
Dated Flemington,
New Jersey, June 6th, 1814.
Received at Washington.
June 14th, 1814.
R. June 14th, 1814.
LIEUTENANT HELM'S NARRATIVE
Some time in April, about the 7th-10, a party of Winnebagoes came to
Chicago and murdered 2 men. This gave sufficient ground to suppose the
Indians hostile, as they have left every sign by scalping them and
leaving a weapon, say a war mallet, as a token of their returning in
June. Mr. Kinzie sent a letter from the Interior of the Indian Country
to inform Capt. Heald that the Indians were hostile inclined and only
waiting the Declaration of War to commence open hostilities. This they
told Kinzie in confidence on the 10th of July. Capt. Heald got the
information of War being declared, and on the 8th of August got Gen.
Hull's order to evacuate the Post of Fort Dearborn by the route of
Detroit, or Fort Wayne, if practicable. This letter was brought by a
Potowautemie Chief Winnemeg, and he informed Capt. Heald, through
Kenzie, to evacuate immediately the next day, if possible, as the
Indians were hostile and that the troops should change the usual routes
to go to Fort Wayne. On the 12th August, Capt. William Wells arrived
from Fort Wayne with 27 Miamis, and after a council being held by him
with the tribes there assembled to amount of 500 warriors 179 women and
children. He after council declared them hostile and that his opinion
was that they would interrupt us on our route. Capt. Wells enquired into
the State of the arms, ammunition and provisions. We had 200 stand of
arms, four pieces of artillery, 6,000 lbs. of powder and a sufficient
quantity of shot lead, etc. 3 months provisions taken in Indian corn and
all this on the 12th of August, having prior to this expended 3 months
provisions at least in the interval between the 7th and 12th of August,
exclusive of this we had at our command 200 head of horned cattle and 27
barrels of salt. After this survey, Wells demanded of Capt. Heald if he
intended to evacuate. His answer was he would. Kenzie then, with Lt.
Helm, called on Wells and requested him to call on Capt. Heald and cause
the ammunition and arms to be destroyed, but Capt. Wells insisted on
Kenzie and Helm to join with him. This being done, Capt. Heald hesitated
and observed that it was not sound policy to tell a lie to an Indian;
that he had received a positive order from Gen. Hull to deliver up to
those Indians all the public property of whatsoever nature particularly
to those Indians that would take in the Troops and that he could not
alter it, and that it might irritate the Indians and be the means of the
destruction of his men. Kenzie volunteered to take the responsibility on
himself, provided Capt. Heald would consider the method he would point
out a safe one, he agreed. Kenzie wrote an order as if from Genl. Hull,
and gave it into Capt. Heald. It was supposed to answer and accordingly
was carried into effect. The ammunition and muskets were all destroyed
the night of the 13th. The 15th, we evacuated the Garrison, and about
one and half mile from the Garrison we were informed by Capt. Wells that
we were surrounded and the attack by the Indians began about 10 of the
clock morning. The men in a few minutes were, with the exception of 10,
all killed and wounded. The Ensign and Surgeons Mate were both killed.
The Capt. and myself both badly wounded during the battle. I fired my
piece at an Indian and felt confident I killed him or wounded him badly.
I immediately called to the men to follow me in the pirara, or we would
be shot down before we could load our guns. We had proceeded under a
heavy fire about an hundred and five paces when I made a wheel to the
left to observe the motion of the Indians and avoid being shot in the
back, which I had so far miraculously escaped. Just as I wheeled I
received a ball through my coat pocket, which struck the barrel of my
gun and fell in the lining of my coat. In a few seconds, I received a
ball in my right foot, which lamed me considerably. The Indians happened
immediately to stop firing and never more renewed it. I immediately
ordered the men that were able to load their guns and commenced loading
for them that were not able. I now discovered Capt. Heald for the first
time to my knowledge during the battle. He was coming from towards the
Indians and to my great surprise they never offered to fire on him. He
came up and ordered the men to form; that his intentions were to charge
the body of Indians that were on the bank of the Lake where we had just
retreated from. They appeared to be about 300 strong. We were 27,
including all the wounded. He advanced about 5 steps and not at all to
my surprise was the first that halted. Some of the men fell back instead
of advancing. We then gained the only high piece of ground there was
near. We now had a little time to reflect and saw death in every
direction. At this time an interpreter from the Indians advanced towards
us and called for the Captain, who immediately went to meet him (the
interpreter was a half Indian and had lived a long time within a few
yards of the fort and bound to Mr. Kinzie; he was always very friendly
with us all). A chief by the name of Blackbird advanced to the
interpreter and met the Captain, who after a few words conversation
delivered him his sword, and in a few minutes returned to us and
informed me he had offered 100 dollars for every man that was then
living. He said they were then deciding on what to do. They, however, in
a few minutes, called him again and talked with him some time, when he
returned and informed me they had agreed if I and the men would
surrender by laying down our arms they would lay down theirs, meet us
half way, shake us by the hand as friends and take us back to the fort.
I asked him if he knew what they intended doing with us then. He said
they did not inform him. He asked me if I would surrender. The men were
at this time crowding to my back and began to beg me not to surrender. I
told them not to be uneasy for I had already done my best for them and
was determined not to surrender unless I saw better prospects of us all
being saved and then not without they were willing. The Captain asked me
the second time what I would do, without an answer. I discovered the
interpreter at this time running from the Indians towards us, and when
he came in about 20 steps the Captain put the question the third time.
The Interpreter called out, "Lieut. don't surrender for if you do they
will kill you all, for there has been no general council held with them
yet. You must wait, and I will go back and hold a general council with
them and return and let you know what they will do." I told him to go,
for I had no idea of surrender. He went and collected all the Indians
and talked for some time, when he returned and told me the Indians said
if I would surrender as before described they would not kill any, and
said it was his opinion they would do as they said, for they had already
saved Mr. Kinzie and some of the women and children. This enlivened me
and the men, for we well knew Mr. Kinzie stood higher than any man in
that country among the Indians, and he might be the means of saving us
from utter destruction, which afterwards proved to be the case. We then
surrendered, and after the Indians had fired off our guns they put the
Captain and myself and some of the wounded men on horses and marched us
to the bank of the lake, where the battle first commenced. When we
arrived at the bank and looked down on the sand beach I was struck with
horror at the sight of men, women and children lying naked with
principally all their heads off, and in passing over the bodies I was
confident I saw my wife with her head off about two feet from her
shoulders. Tears for the first time rushed in my eyes, but I consoled
myself with a firm belief that I should soon follow her. I now began to
repent that I had ever surrendered, but it was too late to recall, and
we had only to look up to Him who had first caused our existence. When
we had arrived in half a mile of the Fort they halted us, made the men
sit down, form a ring around them, began to take off their hats and
strip the Captain. They attempted to strip me, but were prevented by a
Chief who stuck close to me. I made signs to him that I wanted to drink,
for the weather was very warm. He led me off towards the Fort and, to my
great astonishment, saw my wife sitting among some squaws crying. Our
feelings can be better judged than expressed. They brought some water
and directed her to wash and dress my wound, which she did, and bound
it up with her pocket handkerchief. They then brought up some of the men
and tommyhawked one of them before us. They now took Mrs. Helm across
the river (for we were nearly on its banks) to Mr. Kinzie's. We met
again at my fathers in the State of New York, she having arrived seven
days before me after being separated seven months and one week. She was
taken in the direction of Detroit and I was taken down to Illinois River
and was sold to Mr. Thomas Forsyth, half brother of Mr. Kinzie's, who, a
short time after, effected my escape. This gentleman was the means of
saving many lives on the warring (?) frontier. I was taken on the 15th
of August and arrived safe among the Americans at St. Louis on the 14th
of October.
Capt. Heald, through Kenzie, sending his two negroes, got put on board
an Indian boat going to St. Joseph, and from that place got to Makenac
by Lake Michigan in a birch canoe.
The night of the 14th, the Interpreter and a Chief (Black Partridge)
waited on Capt. Heald. The Indian gave up his medal and told Heald to
beware of the next day, that the Indians would destroy him and his men.
This Heald never communicated to one of his officers. There was but
Capt. Wells that was acquainted with it. You will observe, sir, that I
did, with Kenzie, protest against destroying the arms, ammunition and
provisions until that Heald told me positively that he would evacuate at
all hazards.
15th of August, we evacuated the Fort. The number of soldiers was 52
privates and musicians (2), 4 officers and physicians, 14 citizens, 18
children and 9 women, the baggage being in front with the citizens,
women and children and on the margin of the lake, we having advanced to
gain the Prairie. I could not see the massacre, but Kinzie, with Doctor
Van Vorees, being ordered by Capt. Heald to take charge of the women and
children, remained on the beach, and Kinzie since told me he was an eye
witness to the horrid scene. The Indians came down on the baggage
waggons for plunder. They butchered every male citizen but Kinzie, two
women and 12 children in the most inhuman manner possible, opened them,
cutting off their heads and taken out their hearts; several of the women
were wounded but not dangerously.
LIST OF GARRISON
Nathan Heald 1 Released.
Lina T. Helm 2 "
Nathan Edson 3 ----
Elias Mills 4 ----
Thos. Point Dexter 5 ----
August Mort 6 Died natural.
James Latta 7 Killed.
Michael Lynch 8 Killed.
John Sullinfield 9 Killed.
John Smith, Senr. 10 Released.
John Smith, Junr. 11 ----
Nathan Hunt 12 Deserted.
Richard Garner 13 Killed.
Paul Greene 14 ----
James V__tworth (?) 15 ----
John Griffiths 16 { Supposed to be a
{ Frenchman and
Joseph Bowen 17 { released.
John Ferry (or Fury) 18 ----
John Crozier 19 Deserted.
John Needs 20 ----
Daniel Daugherty 21 ----
Dyson Dyer 22 Killed.
John Andrews 23 Killed.
James Stone (or Starr
or Storr) 24 Killed.
Joseph Nolis (or Notts) 25 ----
James Corbin 26 ----
Fielding Corbin 27 ----
Citizens:
Jos. Burns 28 Mortally wounded;
since killed.
(Names of women on reverse page)
Women taken prisoners:
Mrs. Heald Released.
Mrs. Helm "
Mrs. Holt }
Mrs. Burns }
Mrs. Leigh } Prisoners
Mrs. Simmons }
Mrs. Needs }
Killed in action:
Mrs. Corbin.
Mrs. Heald's Negro woman.
Children yet in captivity:
Mrs. Leigh's 2, one since dead N D.
Mrs. Burns' 2.
Mrs. Simmons' 1.
13 children killed during the action.
11 citizens including Captain Wells.
John Kinzie taken, but not considered as a prisoner
of war.
54 Rank and file left the Garrison.
THE MASSACRE AT CHICAGO[1]
It was the evening of April 7, 1812. The children were dancing before
the fire to the music of their father's violin. The tea table was
spread, and they were awaiting the return of their mother, who had gone
to visit a sick neighbor about a quarter of a mile up the river.
Suddenly their sports were interrupted. The door was thrown open, and
Mrs. Kinzie rushed in, pale with terror, and scarcely able to speak.
"The Indians! the Indians!" she gasped.
"The Indians? What? Where?" they all demanded in alarm.
"Up at Lee's Place, killing and scalping!"
With difficulty Mrs. Kinzie composed herself sufficiently to say that,
while she was at Burns', a man and a boy had been seen running down with
all speed on the opposite side of the river. They had called across to
the Burns family to save themselves, for the Indians were at Lee's
Place, from which the two had just made their escape. Having given this
terrifying news, they had made all speed for the fort, which was on the
same side of the river.
All was now consternation and dismay in the Kinzie household. The family
were hurried into two old pirogues that lay moored near the house, and
paddled with all possible haste across the river to take refuge in the
fort.
All that the man and boy who had made their escape were able to tell was
soon known; but, in order to render their story more intelligible, it is
necessary to describe the situation.
Lee's Place, since known as Hardscrabble, was a farm intersected by the
Chicago River, about four miles from its mouth. The farmhouse stood on
the west bank of the south branch of this river. On the north side of
the main stream, but near its junction with Lake Michigan, stood the
dwelling house and trading establishment of Mr. Kinzie.
The fort was situated on the southern bank, directly opposite this
mansion, the river and a few rods of sloping green turf on either side
being all that intervened between them.
The fort was differently constructed from the one erected on the same
site in 1816. It had two blockhouses on the southern side, and on the
northern a sally port, or subterranean passage from the parade ground to
the river. This was designed to facilitate escape in case of an
emergency or as a means of supplying the garrison with water during a
siege.
In the fort at this period were three officers, Captain Heald, who was
in command, Lieutenant Helm, the son-in-law of Mr. Kinzie, and Ensign
Ronan--the last two very young men--and the surgeon, Dr. Van Voorhees.
The garrison numbered about seventy-five men, very few of whom were
effective.
A constant and friendly intercourse had been maintained between these
troops and the Indians. It is true that the principal men of the
Potowatomi nation, like those of most other tribes, went yearly to Fort
Malden, in Canada, to receive the large number of presents with which
the British Government, for many years, had been in the habit of
purchasing their alliance; and it was well known that many of the
Potowatomi, as well as Winnebago, had been engaged with the Ottawa and
Shawnee at the battle of Tippecanoe, the preceding autumn; yet, as the
principal chiefs of all the bands in the neighborhood appeared to be on
the most amicable terms with the Americans, no interruption of their
harmony was at any time anticipated.
After August 15, however, many circumstances were recalled that might
have opened the eyes of the whites had they not been blinded by a false
security. One incident in particular may be mentioned.
In the spring preceding the destruction of the fort, two Indians of the
Calumet band came to the fort on a visit to the commanding officer. As
they passed through the quarters, they saw Mrs. Heald and Mrs. Helm
playing at battledoor.
Turning to the interpreter, one of them, Nau-non-gee, remarked, "The
white chiefs' wives are amusing themselves very much; it will not be
long before they are hoeing in our cornfields!"
At the time this was considered an idle threat, or, at most, an
ebullition of jealous feeling at the contrast between the situation of
their own women and that of the "white chiefs' wives." Some months
after, how bitterly was it remembered!
The farm at Lee's Place was occupied by a Mr. White and three persons
employed by him.
In the afternoon of the day on which our narrative commences, a party of
ten or twelve Indians, dressed and painted, arrived at the house.
According to the custom among savages, they entered and seated
themselves without ceremony.
Something in their appearance and manner excited the suspicion of one of
the household, a Frenchman, who remarked, "I do not like the looks of
these Indians--they are none of our folks. I know by their dress and
paint that they are not Potowatomi."
Another of the men, a discharged soldier, then said to a boy who was
present, "If that is the case, we'd better get away from them if we can.
Say nothing; but do as you see me do."
There were two canoes tied near the bank, and the soldier walked
leisurely towards them. Some of the Indians inquired where he was going.
He pointed to the cattle standing among the haystacks on the opposite
bank, making signs that they must go and fodder them, and that they
would then return and get their supper.
As the afternoon was far advanced, this explanation was accepted without
question.
The soldier got into one canoe, and the boy into the other. The stream
was narrow, and they were soon across. Having gained the opposite side,
they pulled some hay for the cattle, made a show of herding them, and
when they had gradually made a circuit, so that their movements were
concealed by the haystacks, took to the woods, close at hand, and then
started for the fort.
They had run about a quarter of a mile when they heard two guns
discharged in succession. These guns they supposed to have been leveled
at the companions they had left.
They ran without stopping until they arrived opposite Burns',[2] where,
as before related, they called across to warn the family of their
danger, and then hastened on to the fort.
It now occurred to those who had secured their own safety that the Burns
family was still exposed to imminent peril. The question was, who would
hazard his life to bring them to a place of security? The gallant young
officer, Ensign Ronan, with a party of five or six soldiers, volunteered
to go to their rescue.
They ascended the river in a scow, took the mother, with her infant,
scarcely a day old, upon her bed to the boat, and carefully conveyed her
with the other members of the family to the fort.
The same afternoon a party of soldiers, consisting of a corporal and
six men, had obtained leave to go fishing up the river. They had not
returned when the fugitives from Lee's Place arrived at the fort. It was
now night and, fearing they might encounter the Indians, the commanding
officer ordered a cannon fired, warning them of their danger.
It will be remembered that the unsettled state of the country after the
battle of Tippecanoe, the preceding November, had rendered every man
vigilant, and the slightest alarm was an admonition to "beware of the
Indians."
At the time the cannon was fired the fishing party were about two miles
above Lee's Place. Hearing the signal, they put out their torches and
dropped down the river towards the garrison, as silently as possible.
When they reached Lee's Place, it was proposed to stop and warn the
inmates to be on their guard, as the signal from the fort indicated some
kind of danger. All was still as death around the house. The soldiers
groped their way along, and as the corporal jumped over the small
inclosure he placed his hand upon the dead body of a man. He soon
ascertained that the head was without a scalp, and otherwise mutilated.
The faithful dog of the murdered man stood guarding the lifeless remains
of his master.
The tale was told. The men retreated to their canoes, and reached the
fort unmolested about eleven o'clock at night.
The next morning a party of citizens and soldiers volunteered to go to
Lee's Place to learn further the fate of its occupants. The body of Mr.
White was found pierced by two balls, with eleven stabs in the breast.
The Frenchman also lay dead, his dog still beside him. The bodies were
brought to the fort and buried in its immediate vicinity.
Later it was learned from traders out in the Indian country that the
perpetrators of the deed were a party of Winnebago who had come into the
neighborhood to "take some white scalps." Their plan had been to proceed
down the river from Lee's Place and kill every white man outside the
walls of the fort. However, hearing the report of the cannon, and not
knowing what it portended, they thought it best to retreat to their
homes on Rock River.
The settlers outside the fort, a few discharged soldiers and some
families of half-breeds, now intrenched themselves in the Agency House.
This building stood west of the fort, between the pickets and the river,
and distant about twenty rods from the former.
It was an old-fashioned log house, with a hall running through the
center, and one large room on each side. Piazzas extended the whole
length of the building, in front and rear. These were now planked up,
for greater security; portholes were cut, and sentinels posted at night.
As the enemy were believed to be still lurking in the neighborhood, or,
emboldened by former success, were likely to return at any moment, an
order was issued prohibiting any soldier or citizen from leaving the
vicinity of the garrison without a guard.
One night a sergeant and a private, who were out on patrol, came
suddenly upon a party of Indians in the pasture adjoining the esplanade.
The sergeant fired his piece, and both retreated towards the fort.
Before they could reach it, an Indian threw his tomahawk, which missed
the sergeant and struck a wagon standing near. The sentinel from the
blockhouse immediately fired while the men got safely in. The next
morning traces of blood were found for a considerable distance into the
prairie, and from this and the appearance of the long grass, where it
was evident a body had lain, it was certain some execution had been
done.
On another occasion Indians entered the esplanade to steal horses. Not
finding any in the stable, as they had expected to, they relieved their
disappointment by stabbing all the sheep in the stable and then letting
them loose. The poor animals flocked towards the fort. This gave the
alarm. The garrison was aroused, and parties were sent out; but the
marauders escaped unmolested. The inmates of the fort experienced no
further alarm for many weeks.
On the afternoon of August 7, Winnemeg, or Catfish, a Potowatomi chief,
arrived at the post, bringing dispatches from General Hull. These
announced that war had been declared between the United States and
Great Britain, and that General Hull, at the head of the Northwestern
army, had arrived at Detroit; also, that the Island of Mackinac had
fallen into the hands of the British.
The orders to Captain Heald were to "evacuate the fort, if practicable,
and, in that event, to distribute all the United States property
contained in the fort, and in the United States factory or agency, among
the Indians in the neighborhood."
After having delivered his dispatches, Winnemeg requested a private
interview with Mr. Kinzie, who had taken up his residence in the fort.
He told Mr. Kinzie he was acquainted with the purport of the
communications he had brought, and begged him to ascertain if it were
the intention of Captain Heald to evacuate the post. He advised strongly
against such a step, inasmuch as the garrison was well supplied with
ammunition, and with provisions for six months. It would, therefore, be
far better, he thought, to remain until reinforcements could be sent.
If, however, Captain Heald should decide to leave the post, it should
by all means be done immediately. The Potowatomi, through whose country
they must pass, being ignorant of the object of Winnemeg's mission, a
forced march might be made before the hostile Indians were prepared to
interrupt them.
Of this advice, so earnestly given, Captain Heald was immediately
informed. He replied that it was his intention to evacuate the post, but
that, inasmuch as he had received orders to distribute the United States
property, he should not feel justified in leaving until he had collected
the Indians of the neighborhood and made an equitable division among
them.
Winnemeg then suggested the expediency of marching out, and leaving all
things standing; possibly while the Indians were engaged in the
partition of the spoils the troops might effect their retreat
unmolested. This advice, strongly seconded by Mr. Kinzie, did not meet
the approbation of the commanding officer.
The order to evacuate the post was read next morning upon parade. It is
difficult to understand why, in such an emergency, Captain Heald
omitted the usual form of holding a council of war with his officers.
It can be accounted for only by the fact of a want of harmonious
feeling between him and one of his junior officers, Ensign Ronan, a
high-spirited and somewhat overbearing, but brave and generous, young
man.
In the course of the day, no council having been called, the officers
waited on Captain Heald, seeking information regarding the course he
intended to pursue. When they learned his intentions, they remonstrated
with him, on the following grounds:
First, it was highly improbable that the command would be permitted to
pass through the country in safety to Fort Wayne. For although it had
been said that some of the chiefs had opposed an attack upon the fort,
planned the preceding autumn, yet it was well known that they had been
actuated in that matter by motives of personal regard for one family,
that of Mr. Kinzie, and not by any general friendly feeling towards the
Americans; and that, in any event, it was hardly to be expected that
these few individuals would be able to control the whole tribe, who were
thirsting for blood.
In the next place, their march must necessarily be slow, as their
movements must be accommodated to the helplessness of the women and
children, of whom there were a number with the detachment. Of their
small force some of the soldiers were superannuated, others invalid.
Therefore, since the course to be pursued was left discretional, their
unanimous advice was to remain where they were, and fortify themselves
as strongly as possible. Succor from the other side of the peninsula
might arrive before they could be attacked by the British from Mackinac;
and even should help not come, it were far better to fall into the hands
of the British than to become the victims of the savages.
Captain Heald argued in reply that "a special order had been issued by
the War Department that no post should be surrendered without battle
having been given, and his force was totally inadequate to an
engagement with the Indians; that he should unquestionably be censured
for remaining when there appeared a prospect of a safe march through;
and that, upon the whole, he deemed it expedient to assemble the
Indians, distribute the property among them, and then ask them for an
escort to Fort Wayne, with the promise of a considerable reward upon
their safe arrival, adding that he had full confidence in the friendly
professions of the Indians, from whom, as well as from the soldiers, the
capture of Mackinac had been kept a profound secret."
From this time the officers held themselves aloof, and spoke but little
upon the subject, though they considered Captain Heald's project little
short of madness. The dissatisfaction among the soldiers increased
hourly, until it reached a high pitch of insubordination.
On one occasion, when conversing with Mr. Kinzie upon the parade,
Captain Heald remarked, "I could not remain, even if I thought it best,
for I have but a small store of provisions."
"Why, captain," said a soldier who stood near, forgetting all etiquette
in the excitement of the moment, "you have cattle enough to last the
troops six months."
"But," replied Captain Heald, "I have no salt to preserve it with."
"Then jerk it," said the man, "as the Indians do their venison."
The Indians now became daily more unruly. Entering the fort in defiance
of the sentinels, they made their way without ceremony into the
officers' quarters. One day an Indian took up a rifle and fired it in
the parlor of the commanding officer, as an expression of defiance. Some
believed that this was intended among the young men as a signal for an
attack. The old chiefs passed backwards and forwards among the assembled
groups with the appearance of the most lively agitation, while the
squaws rushed to and fro in great excitement, evidently prepared for
some fearful scene.
Any further manifestation of ill feeling was, however, suppressed for
the time and, strange as it may seem, Captain Heald continued to
entertain a conviction of having created so amicable a disposition among
the Indians as to insure the safety of the command on their march to
Fort Wayne.
Thus passed the time until August 12. The feelings of the inmates of the
fort during this time may be better imagined than described. Each
morning that dawned seemed to bring them nearer to that most appalling
fate--butchery by a savage foe; and at night they scarcely dared yield
to slumber, lest they should be aroused by the war whoop and tomahawk.
Gloom and mistrust prevailed, and the want of unanimity among the
officers prevented the consolation they might have found in mutual
sympathy and encouragement.
The Indians being assembled from the neighboring villages, a council was
held with them on the afternoon of August 12. Captain Heald alone
attended on the part of the military. He had requested his officers to
accompany him, but they had declined. They had been secretly informed
that the young chiefs intended to fall upon the officers and massacre
them while in council, but they could not persuade Captain Heald of the
truth of their information. They waited therefore only until,
accompanied by Mr. Kinzie, he had left the garrison, when they took
command of the blockhouses overlooking the esplanade on which the
council was held, opened the portholes, and pointed the cannon so as to
command the whole assembly. By this means, probably, the lives of the
whites who were present in council were preserved.
In council, the commanding officer informed the Indians that it was his
intention to distribute among them, the next day, not only the goods
lodged in the United States factory, but also the ammunition and
provisions, with which the garrison was well supplied. He then requested
the Potowatomi to furnish him an escort to Fort Wayne, promising them,
in addition to the presents they were now about to receive, a liberal
reward on arriving there. With many professions of friendship and good
will, the savages assented to all he proposed, and promised all he
required.
After the council, Mr. Kinzie, who well understood not only the Indian
character but the present tone of feeling among them, had a long
interview with Captain Heald, in hopes of opening his eyes to the real
state of affairs.
He reminded him that since the trouble with the Indians along the Wabash
and in the vicinity, there had appeared to be a settled plan of
hostilities towards the whites, in consequence of which it had been the
policy of the Americans to withhold from the Indians whatever would
enable them to carry on their warfare upon the defenseless inhabitants
of the frontier.
Mr. Kinzie also recalled to Captain Heald how, having left home for
Detroit, the preceding autumn, on receiving news at De Charme's[3] of
the battle of Tippecanoe, he had immediately returned to Chicago, that
he might dispatch orders to his traders to furnish no ammunition to the
Indians. As a result, all the ammunition the traders had on hand was
secreted, and those traders who had not already started for their
wintering grounds took neither powder nor shot with them.
Captain Heald was struck with the inadvisability of furnishing the enemy
(for such they must now consider their old neighbors) with arms against
himself, and determined to destroy all the ammunition except what should
be necessary for the use of his own troops.
On August 13 the goods, consisting of blankets, broadcloths, calicoes,
paints, and miscellaneous supplies were distributed, as stipulated. The
same evening part of the ammunition and liquor was carried into the
sally port, and there thrown into a well which had been dug to supply
the garrison with water in case of emergency. The remainder was
transported, as secretly as possible, through the northern gate; the
heads of the barrels were knocked in, and the contents poured into the
river.
The same fate was shared by a large quantity of alcohol belonging to Mr.
Kinzie, which had been deposited in a warehouse near his residence
opposite the fort.
The Indians suspected what was going on, and crept, serpent-like, as
near the scene of action as possible; but a vigilant watch was kept up,
and no one was suffered to approach but those engaged in the affair. All
the muskets not necessary for the command on the march were broken up
and thrown into the well, together with bags of shot, flints, gunscrews;
in short, everything relating to weapons of defense.
Some relief to the general feeling of despondency was afforded by the
arrival, on August 14, of Captain Wells[4] with fifteen friendly Miami.
Of this brave man, who forms so conspicuous a figure in our frontier
annals, it is unnecessary here to say more than that he had resided from
boyhood among the Indians, and hence possessed a perfect knowledge of
their character and habits.
At Fort Wayne he had heard of the order to evacuate the fort at Chicago,
and, knowing the hostile determination of the Potowatomi, had made a
rapid march across the country to prevent the exposure of his relative,
Captain Heald, and his troops to certain destruction.
But he came "all too late." When he reached the post he found that the
ammunition had been destroyed, and the provisions given to the Indians.
There was, therefore, no alternative, and every preparation was made for
the march of the troops on the following morning.
On the afternoon of the same day a second council was held with the
Indians. They expressed great indignation at the destruction of the
ammunition and liquor. Notwithstanding the precautions that had been
taken to preserve secrecy, the noise of knocking in the heads of the
barrels had betrayed the operations of the preceding night; indeed, so
great was the quantity of liquor thrown into the river that next morning
the water was, as one expressed it, "strong grog."
Murmurs and threats were everywhere heard among the savages. It was
evident that the first moment of exposure would subject the troops to
some manifestation of their disappointment and resentment.
Among the chiefs were several who, although they shared the general
hostile feeling of their tribe towards the Americans, yet retained a
personal regard for the troops at this post and for the few white
citizens of the place. These chiefs exerted their utmost influence to
allay the revengeful feelings of the young men, and to avert their
sanguinary designs, but without effect.
On the evening succeeding the council Black Partridge, a conspicuous
chief, entered the quarters of the commanding officer.
"Father," said he, "I come to deliver up to you the medal I wear. It was
given me by the Americans, and I have long worn it in token of our
mutual friendship. But our young men are resolved to imbrue their hands
in the blood of the whites. I cannot restrain them, and I will not wear
a token of peace while I am compelled to act as an enemy."