CHAPTER I {p. 11}

ANTHROPOLOGY

_and Modern Life_

_By_

Franz Boas, Ph.D.

Professor of Anthropology, Columbia University

NEW YORK

W · W · NORTON & COMPANY, INC

_Publishers_

Copyright, 1928

W · W · NORTON & COMPANY, INC.

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

FOR THE PUBLISHERS BY THE VAN REES PRESS

Contents {p. v}

CHAPTER PAGE

I. WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY? 11

Anthropology treats of man as a member of a social

group--Pure and applied anthropology.

II. THE PROBLEM OF RACE 18

Significance of the term “Race”--Overlapping of racial

types--Subjective existence of types--Racial heredity and

family lines--Inbred and heterogeneous types--Functional

differences between individuals of the same bodily

form--Environmental influences upon bodily form--Races

considered from an evolutionary viewpoint--Relation between

the size of the brain and intelligence--Man as a domesticated

form--Physiological and mental differences between

races--Difficulty of distinguishing between hereditary and

environmental conditions--Significance of intelligence

tests--Tests of American Negroes--Relative importance of

cultural experience and racial descent--Racial descent

disregarded by ethnologists.

III. THE INTERRELATION OF RACES 62

Race consciousness--Open and closed societies--Race a type

of closed society--Intermingling of races--Conditions under

which race antipathies break down.

IV. NATIONALISM 78

Confusion between the terms “Race” and “Nationality”--Mixed

descent of European nations--Language as basis of national

groupings--Culture and political organization as basis of

nationality--Fictitious groupings based on distant relation

of speech--Increase in size of political units--Early

development of tribal units--Decrease in feeling of

difference between tribal groups--The function of nationalism.

V. EUGENICS 102

Effects of selection--Effect of environment and

heredity--General degeneracy--Selection for development

of specific qualities--Social effects of eugenic

legislation--Elimination of the unfit--Dangers of eugenic

procedure.

VI. CRIMINOLOGY 120

Criminals as a class--Criminals as defectives--Social

conditions and crime--Relative importance of hereditary and

environmental factors.

VII. STABILITY OF CULTURE 131

Acceleration of cultural development--Periodicity of the

rate of change--Automatic habits--Relation between material

inventions and automatic habits--The relation between

language and thought--Actions are more stable than their

interpretations--Stability of patterns of thought--Negative

effect of automatism--Intolerance--Independence.

VIII. EDUCATION 164

Phenomena of growth and development--Influence of

heredity--Development of functions--Retardation and

acceleration--Comparison of sexes--Application of

generalized observations to the establishment of

educational standards--Racial characteristics--Cases in

which standards are applicable--Prediction of individual

development--Generalized standards are not applicable to

individuals--Cultural effects of education--Effect of

education upon mental freedom--Conflicts in educational

aims--Effect of education upon crises in the life of the

individual--The cultural outlook of classes--Cultural outlook

of educated class--Cultural outlook of the masses.

IX. MODERN CIVILIZATION AND PRIMITIVE CULTURE 198

Applicability of anthropology--Valuation of different

cultural aims--Objective study must be based on different

cultures--Anthropology an historic science--Prediction

of development of culture impossible--Primitive

cultures as historic growths--General social

laws--Progress in inventions and knowledge--Stability

of moral ideas--Progress in ethical behavior--Progress

in social organization--Leadership--Position of

woman--Marriage--Property--Is the direction of

cultural development predetermined?--Culture not

superorganic--Geographic and economic determinism.

REFERENCES 237

CHAPTER I {p. 11}

WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY?

Anthropology is often considered a collection of curious facts,

telling about the peculiar appearance of exotic people and describing

their strange customs and beliefs. It is looked at as an entertaining

diversion, apparently without any bearing upon the conduct of life of

civilized communities.

This opinion is mistaken. More than that, I hope to demonstrate that a

clear understanding of the principles of anthropology illuminates the

social processes of our own times and may show us, if we are ready to

listen to its teachings, what to do and what to avoid.

To prove my thesis I must explain briefly what anthropologists are

trying to do.

It might appear that the domain of anthropology, of “the science of

man,” is preoccupied by a whole array of sciences. The anthropologist

who studies bodily form is confronted by the anatomist who has spent

centuries in researches on the gross form and minute structure of the

human body. The physiologist and the psychologist devote themselves to

inquiries into the functioning of body and {12} mind. Is there, then,

any justification for the anthropologist to claim that he can add to

our fund of knowledge?

There is a difference between the work of the anthropologist and

that of the anatomist, physiologist, and psychologist. They deal

primarily with the typical form and function of the human body and

mind. Minor differences such as appear in any series of individuals are

either disregarded or considered as peculiarities without particular

significance for the type, although sometimes suggestive of its rise

from lower forms. The interest centers always in the individual as a

type, and in the significance of his appearance and functions from a

morphological, physiological or psychological point of view.

To the anthropologist, on the contrary, the individual appears

important only as a member of a racial or a social group. The

distribution and range of differences between individuals, and the

characteristics as determined by the group to which each individual

belongs are the phenomena to be investigated. The distribution of

anatomical features, of physiological functions and of mental reactions

are the subject matter of anthropological studies.

It might be said that anthropology is not a single science, for

the anthropologist presupposes a knowledge of individual anatomy,

physiology and {13} psychology, and applies this knowledge to groups.

Every one of these sciences may be and is being studied from an

anthropological point of view.

The group, not the individual, is always the primary concern of the

anthropologist. We may investigate the distribution of size of body

as measured by weight or stature in a racial or social group. The

individual interests us only as a member of the group. We inquire

into determinant factors and the manner of their action in the group.

The relation between the composition of the social group and the

distribution of individual statures interests us. The physiologist

may study the effect of strenuous exercise upon the functions of the

heart. The anthropologist will investigate the interrelation between

social conditions that make for strenuous exercise in a group and

the physiological behavior of its members. The psychologist may

study the intellectual or emotional behavior of the individual. The

anthropologist will investigate the social or racial conditions that

determine the behavior as distributed in the group.

The individual develops and acts as a member of a racial or a social

group. His bodily form is determined by his ancestry and by the

conditions under which he lives. The functions of the body, while

controlled by bodily build, depend upon social conditions. If the

people live by choice or necessity on an exclusive meat diet, their

bodily {14} functions will differ from those of other groups of the

same build that live on a purely vegetable diet; or, conversely,

different racial groups that are nourished in the same way may show a

certain parallelism in physiological behavior. The mental reactions of

the Indians of the western plateaus, a people of simple culture, differ

from those of the ancient Mexicans, a people of the same race, but of

more complex organization.

The phenomena of anatomy, physiology and psychology are amenable

to an individual, non-anthropological treatment, because it seems

theoretically possible to isolate the individual and to formulate the

problems of the variation of form and function in such a way that

the social or racial factor is apparently excluded. This is quite

impossible in all basically social phenomena, such as economic life,

social organization of a group, religious ideas and art.

The psychologist may try to investigate the mental processes of

artistic creation. Although the processes may be fundamentally the same

everywhere, the very act of creation implies that we are not dealing

with the artist alone as a creator but also with his reaction to the

culture in which he lives and that of his fellows to the work he has

created.

The economist who tries to unravel economic processes _must_ operate

with the social group, not {15} with individuals. The same may be

said of the study of social organization. It is possible to treat

social organization from a purely formal point of view, to demonstrate

by careful analysis the fundamental concepts underlying it. For the

anthropologist this is the starting point for a consideration of the

dynamic effects of such organization as manifested in the life of the

individual and of the group.

The linguist may study the form of language, the “norm” of linguistic

expression at a given time and the mechanical processes that give

rise to phonetic changes; the psychological attitude expressed in

language; and the conditions that bring about changes of meaning. The

anthropologist is more deeply interested in the social aspect of the

linguistic phenomenon, in language as a means of communication and in

the interrelation between language and culture.

In short, when discussing the reactions of the individual to his

fellows we are compelled to concentrate our attention upon the society

in which he lives. In all these cases we cannot treat the individual

as an isolated unit. He must be studied in his social setting, and the

question is relevant whether generalizations are possible by which

a functional relation between generalized social data and the forms

and expression of individual life can be discovered; in other words,

whether any {16} generally valid laws exist that govern the life of

society.

A scientific inquiry of this type is concerned only with the

interrelations between the observed phenomena, in the same way as

physics and chemistry are interested in the forms of equilibrium and

movement of matter, as they appear to our senses. The question of the

usefulness of the knowledge gained is entirely irrelevant. The interest

of the physicist and chemist centers in the development of a complete

understanding of the intricacies of the outer world. A discovery has

value only from the point of view of shedding new light upon the

general problems of these sciences. The applicability of experience

to technical problems does not concern the physicist. What may be

of greatest value in our practical life does not need to be of any

interest to him, and what is of no value in our daily occupations may

be of fundamental value. The only valuation of discoveries that can

be admitted by pure science is their significance in the solution of

general abstract problems.

While this standpoint of pure science is applicable also to social

phenomena, it is easily recognized that these concern our own selves

much more immediately, for almost every anthropological problem touches

our most intimate life.

The course of development of a group of children {17} depends upon

their racial descent, the economic condition of their parents and their

general well-being. A knowledge of the interaction of these factors may

give us the power to control growth and to secure the best possible

conditions of life for the group. All vital and social statistics are

so intimately related to policies to be adopted or to be discarded that

it is not quite easy to see that the interest in our problems, when

considered from a purely scientific point of view, is not related to

the practical values that we ascribe to the results.

It is the object of the following pages to discuss problems of modern

life in the light of the results of anthropological studies carried on

from a purely analytical point of view.

For this purpose it will be necessary to gain clarity in regard to

two fundamental concepts: race and stability of culture. These will be

discussed in their proper places.

Anthropology and modern life · 第 1 / 9 章