CHAPTER IV

THE ARGUMENT WRITTEN OUT

49. The Brief and the Argument. If your brief is thoroughly worked

out, and based on a careful canvass of the evidence, the work on your

argument ought to be at least two thirds over. The last third, however,

is not to be slighted, for on it will largely depend your practical

results in moving your readers. Even a legal argument rarely goes to the

court on a written brief alone; and the average reader will never put

himself to the effort of reading through and grasping such a brief as we

have been planning here. Furthermore, if your complete argument is

merely a copying out of the brief into consecutive sentences and

paragraphs, you will get few readers. The making of the brief merely

completes what may be called the architectural part of your labors; the

writing of an argument will use all the skill you have in the choice of

words and putting them together.

We saw in Chapter I that argument has two kinds of appeal to its reader:

on the one hand, through its power of convincing it appeals to his

reason; on the other, through its persuasive power it appeals to his

feelings and his moral and practical interests. Of these two kinds of

appeal the convincing power is largely determined by the thoroughness of

the analysis and the efficiency of the arrangement, and therefore in

large part hangs on the work done in making the brief; the persuasive

power, on the other hand, though in part dependent on the line of

attack laid out in the brief and the choice of points to argue, is far

more dependent on the filling in of the argument in the finished form.

Even the severest scientific argument, however, is much more than the

bare summary of the line of thought which would be found in a brief; and

in an argument like the speeches in most political campaigns a brief of

the thought would leave out most of the argument. Wherever you have to

stir men up to do things you have only begun when you have convinced

their reason.

50. The Introduction of the Argument. Much depends on the first

part of your argument, the introduction. Its length varies greatly, and

it may differ largely in other ways from the introduction to your brief.

If the people you are trying to convince are familiar with the subject,

you will need little introduction; a brief but clear statement of

fundamentals will serve the purpose. For such an audience it is chiefly

important to make the issues stand out, so that they shall see perfectly

distinctly the exact points on which the question turns. Then the sooner

you are at work on the business of convincing them, the better. In such

arguments the introduction will perhaps not differ greatly in substance

from the introduction to the brief, though it must be reduced to

consecutive and agreeable form. At the other extreme is such an argument

as that of Huxley's (p. 233), where he had to prepare the way very

carefully lest the prejudice against a revolutionary and unfamiliar view

of the animate world should close the minds of his hearers against him

before he was really started. Accordingly, before getting through with

his introduction he expounded not only the three hypotheses between

which the choice must be made, but also the law of the uniformity of

nature and the principles and nature of circumstantial evidence. Where

one shall stop between these two extremes is a question to be decided in

the individual argument.

One thing, however, it is almost always wise to do; indeed, one would

not go far wrong in prescribing it as a general rule: that is, to state

with almost bald explicitness just how many main issues there are, and

what they are. In writing an argument it is always safe to assume that

most of your readers will be careless readers. Few people have the gift

of reading closely and accurately, and of carrying what they have read

with any distinctness. Therefore make it easy for your readers to pick

up and to carry your points. If you tell them that you are going to make

three points or five, they are much more likely to remember those three

or five points than if they have to pick them out for themselves as they

go along. Huxley, perhaps the ablest writer of scientific argument in

the language, constantly practiced this device. In his great argument on

evolution, he says (see p. 235): "So far as I know, there are only three

hypotheses which ever have been entertained, or which well can be

entertained, respecting the past history of nature"; and then, as will

be seen, he takes up each in turn, with the numbering "first," "second,"

and "third." In the same way in his essay "The Physical Basis of Life"

he says, not far from the beginning, "I propose to demonstrate to you

that, notwithstanding these apparent difficulties, a threefold

unity--namely, a unity of power or faculty, a unity of form, and a unity

of substantial composition--does pervade the whole living world." Burke,

in his great speech "On Conciliation with America," said, "The capital

leading questions on which you must this day decide are two: first,

whether you ought to concede; and secondly, what your concession ought

to be."

It is hardly too much to say that those writers whose sense of style is

most developed are most likely to state the issues with the baldest and

most direct precision.

The statement of the issues will bring out the importance of closely

limiting the number of main issues. There are few subjects of argument

which do not conceivably touch the interests and beliefs of their

audiences in many directions; but out of these aspects some obviously

count far more than others. If in your introduction you try to state all

these issues, small and great, you will surely leave confusion behind

you. Very few people are capable of carrying more than three or four

issues distinctly enough to affect their judgment of the whole case; and

even of these some will not take the trouble to do so. If you can simmer

down the case to one or two or three critical points, you are making a

good start toward winning over the minds of your readers.

A good statement of the history of the case is apt to be a useful and

valuable part of an introduction, especially for arguments dealing with

public policies. If you remind readers of what the facts have been, you

can more easily make clear to them the present situation from which you

make your start. An argument for raising or lowering the tariff on some

article would be apt to recount the history of the tariff so far as it

concerned that article, and the progress in importing it and

manufacturing it within the country. In writing out the argument from

the brief on page 90 one would almost inevitably include the recent

history of the city government.

In general it is best to make this preliminary statement of the history

of the case scrupulously and explicitly impartial. An audience is likely

to resent any appearance of twisting the facts to suit the case; and if

on their face they bear against your contentions, it is wiser to

prepare for your argument in some other way. There are more ways of

beginning an argument than by a statement of facts; and resource in the

presentation of a case goes a long way toward winning it.

It is often wise to state your definitions with care, especially of

terms which are at the bottom of your whole case. The definition from

Bagchot on page 58 is a good example. Here is the beginning of an

address by President Eliot, in 1896, on "A Wider Range of Electives in

College Admission Requirements":

As usual, it is necessary to define the subject a little. "A wider range

of electives in college admission requirements." What field are we

thinking of when we state this subject? If we mean the United States,

the range of electives is already very large. Take, for example, the

requirements for admission to the Leland Stanford University. Twenty

subjects are named, of very different character and extent, and the

candidate may present any ten out of the twenty. Botany counts just as

much as Latin. There is a wide range of options at admission to the

University of Michigan, with its numerous courses leading to numerous

degrees; that is, there is a wide range of subjects permissible to a

candidate who is thinking of presenting himself for some one of its many

degrees. If we look nearer home, we find in so conservative an

institution as Dartmouth College that there are three different degrees

offered, with three different assortments of admission requirements, and

three different courses within the college. I noticed that at the last

commencement there were forty-one degrees of the old-fashioned sort and

twenty-seven degrees of the newer sorts given by Dartmouth College. Here

in Harvard we have had for many years a considerable range of electives

in the admission examinations, particularly in what we call the advanced

requirements. We therefore need to limit our subject a little by saying

that we are thinking of a wider range of admission electives in the

Eastern and Middle State colleges, the range of electives farther west

being already large in many cases.[54]

Professor William James, in his essay "The Will to Believe," in which he

argues that it is both right and unavoidable that our feelings shall

take part in the making of our faiths, begins with a careful definition

and illustration of certain terms he is going to use constantly.

Next, let us call the decision between two hypotheses an option. Options

may be of several kinds. They may be (1) _living_ or _dead_; (2) _forced_

or _avoidable_; (3) _momentous_ or _trivial_; and for our purposes we

may call an option a _genuine_ option when it is of the forced, living,

and momentous kind.

1. A living option is one in which both hypotheses are live ones. If I

say to you, "Be a theosophist or be a Mohammedan," it is probably a dead

option, because for you neither hypothesis is likely to be alive. But if

I say, "Be an agnostic or be a Christian," it is otherwise: trained as

you are, each hypothesis makes some appeal, however small, to your

belief.

2. Next, if I say to you, "Choose between going out with your umbrella

or without it," I do not offer you a genuine option, for it is not

forced. You can easily avoid it by not going out at all. Similarly, if I

say: "Either love me or hate me," "Either call my theory true or call it

false," your option is avoidable. You may remain indifferent to me,

neither loving nor hating, and you may decline to offer any judgment as

to my theory. But if I say, "Either accept this truth or go without it,"

I put you on a forced option, for there is no standing place outside of

the alternative. Every dilemma based on a complete logical disjunction,

with no possibility of not choosing, is an option of this forced kind.

3. Finally, if I were Dr. Nansen and proposed to you to join my North

Pole expedition, your option would be momentous; for this would probably

be your only similar opportunity, and your choice now would either

exclude you from the North Pole sort of immortality altogether or put at

least the chance of it into your hands. He who refuses to embrace a

unique opportunity loses the prize as surely as if he tried and failed.

_Per contra_ the option is trivial when the opportunity is not unique,

when the stake is insignificant, or when the decision is reversible if

it later prove unwise. Such trivial options abound in the scientific

life. A chemist finds an hypothesis live enough to spend a year in its

verification: he believes in it to that extent. But if his experiments

prove inconclusive either way, he is quit for his loss of time, no vital

harm being done.

It will facilitate our discussion if we keep all these distinctions well

in mind.[55]

In some arguments the working out of the definitions of a few principal

terms may occupy much space. Matthew Arnold, a famous critic of the last

generation, wrote as an introduction to a volume of selections from

Wordsworth's poems an essay with the thesis that Wordsworth is, after

Shakespeare and Milton, the greatest poet who has written in English;

and to establish his point he laid down the definition that "poetry is

at bottom a criticism of life; that the greatness of a poet lies in his

powerful and beautiful application of ideas to life--to the question,

How to live." To the development of this definition he gave several

pages, for the success of his main argument lay in inducing his readers

to accept it.

Many legal arguments are wholly concerned with establishing definitions,

especially in those cases which deal with statute law. The recent

decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the Corporation

Tax cases and the Standard Oil Case are examples: in each of these what

was at issue was the exact meaning of the words used in certain statutes

passed by Congress. In the common law, too, there are many phrases which

have come down from past centuries, the meanings of which have been

defined again and again as new cases came up. We have seen (p. 63) how

careful definition the word "murder" may need. "Malice aforethought" is

another familiar instance: it sounds simple, but when one begins to fix

the limits at which sudden anger passes over into cool and deliberate

enmity, or how far gone a man must be in drink before he loses the

consciousness of his purposes, even a layman can see that it has

difficulties.

In such cases as these a dictionary definition would be merely a

starting point. It may be a very useful starting point, however, as in

the following extract from an article by Mr. E.P. Ripley, president of

the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe Railway Company, on "The Railroads

and the People":

There is one point regarding this matter that many forget: this is that

in all affairs there are two kinds of discrimination. There is the kind,

which, as the dictionary expresses it, "sets apart as being different,"

which "distinguishes accurately," and there is the widely different kind

which "treats unequally." in all ordinary affairs of life we condemn as

"undiscriminating" those who have so little judgment or fairness as not

to "distinguish accurately" or "set apart things that are

different"--who either treat equally things that are unequal, or treat

unequally things that are equal. Now, when the railway traffic manager

"sets apart things that are different," and treats them differently, he

simply does what it is the duty of every one to do.[56]

Then he goes on to develop this definition by showing the facts on which

it has to bear.

On the other hand do not bore your readers with dictionary definitions

of words whose meaning no one doubts; that is a waste of good paper for

you, and of good time for them; and we have seen in Chapter II the

futility of the dictionary for cases in which there is real disagreement

over the meaning of a word.

It will be seen, then, that the analysis you have made in preparation

for the brief may spread out large or small in the argument itself. It

is wise, therefore, to look on the work done for the introduction to the

brief as work done largely to clear up your own thought on the subject;

when you come to writing out the argument itself, you can go back to the

introduction to the brief, and see how much space you are now going to

give it.

In a college or school argument you will usually follow it rather

closely; and you do well to do so, for you will thus fix in your mind a

useful model. But when you get out into the world, you will have to

consider in each case the needs and prepossessions of the particular

audience. Here as everywhere in the argument you must exercise judgment;

there is no formula which will fit all cases. The scheme of analysis of

the case which has been expounded in Chapter II has stood the test as

the best means yet found of exploring a subject and insuring clarity of

thought and certainty of attack;[57] but I know of no single fixed scheme

for the argument itself which will not be racked apart by the first half

dozen practical arguments you apply it to.

51. The Body of the Argument. In the main body of the argument the

difference from the brief will be largely a matter of expansion: the

brief indicates the evidence, the argument states it at length. Here

again you cut your argument to fit your audience and the space at your

command. In an argument in the editorial of a newspaper, which is rarely

longer than a long college theme, there is little space for the

statement of evidence. In Webster's argument in the White Murder Case,

which has some thirteen thousand words and which must have taken two

hours or more to deliver, the facts are studied in minute detail. Most

people are surprised to see the way in which a full statement of

evidence eats up space; if the facts are at all complicated, they must

be analyzed and expounded one by one and their bearing on the case laid

out in full. This necessity of using space in order to make facts clear

is the reason why it is so hard to find adequate and convincing

arguments which will print in less than fifteen or twenty pages. The

trouble with a swift and compact argument like that of Macaulay's on the

authorship of the _Junius Letters_ (see p. 155) is that unless you have

gone into the question for yourself, you do not know whether to accept

the stated facts or not. If you do accept them, the conclusion is

inevitable; but if you happen to know that scholars have long held the

decision doubtful, you want to know more about the facts in detail

before surrendering to Macaulay's conclusion. For an average reader

to-day, who knows little of the facts, this argument would have to be

greatly expanded.

In this expansion comes the chance for all the skill in exposition that

you can muster, and for that subtle appeal to your readers' feelings

which lies in vividness and precision of phrasing, considerations with

which I will deal separately further on. Questions of proportion of

space we may consider here.

The only rule that can be laid down for the distribution of your space

is to use your sagacity, and all your knowledge of your subject and of

your audience. In a written argument you have the advantage that you can

let your pen run on your first draft, and then go back and weigh the

comparative force of the different parts of the argument, and cut out

and cut down until your best points for the purpose have the most space.

In a debate the same end is gained by rehearsals of the main speeches;

in the rebuttal, which is best when it is spontaneous, you have to trust

to the judgment gained by practice.

Other things being equal, however, brevity carries an audience. If you

can sum up your case in half the time that it takes the other side to

state theirs, the chances are that your audience will think you have the

right of it. Above all, beware of boring your readers by too exhaustive

explanation of details or of aspects of the case which they care nothing

about. I suppose there is no one of us who has not a worthy friend or

two who will talk through a whole evening on whether a lawn should be

watered in the evening or the early morning, or whether the eighth hole

on the golf course should not be fifty yards longer. One must not be

like the man who in the discussion of bimetallism a few years ago used

to keep his wife awake at night expounding to her the iniquities and

inequalities of a single standard. It is safer to underestimate than to

overestimate the endurance and patience of your audience.

52. The Refutation. The place of the refutation will, as we have

seen in the chapter on planning (see p. 82), vary greatly with the

argument and with the audience. Its purpose is to put out of the way as

effectively as possible the main points urged by the other side. In an

argument of fact this is done both by exposing weak places in the

reasoning and by throwing doubt on the facts cited, either through proof

that they are contradicted by better evidence, or that the evidence

brought forward to establish them is shaky or inconclusive. In an

argument of policy the points on the other side are met either by

throwing doubt on the facts on which they rest, or by showing that the

points themselves have not coercive force.

Where there are really strong points on the other side, in either kind

of argument, it is often sound policy to admit their strength. This is

especially true in arguments of policy where the advantages are closely

balanced. If you are trying to convince a boy that he should go to your

college rather than to another, you do not gain anything by telling him

that the other college is no good; if he is worth gaining over he will

know better than that. And in general if you have given a man to

understand that there is nothing to be said for the other side, and he

afterwards finds that there are strong grounds for it, your argument

will have a fall in his estimation.

In the manner of your refutation lean towards the side of soberness and

courtesy. It has been said that the poorest use you can put a man to is

to refute him; and it is certain that in the give and take of argument

in active life the personal victories and defeats are what are soonest

forgotten. If after a while you have to establish a fact in history or

in biology, or to get a verdict from a jury or a favorable report from

the committee of a legislature, you will think a good deal more about

the arguments of your opponents than about them personally. There are

few arguments in which you can afford to take no notice of the strong

points of the other side; and where the burden of proof is strongly with

you, your own argument may be almost wholly refutation; but it is

always worth bearing in mind that if it is worth while for you to be

arguing at all, there is something, and something of serious weight, to

be said on the other side.

53. The Conclusion. The conclusion of your argument should be short

and pointed. Gather the main issues together, and restate them in terms

that will be easy to remember. Mere repetition of the points as you made

them in your introduction may sound too much like lack of resource; on

the other hand, it helps to make your points familiar, and to drive them

home. In any event make your contentions easy to remember. Most of us go

a long way towards settling our own minds on a puzzling question when we

repeat to some one else arguments that we have read or heard. If you can

so sum up your argument that your readers will go off and unconsciously

retail your points to their neighbors, you probably have them. On the

other hand, when you have finished your argument, if you start in to

hedge and modify and go back to points that have not had enough emphasis

before, you throw away all you have gained. In arguing nothing succeeds

like decision and certainty of utterance. Even dogmatism is better than

an appearance of wabbling. It is the men like Macaulay, who see

everything black and white with no shades between, who are the leaders

of the world's opinion. Sum up, then, wherever it is decent to do so, as

if there were only one side of the case, and that could be stated in

three lines.

54. The Power of Convincing. The convincing power of an argument

depends on its appeal to the reason of its readers. To put the same fact

in another way, an argument has convincing power when it can fit the

facts which it deals with smoothly and intelligently into the rest of

the reader's experience. If an argument on a complicated mass of facts,

such as the evidence in a long murder case, makes the reader say, "Yes,

now I see how it all happened," or an argument for the direct election

of United States senators makes him say, "Yes, that is a plain working

out of the fundamental principles of popular government," then he is

convinced. In this aspect argument merges into exposition. It is

significant that, as has already been noted, Matthew Arnold's argument

that Wordsworth is the greatest English poet after Shakespeare and

Milton, and Huxley's argument that the physical basis of animal and

plant life is the same, are both used in a book of examples of

exposition.[58] The essential difference between argument and exposition

from this point of view lies in the emphasis: normally an explanation

covers the whole case evenly; an argument throws certain parts and

aspects of the case into relief.

If, therefore, to be convincing, your argument must provide a reasonable

explanation of the whole state of affairs to which the case belongs, you

can use all the devices there are for clear and effective explanation. I

will therefore briefly review a few of these.

Of the value of an introduction which lays out the ground to be covered

I have already spoken. The more distinct an idea you can implant in your

readers' minds of the course you are going to follow in your argument,

the more likely they will be to follow it. Since the success of your

argument hangs on carrying them with you on the main issues, let them

know beforehand just what those issues are, and in such a way that they

can hold them with a minimum of effort. The value of a clear and, as it

were, maplike introduction is even greater in an argument than in an

exposition.

In the second place, use your paragraphing for all that it is worth, and

that is a great deal. The success of any explanation or argument springs

from the way in which it takes a mass of facts apart, and rearranges

them simply and perspicuously; and there is no device of composition

which helps so much towards clearness as good paragraphing. Accordingly

when you come to make your final draft, make certain that each paragraph

has unity. If you have any doubts see if you can sum up the paragraph

into a single simple sentence. Then look at the beginnings of the

paragraphs to see whether you have made it easy for your readers to know

what each one is about. Macaulay's style is on the whole clearer and

more effective for a general audience than that of any other writer in

English; and his habit of beginning each paragraph with a very definite

announcement of its subject is almost a mannerism. Incidentally there is

no better rough test of the unity of your paragraphs than thus to give

them something of the nature of a title in the first sentence. Often,

too, at the end of an important paragraph it is worth while to sum up

its essence in pithy form. Mankind in general is lazy about thinking,

and more than ready to accept an argument which is easy to remember and

repeat. The end of a paragraph is the place for a catchword.

In the third place, bind the sentences in your paragraphs together. When

one is building up a first draft, and picking facts from a variety of

sources, it is inevitable that the result shall be somewhat disjointed.

In working over the first draft, really work it over, and work it

together. Make all the sentences point the same way. Pronouns are the

most effective connectives that we have; therefore recast your

sentences so that there will be as little change of subject as possible.

Then use the explicit connectives in as much variety as you can. It is

not likely that you will make your paragraphs too closely knit for the

average reader.

In the fourth place, bind your argument together as a whole by

connectives at the beginnings of the paragraphs and by brief summarizing

paragraphs. In the present generation of schoolboys a good many have

groaned over Burke's speech "On Conciliation with America"; but if the

first time that one of these sufferers must make an argument in real

earnest, he will go back to Burke for some of the devices used to bind

that argument together, he will be surprised to see how practically e

efficient those devices are. And none of them counts more for clarity

and thoroughness than the conscientious way in which Burke took his

hearers by the hand at the beginning of each paragraph, and at each turn

in his argument, to make sure that they knew just how they were passing

from one point to another.

From the doctrine of clear explanation, then, we may carry over to the

making of clear arguments the habit of laying out the ground at the

beginning, of making the paragraphs do their full work by attending to

unity, to emphasis, and to coherence, and of binding the paragraphs

together into a closely knit whole.

55. The Power of Persuading. Finally, we have to consider the

question of how an argument can be made persuasive--probably the most

difficult subject in the range of rhetoric on which to give practical

advice. The key to the whole matter lies in remembering that we are here

dealing with feelings, and that feelings are irrational and are the

product of personal experience. The experience may be bitter or sweet,

and to some degree its effects are modified by education; but in

substance your feelings and emotions make you what you are, and your

capacities in these directions were born with you. If the citizens of a

town have no feeling about political dishonesty, reformers may talk

their throats out without producing any result; it is only when taxes

get intolerable or the sewers smell to heaven that anything will be

done. Many people die for whose deaths each of us ought to feel grief,

but if these people have never happened to touch our feelings, we can

reason with ourselves in vain that we should feel deeply grieved.

Feeling and emotion are the deepest, most primitive part of human

nature; and very little of its field has been reduced to the

generalizations of reason.[59]

When you come, therefore, in the making of your argument to the point of

stirring up the feelings of your readers on the subject, do not waste

any time in considering what they ought to feel: the only pertinent

question is what they do feel. On your shrewdness in estimating what

these feelings are, and how strong they are, will hang your success as

an advocate. Tact is the faculty you need now--the faculty of judging

men, of knowing when they will rise to an appeal, and when they will lie

back inert and uninterested. This is a matter you cannot reason about;

if you have the faculty it will be borne in on you how other men will

feel on your subject. The skill of politicians, where it does not

confine itself to estimating how much the people will stand before

rebelling, consists in this intuition of the movement of public opinion;

and the great leaders are the men who have so sure a sense of these

large waves of popular feeling that they can utter at the right moment

the word that will gather together this diffused and uncrystallized

feeling into a living force. Lincoln's declaration, "A house divided

against itself cannot stand, I believe that this government cannot

endure permanently half slave and half free," brought to a head a

conflict that had been smoldering ever since the adoption of the

Constitution, and made him the inevitable leader who was to bring it to

a close. It will be noticed, however, that the time had to come before

the inspired word could make its appeal. The abolitionists and

antislavery men had long been preaching the same doctrine that Lincoln

uttered, and the folly and wickedness of slavery had been proved by

philosophers and preachers for generations. Until the time grows ripe

the most reasonable doctrine does not touch the hearts of men; when the

time has ripened, the leader knows it and speaks the word that sets the

world on fire for righteousness.

The same faculty, on a smaller scale, is needed by every one of us who

is trying to make other people do anything. The actual use of the

faculty will vary greatly, however, with different kinds of arguments.

In certain kinds of scientific argument any attempt at persuasion as

such would be an impertinence: whether heat is a mode of motion, whether

there are such infinitesimal bodies as the ions which physicists of

to-day assume to explain certain new phenomena, whether matter consists

of infinitesimal whirls of force--in all such questions an argument

appeals solely to the reason; and in such Bacon's favorite apophthegm

has full sway, Dry light is ever the best. In Huxley's arguments for the

theory of evolution feeling had some share, for when the theory was

first announced by Darwin some religious people thought that it cut at

the foundations of their faith, and Huxley had to show that loyalty to

truth is a feeling of equal sanctity to scientific men: hence there is

some tinge of feeling, though repressed, in his argument, and a definite

consciousness of the feelings of his audience.

At the other extreme are the arguments where the appeal to feelings is

everything, since it is clear that the audience is already of the

speaker's way of thinking. Examples of such arguments are most apt to be

found in speeches in political campaigns and in appeals for money to

help forward charities of all kinds. It is probable that most of the

conversions in political matters are through reading; consequently the

purpose of the speeches is to stir up excitement and feeling to such a

heat that the maximum of the party voters will take the trouble to go

out to the polls. Arguments directed to this class, accordingly, are

almost wholly appeals to feeling. The famous debate between Lincoln and

Douglas in 1858 was of this character; of the thousands of people who

heard them in one or another of the seven debates most had taken sides

already. In such a case as this, however, where a change in general

political opinion was impending, the reasoning of the debates had more

force than in ordinary times, and probably helped many voters to a

clearer view of a very distressing and harassing situation. Between

times, however, in politics, where there are no great moral or practical

differences between parties, the purpose of speeches is almost wholly

persuasive. Success one way or another is a question of getting out the

voters who more or less passively and as a matter of habit hold to the

party. Party speakers, accordingly, use every device to wake up their

voters, and to make them believe that there is a real crisis at hand.

Every attempt is made to attach moral issues to the party platforms, and

to show how the material prosperity of the voters will fail if the

other party wins.

Roughly, therefore, we may say that persuasion tends to play a small

part in arguments of facts, and a larger part in questions of policy.

This is a rough generalization only, for every one knows what eloquence

and efforts at eloquence go into the arguments before juries in capital

cases, and how dry and abstract are the arguments before the judges on

points of law, or on questions of public policy in books of political

economy. But in the long run, the less feeling enters into decisions of

questions of fact, the better.

Of the factors which make for the persuasiveness of an argument I will

speak here of three--clearness of statement, appeal to the practical

interests of the audience, and direct appeal to their feelings.

There can be no doubt that clearness of statement is a powerful element

in making an argument persuasive, though the appeal that it makes to the

feelings of the readers is slight and subtle. In practice we mostly read

arguments either to help make up our minds on a subject or to get aid in

defending views for which we have no ready support. In the latter case

we do not need to be persuaded; but in the former there can be no

question that an argument which clears up the subject, and makes it

intelligible where before it was confusing, does have an effect on us

over and above its aid to our thought.

56. The Practical Interests of the Audience. Of directly persuasive

power, however, are the other two factors--the appeal to the practical

interests of readers, and the appeal to their emotions. Of these the

appeal to practical interests has no proper place in arguments on

questions of fact, but a large and entirely proper share in most

arguments of policy. Henry Ward Beecher's speech on the slavery issue in

the Civil War, before the cotton operatives of Liverpool,[60] is a

classic example of the direct appeal to the practical interests of an

audience. They were bitterly hostile to the North, because the supplies

of cotton had been cut off by the blockade; and after he had got a

hearing from them by appealing to the English sense of fair play, he

drove home the doctrine that a slave population made few customers for

the products of English mills. Then he passed on to the moral side of

the question.

Arguments on almost all public questions--direct election of senators,

direct primaries, commission form of government, tariff, currency,

control of corporations, or, in local matters, the size of a school

committee, the granting of franchises to street railroads or water

companies, the laying out of streets, the rules governing parks--are all

questions of policy in which the greatest practical advantage to the

greatest proportion of those who are interested is the controlling force

in the decision. At particular times and places moral questions may

enter into some of these questions, but ordinarily we come to them to

settle questions of practical advantage.

In arguments on all such questions, therefore, the direct appeal to the

practical interests of the people you are addressing is the chief factor

that makes for persuasiveness. Will a change to a commission form of

government make towards a reduction of taxes and towards giving greater

and more equitably distributed returns for those that are levied? Will

the direct primary for state officers make it easier and surer for the

average citizen of the state to elect to office the kind of men he wants

to have in office? Will a central bank of issue, or some institution

like it, establish the business of the country on a basis less likely to

be disturbed by panics? Will a competing street-car line make for better

and cheaper transportation in the city? In all such questions the only

grounds for decision are practical, and founded in the prosperity and

the convenience of the people who have the decision.

To make arguments in such cases persuasive you must show how the

question affects the practical interests of your readers, and then that

the plan which you support will bring them the greatest advantage.

Generalities and large political truths may help you to convince them;

but to persuade them to active interest and action you must get down to

the realities which touch them personally. If you are arguing for a

commission government in your city on the ground of economy, show in

dollars and cents what portion of his income the owner of a house and

lot worth five or ten thousand dollars pays each year because of the

present extravagance and wastefulness. If you can make a voter see that

the change is likely to save him ten or twenty-five or a hundred dollars

a year, you have made an argument that is persuasive. The arguments for

the reformation of our currency system are aimed directly at the

material interests of the business men of the country and their

employees; and the pleas for one or another system attempt to show how

each will conduce to the greater security and profit of the greatest

number of people.

To make such arguments count, however, you must deal in concrete terms.

A recent argument[61] for the establishment of a general parcels post in

this country presents figures to show that for the transportation of a

parcel by express at a rate of forty-five cents, the railroad gets

twenty-two and one-half cents for service which it could do at a

handsome profit for five cents. Of the validity of these figures I have

no means of judging; but the effectiveness of the argument lies in its

making plain to each of its readers a fact which touches his pocket

every time he sends a parcel by express. It is this kind of argument

that has persuasiveness, for the way we spend our money and what we get

for it come close home to most of us. Of all practical interests those

of the purse are of necessity the most moving for all but the very rich.

Money interests, however, are far from being the only practical

interests which concern us: there are many matters of convenience and

comfort where an individual or a community is not thinking of the cost.

Such questions as what kind of furnace to set up, whether to build a

house of brick or of cement, which railroad to take between, two cities,

are questions that draw arguments from other people than advertising

agents. Of another sort are questions that concern education. What

college shall a boy go to; shall he be prepared in a public school, or a

private day school, or a boarding school? Shall a given college admit on

certificate, or demand an examination of its own? Shall a certain public

school drop Greek from its list of studies; shall it set up a course in

manual training? All these are examples of another set of questions that

touch practical interests very closely. In arguments on such questions,

therefore, if you are to have the power of persuading and so of

influencing action, you must get home to the interests of the people you

are trying to move. The question of schools is very different for a boy

in a small country village and for one in New York City; the question

of admission is different for a state university and for an endowed

college; the question of Greek is different for a school which sends few

pupils on to college and for one which sends many: and in each case if

you want to influence action, you must set forth facts which bear on the

problem as it faces that particular audience. Except perhaps for the

highest eloquence, there is no such thing as universal persuasiveness.

The questions which actively affect the average man usually concern

small groups of people, and each group must be stirred to action by

incentives adapted to its special interests.

57. The Appeal to Moral Interests. Still further from the interests

that touch the pocket, and constantly in healthy and elevating action

against them, are the moral interests. The appeal to moral motives is

sometimes laughed at by men who call themselves practical, but in

America it is in the long run the strongest appeal that can be made. We

are still near enough to the men who fought through the Civil War, in

which each, side held passionately to what it believed to be the moral

right, for us to believe without too much complacency that moral forces

are the forces that rule us as a nation. Mr. Bryan and Mr. Roosevelt

have both been called preachers, and the hold they have had on great,

though differing, parts of the American people is incontestable. If any

question on which you have to argue has a moral side, it is not only

your duty, but it is also the path of expediency, to make appeal through

the moral principle involved.

The chief difficulty with making an appeal to moral principles is to set

them forth in other than abstract terms, since they are the product of a

set of feelings which lie too deep for easy phrasing in definite words.

In most cases we know what is right long before we can explain why it is

right; and a man who can put into clear words the moral forces that move

his fellows is a prophet and leader of men. Moreover, it must be

remembered when one is appealing to moral principles that upright men

are not agreed about all of them, and there is even more doubt and

disagreement when one comes to the practical application of the

principles. We have seen in Chapter I what bitter division arose in our

fathers' time over the right and the righteousness of slavery; and how

in many states to-day good and God-fearing people are divided on the

question of prohibition.

But even where the two sides to a question agree on the moral principle

which is involved, it by no means follows that they will agree on its

application in a particular case. Church members accept the principle

that one must forgive sinners and help them to reform; but it is another

thing when it comes to getting work for a man who has been in prison, or

help for a woman who has left her husband. How far is the condoning of

offenses consistent with maintaining the standards of society? And in

what cases shall we apply the principle of forgiveness? In a business

transaction how far can one push the Golden Rule? Life would be a

simpler matter if moral principles were always easy to apply to concrete

cases.

One must use the appeal to moral principles, therefore, soberly and with

discretion. The good sense of readers will rebel if their moral sense is

called on unnecessarily; and even when they cannot explain why they

believe such an appeal unsound, yet their instincts will tell them that

it is so. The creator whose right hand is always rising to heaven to

call God to witness disgusts the right feeling of his audience. On the

other hand, where moral principles are really concerned there should be

no compromise. If in a political campaign the issue is between honesty

and graft in the public service, or between an open discussion of all

dealings which touch the public good, and private bargaining with party

managers, the moral principles cannot be kept hidden. If a real moral

principle is seriously involved in any question, the debate must rise to

the level of that principle and let practical considerations go. And

every citizen who has the advantage of having had more education than

his fellows is thereby placed under obligation to hold the debate to

this higher level.

58. The Appeal of Style. Finally, we have to consider the appeal to

the emotions, which is the distinguishing essence of eloquence, and the

attempts at it. In part this appeal is through the appeal to principles

and associations which are close to the heart of the audience, in part

through concrete and figurative language, in part through the

indefinable thrill and music of style which lies beyond definition and

instruction.

The appeal to venerated principle we have considered already, looked at

from the side of morals rather than of emotions. But morality, so far as

it is a coercive force in human conduct, is emotional; our moral

standards lie beyond and above reason in that larger part of our nature

that knows through feeling and intuition. All men have certain standards

and principles whose names arouse strong and reverent emotions. Such

standards are not all religious or moral in the stricter sense; some of

them have their roots in systems of government. In a case at law, argued

purely on a question of law, there does not seem much chance for the

appeal to feeling; but Mr. Joseph H. Choate, in his argument on the

constitutionality of the Income Tax of 1894, before the Supreme Court

of the United States, made the following appeal to the principle of the

sanctity of private property, and the words he used could not have

failed to stir deep and strong feelings in the court.

No longer ago, if the Court please, than the day of the funeral

procession of General Sherman in New York, it was my fortune to spend

many hours with one of the ex-Presidents of the United States, who has

since followed that great warrior to the bourne to which we were then

bearing him. President Hayes expressed great solicitude as to the future

fortunes of this people. In his retirement he had been watching the

tendency of political and social purposes and events. He had observed

how in recent years the possessors of political power had been learning

to use it for the first time for the promotion of social and personal

ends. He said to me, "You will probably live to see the day when in the

case of the death of any man of large wealth the State will take for

itself all above a certain prescribed limit of his fortune and divide

it, or apply it to the equal use of all the people, so as to punish the

rich man for his wealth, and to divide it among those who, whatever may

have been their sins, at least have not committed that." I looked upon

it as the wanderings of a dreaming man; and yet if I had known that

within less than five short years afterwards I should be standing before

this tribunal to contest the validity of an alleged act of Congress, of

a so-called law, which was defended here by the authorized legal

representatives of the Federal Government upon the plea that it was a

tax levied only upon classes and extremely rich men, I should have given

altogether a different heed and ear to the warnings of that

distinguished statesman.[62]

Our emotions do not rise, however, anymore surely in the case of our

veneration for the basal principles of religion and government than in

that of more personal emotions. The appeal to the Constitution is worn

somewhat threadbare by the politicians who call on it at every election,

small or great, as is the appeal to the principles of the Pilgrim

Fathers. It takes eloquence now to rouse our feelings about these

principles. If you have a case important enough to justify appeal to

such great principles and the skill in language to give your appeal

vitality, you may really arouse your readers. But, on the whole, it is

sound advice to say, Wait a few years before you call on them.

The second mode of appeal to the feelings of your audience, that through

concrete and figurative language, is more within the reach of advocates

who are still of college age. This is particularly true of the use of

concrete language. It is a matter of common knowledge that men do not

rouse themselves over abstract principles; they will grant their assent,

often without really knowing what is implied by the general principle,

and go away yawning. On the other hand, the man who talks about the real

and actual things which you know is likely to keep your attention. This

goes back to the truth that our emotions and feelings are primarily the

reaction to the concrete things that happen to us. The spontaneous

whistling and humming of tunes that indicate a cheerful heart rise

naturally as a response to the sunlight in spring; the fear at the

terror that flies in a nightmare is the instinctive and physical

reaction to indigestion; we sorrow over the loss of our own friends, but

not over the loss of some one else's. The stories that stir us are the

stories that deal with actual, tangible realities in such terms that

they make us feel that we are living the story ourselves. Stevenson has

some wise words on this subject in his essay, "A Gossip on Romance." The

doctrine holds true for the making of arguments.

Even where as in Burke's speech "On Conciliation with America,"

abstractness is not vagueness, the style would be more effective for the

richer feeling that hangs over and around a concrete vocabulary. The

great vividness of Macaulay's style, and its bold over so many readers,

is largely due to his unfailing use of the specific word. If you will

take the trouble to notice what arguments in the last few months have

seemed to you especially persuasive, you will be surprised to find how

definite and concrete the terms are that they use.

Accordingly, if you wish to keep the readers of your argument awake and

attentive, use terms that touch their everyday experience. If you are

arguing for the establishment of a commission form of government, give

in dollars and cents the sum that it cost under the old system to pave

the three hundred yards of A Street, between 12th and 13th streets. The

late Mr. Godkin of the New York _Evening Post_, in his lifelong campaign

against corrupt government, to bring home to his readers the actual

state of their city government and the character of the men who ran it,

used their nicknames; "Long John" Corrigan, for example (if there had

been such a personage); and "Bath-house John Somebody" has been a

feature of campaigns in Chicago. The value of such names when skillfully

used is that by their associations and connotation they do stir feeling.

Likewise if you are arguing before an audience of graduates for a change

from a group system to a free elective system in your college, you would

use the names of courses with which they would be familiar and the names

of professors under whom they had studied. If you were arguing for the

introduction of manual training into a school, you would make taxpayers

take an interest in the matter if you gave them the exact numbers of

pupils from that school who have gone directly into mills or other work

of the kind, and if you describe vividly just what is meant by manual

training. If your description is in general terms they may grant you

your principle, and then out of mere inertia and a vague feeling against

change vote the other way.

A rough test for concreteness is your vocabulary: if your words are

mostly Anglo-Saxon you will usually be talking about concrete things; if

it is Latinate and polysyllabic it is probably abstract and general.

Most of the things and actions of everyday life, the individual things

like "walls" and "puppies," "summer" and "boys," "buying" and "selling,"

"praying" and "singing," have names belonging to the Anglo-Saxon part of

the language; and though there are many exceptions, like "tables," and

"telephones," and "professors," yet the more your vocabulary consists of

the non-Latinate words, the more likely it is to be concrete, and

therefore to keep your readers' attention and feelings alive. Use the

simple terms of everyday life, therefore, rather than the learned words

which would serve you if you were generalizing from many cases. Stick to

the single case before you and to the interests of the particular people

you are trying to win over. To touch their feelings remember that you

must talk about the things they have feelings about.

The use of similes and metaphors and other figurative language raises a

difficult question. On the whole, perhaps the best advice about using

them is, Don't unless you have to. In other words, where a figure of

speech is a necessity of expression, where you cannot make your thought

clear and impart to it the warmth of feeling with which it is clothed in

your own mind except by a touch of imaginative color, then use a figure

of speech, if one flashes itself on your mind. If you add it

deliberately as adornment of your speech, it will strike a false note;

if you laboriously invent it the effort will show. Unless your thought

and your eagerness for your subject flow naturally and inevitably into

an image, it is better to stick to plain speech, for any suggestion of

insincerity is fatal to the persuasiveness of an argument.

The value of the figure of speech is chiefly in giving expression to

feelings which cannot be set forth in abstract words, the whole of whose

meaning can be defined: in the connotation of words--that indefinable

part of their meaning which consists in their associations,

implications, and general emotional coloring--lies their power to clothe

thought with the rich color of feeling which is the life. At the same

time, they serve as a fillip to the attention. There are not very many

people who can long keep the mind fixed on a purely abstract line of

thought, and none can do it without some effort. Professor William James

is a notable example of a writer whose thought flowed spontaneously into

necessary figures of speech:

When one turns to the magnificent edifice of the physical sciences,

and sees how it was reared; what thousands of disinterested

moral lives of men lie buried in its mere foundations; what patience

and postponement, what choking down of preference, what

submission to the icy laws of outer fact are wrought into its very

stones and mortar; how absolutely impersonal it stands in its vast

augustness,--then how besotted and contemptible seems every

little sentimentalist who comes blowing his voluntary smoke wreaths,

and pretending to decide things out of his private dream.[63]

One cannot go to sleep over a style like that, for besides the

obvious sincerity and rush of warm feeling, the vividness of

the figures is like that of poetry. On the either hand, one

must remember that it is given to few men to attain the

unstudied eloquence of Professor James.

Fables and anecdotes serve much the same purpose, but

more especially throw into memorable form the principle

which they are intended to set forth. There are a good many

truths which are either so complex or so subtle that they defy

phrasing in compact form, yet their truth we all know by intuition.

If for such a truth you can find a compact illustration,

you can leave it much more firmly fixed in your readers' minds

than by any amount of systematic exposition. Lincoln in his

Springfield speech, for example, threw into striking form the

feeling which was so common in the North, that each step

forward in the advance of slavery so fitted into all earlier ones

that something like a concerted plan must be assumed:

We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are, the

result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different

portions of which we know have been gotten cut at different times and

places and by different workmen,--Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James,

for instance,--and we see these timbers joined together, and see they

exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all the tenons and mortises

exactly fitting, and all the lengths and proportions of the different

pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too

many or too few, not omitting even scaffolding,--or, if a single piece

be lacking, we see the place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared

yet to bring such piece in,--in such a case we find it impossible not to

believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one

another from the beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft

drawn up before the first blow was struck.

On the other hand, there is the danger of being florid or of playing the

clown if you tell too many stories. Whether your style will seem florid

or not depends a good deal on the part of the country you are writing

for. There is no doubt that the taste of the South and of a good deal of

the West is for a style more varied and highly colored than suits the

soberer taste of the East. But whatever part of the country you are

writing for, just so soon as your style seems to those special readers

overloaded with ornament it will seem insincere. In the same way, if you

stop too often to tell a story or to make your readers laugh, you will

produce the impression of trifling with your subject. In both these

respects be careful not to draw the attention of your readers away from

the subject to your style.

The ultimate and least analyzable appeal of style is through that thrill

of the voice which in written style appears as rhythm and harmony.

Certain men are gifted with the capacity of so modulating their voices

and throwing virtue into their tones that whoever hears them feels an

indefinable thrill. So in writing: where sounds follow sounds in

harmonious sequence, and the beat of the accent approaches regularity

without falling into it, language takes on the expressiveness of music.

It is well known that music expresses a range of feeling that lies

beyond the powers of words: who can explain, for example, the thrill

roused in him by a good brass band, or the indefinable melancholy and

gloom created by the minor harmonies of one of the great funeral

marches, or, in another direction, the impulse that sets him to

whistling or singing on a bright morning in summer? There are many such

kinds of feeling, real and potent parts of our consciousness; and if we

can bring them to expression at all, we must do so through the rhythm

and other sensuous qualities of the style which are pure sensation.

How is that to be done? The answer is difficult, and like that

concerning the use of figurative language: do not try for it too

deliberately. If without your thinking of it you find yourself becoming

more earnest in speech, and more impressed with the seriousness of the

issue you are arguing, your voice will show it naturally. So when you

are writing: your earnestness will show, if you have had the training

and have the natural gift for expression in words, in a lengthening and

more strongly marked rhythm, in an intangibly richer coloring of sound.

In speech the rhythm is apt to be shown in what is called parallel

structure, the repetition of the same form of sentence, and in

rhetorical questions. In writing, these forms more easily tend to seem

either excited or artificial. Sustained periodic structure, too, can be

carried by the speaking voice, when it would lag if written. Every one

recognizes this incommunicable thrill of eloquence in great speakers and

writers, but it is so much a gift of nature that it is not wise

consciously to cultivate it.

59. Fairness and Sincerity. In the long run, however, nothing makes

an argument appeal more to readers than an air of fairness and

sincerity. If it is evident in an argument of fact that you are seeking

to establish the truth, or in an argument of policy that your single aim

is the greatest good of all concerned, your audience will listen to you

with favorable ears. If on the other hand you seem to be chiefly

concerned with the vanity of a personal victory, or to be thinking of

selfish advantages, they will listen to you coolly and with jealous

scrutiny of your points.

Accordingly, in making your preliminary survey to prepare the statement

of the facts that are agreed on by both sides, go as far as you can in

yielding points. If the question is worth arguing at all you will still

have your hands full to get through it within your space. In particular

waive all trivial points: nothing is more wearisome to readers than to

plow through detailed arguments over points that no one cares about in

the end. And meet the other side at least halfway in agreeing on the

facts that do not need to be argued out. You will prejudice your

audience if you make concessions in a grudging spirit. Likewise,

wherever you have, to meet arguments put forward by the other side,

state them with scrupulous fairness; if your audience has any reason to

suppose that you are twisting the assertions of the other side to your

own advantage, you have shaken their confidence in you, and thereby

weakened the persuasive force of your argument. Use sarcasm with

caution, and beware of any seeming of triumph. Sarcasm easily becomes

cheap, and an air of triumph may look like petty smartness.

In short, in writing your argument, assume throughout the attitude of

one who is seeking earnestly to bring the disagreement between the two

sides to an end. If you are dealing with a question of fact, your sole

duty is to establish the truth. If you are dealing with a question of

policy, you know when you begin that whichever way the decision goes,

one side will suffer some disadvantage; but aim to lessen that

disadvantage, and to discover a way that will bring the greatest gain to

the greatest number. An obvious spirit of conciliation is a large asset

in persuasion.

With the conciliation make clear your sincerity. A chief difficulty with

making arguments written in school and college persuasive is that they

so often deal with subjects in which it is obvious that the writer's own

feelings are not greatly concerned. This difficulty will disappear when

you get out into the world, and make arguments in earnest. A great part

of Lincoln's success as an advocate is said to have been due to the fact

that he always tried to compose his cases and to make peace between the

litigants, and that he never took a case in which he did not believe. If

you leave on your audience the impression that you are sincere and in

earnest, you have taken a long step towards winning over their feelings.

On the whole, then, when one is considering the question of persuasion,

the figure of speech of a battle is not very apt. It is all very well

when you are laying out your brief to speak, of deploying your various

points, of directing an attack on your opponent's weakest point, of

bringing up reserve material in rebuttal; but if the figure gets you

into the way of thinking that you must always demolish your opponent,

and treat him as an enemy, it is doing harm. If you will take the

trouble to follow the controversies which are going on in your own city

and state over public affairs, you will soon see that in most of them

the two sides break even, so far as intelligence and public-spiritedness

go. In every transaction there are two sides; and the president of a

street railroad may be as honest and as disinterested in seeking to get

the best of the bargain for his road as the representatives of the city

are in trying to get the best of it for the public. There is no use

going into a question of this sort with the assumption that you are on a

higher moral plane than the other side. In some cases where a moral

issue is involved there is only one view of what is right; if honesty is

in the balance, there can be no other side. But, as we have seen, there

are moral questions in which one must use his utmost strength for the

right as he sees the right, and yet know all the time that equally

honest men are fighting just as hard on the other side. No American who

remembers the case of General Robert E. Lee can forget this puzzling

truth. Therefore, unless there can be no doubt of the dishonesty of your

opponent, turn your energies against his cause and not against him; and

hold that the proper end of argument is not so much to win victories as

to bring as many people as possible to agreement.

EXERCISES

1. Compare the length of the introductory part of the argument of the

specimens at the end of this book; point out reasons for the difference

in length, if you find any.

2. Find two arguments, not in this book, in which the main points at

issue are numbered.

3. Find an argument, not in this book, in which a history of the case is

part of the introduction.

4. Find an argument, not in this book, in which the definitions of terms

occupy some space.

5. In the argument on which you are working, what terms need definition?

How much space should the definitions occupy in the completed argument?

Why?

6. In the argument on which you are working, how much of the material in

the introduction to the brief shall you use in the argument itself? Does

the audience you have in mind affect the decision?

7. How do you intend to distribute your space between the main issues

you will argue out?

8. How much will explanation enter into your argument?

9. Find an argument, not in this book, in which the explanation chiefly

makes the convincing power.

10. In which of the arguments in this book does explanation play the

smallest part?

11. Examine five consecutive paragraphs in Huxley's argument on

evolution, or _The Outlook_ argument on the Workman's Compensation Act,

from the point of view of good explanation.

12. Find two examples of arguments, not in this book, whose chief

appeal is to the feelings.

13. Find an argument, not in this book, which is a good illustration of

the power of tact.

14. Name an argument which you have read within a few months which made

a special impression on you by its clearness.

15. Find an argument in the daily papers, on local or academic affairs,

which makes effective appeal to the practical interests of its audience.

Analyze this appeal.

16. Name three subjects of local and immediate interest on which you

could write an argument in which you would appeal chiefly to the

practical interests of your readers.

17. Name two current political questions which turn on the practical

interests of the country at large.

18. Name two public questions now under discussion into which moral

issues enter. Do both sides on these questions accept the same view of

the bearing of the moral issues?

19. Find an argument, not in this book, in which the eloquence of the

style is a distinct part of the persuasive power.

20. What do you think of the persuasive power of Burke's speech "On

Conciliation with America"? of its convincing power?

21. Find an argument, not in this book, in which the concreteness of the

language adds to the persuasive power.

22. Find two examples, not in this book, of apt and effective figures of

speech in an argument.

23. Find an example of an apt anecdote or fable used in an argument.

24. In Lincoln's address at Cooper Institute, what do you think of his

attitude towards the South as respects fairness?

25. In the argument on which you are at work, what chance would there be

of inducing agreement between the two sides?

The Making of Arguments · 第 5 / 7 章