CHAPTER XXVIII. MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.

MOZART'S relations to his father, which had hitherto, one may say,

filled his whole mental life to a most uncommon degree,

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(312)

had been seriously affected by his marriage. It was not till after long

opposition that Leopold Mozart voluntarily, although most unwillingly,

gave his consent, and how deeply he was wounded will appear from the

answer he made to a conciliatory letter addressed to him by the Baroness

Waldstädten (August 23, 1783):--

I thank your ladyship most heartily for the interest you are pleased

to take in my affairs, and more especially for your ladyship's

extraordinary kindness in celebrating so handsomely my son's

wedding-day.[1] When I was a young fellow I imagined that those were

philosophers who spoke little, laughed seldom, and maintained a surly

demeanour towards all the rest of mankind. But my own experience has now

fully convinced me that I am myself a philosopher without knowing it;

I have done my duty as a father--have made the clearest and most

comprehensible statements in many letters--and I am convinced that he

knows my painful circumstances, made doubly so by my advanced age and

unworthy position in Salzburg--he knows that I am sacrificed

{L. MOZART'S DISAPPOINTED HOPES.}

(313)

morally and physically by his behaviour--and there now remains no

resource to me but to leave him (as he has so willed it) to himself, and

to pray the Almighty to bestow my paternal blessing on him, and not to

withdraw His Divine mercy. As to myself, I will endeavour to preserve

what remains of my native cheerfulness, and still to hope for the

best.[2]

Putting ourselves in the place of Leopold Mozart, we must acknowledge

that his reproaches and misgivings were in some respects well founded;

but, nevertheless, he went too far in that he could not make up his mind

to recognise his son's independence, and gave way to a bitterness of

feeling which made him hard and unjust, and which, unhappily, was never

altogether effaced from his heart. Wolfgang, on the contrary, betrayed

no shadow of resentment--his love and reverence for his father

remained the same to the end, unabated by unsparing and often unjust

fault-finding. If his letters were less frequent or shorter than

formerly he had ample excuses to offer, either of illness or the

numerous occupations and distractions which were unavoidable in his

position.[3] When, for any of these reasons, customary congratulations

were neglected, an apology was sure to follow--for instance (January

4, 1783): "We both thank you heartily for your New Year's wishes, and

willingly acknowledge ourselves stupid blockheads for having forgotten

our duty in this respect; being so far behindhand, we will dispense

altogether with a New Year's wish, only offering you our general

every-day wish, and so let it pass." Being quite convinced that his

Constanze could not fail to impress his father and sister favourably,

and that personal acquaintance would efface all unpleasant feeling, he

was very anxious to

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(314)

take her to Salzburg as soon as possible. But many difficulties came in

the way, for which his father did not always make due allowance. Mozart

was particularly desirous of passing his father's fête-day in Salzburg

(November 15,1782), but the time was too short for him. He had promised

to play at a concert for Fraulein Aurnhammer on November 3, and he must

be in Vienna again at the beginning of December, that being the best

season for lessons and concerts; to these objections might be added

the impassable state of the roads, and such severe cold as rendered

it undesirable to travel with his wife. In short, the journey must

be postponed until the spring; in spring, however, the approaching

confinement of his wife again put it out of the question. At the last

moment Mozart invited his father to stand godfather (June 7, 1783):--

I had no idea that the joke would so soon turn into earnest, and

therefore postponed falling on my knees, clasping my hands and humbly

begging you, my dearest father, to stand godfather to my child. But as

there may still be time for it, I do so now. Nevertheless, in sure hope

that you will not refuse my request, I have taken care that in case of

need somebody shall stand at the font in your name. Whether the child

shall be _generis masculini or feminini!_ it is to be called Leopold or

Leopoldine.

Soon after the birth of the child,[4] however, at the end of July, 1783,

they actually set out. Mozart and some of his friends had misgivings

lest the Archbishop should seek to detain him in Salzburg, because he

had never received any formal dismissal from service--"for a priest is

capable of anything." With this idea, he proposed a meeting in Munich,

but his father appears to have reassured him.[5]

Before Mozart was married, he had "made a vow in his heart" that, if he

succeeded in bringing Constanze to Salzburg, he would compose a mass to

be performed there. "A proof of the sincerity of this vow," he wrote to

his father (January 4, 1783), "is afforded by the score of the half of

{VISIT TO SALZBURG, 1783.}

(315)

my mass, which is laying before me in full hope of completion." He took

with him to Salzburg only the Kyrie, Gloria, Sanctus, and Benedictus,

composed on a scale of great splendour (427 K.). The missing movements

were probably supplied from an older mass, and the whole was rehearsed

at the Kapellhaus on August 23, and performed at St. Peter's church

(the Archbishop having apparently refused the cathedral) on August 25,

Mozart's wife taking the soprano part.[6]

Mozart was not by any means idle during this visit to Salzburg. The

revival of Italian opera had suggested to him to look about for a

libretto for an opera buffa, and even before he came to Salzburg he

had entered into negotiations with Varesco through his father. Varesco

declaring himself quite ready, it only needed the visit to Salzburg to

concert the plan of the opera, "L'Oca del Cairo." Varesco prepared a

detailed account of the plot, and carried out the first act in full;

Mozart set himself with equal zeal to its composition, and took back to

Vienna a sketch of part of the act. We shall have to do later with the

fate of this opera.

At the same time he found leisure for a service of love to Michael

Haydn. Hadyn had been ordered by the Archbishop to compose some duets

for violin and tenor, perhaps for his special use, but owing to a

violent illness, which incapacitated him for work during a lengthened

period, he was unable to finish them at the time appointed; the

Archbishop thereupon threatened to deprive him of his salary. When

Mozart heard of the difficulty he at once undertook the work, and,

visiting Haydn daily, wrote by his bedside to such good purpose that the

duets were soon completed and handed over to the Archbishop in Hadyn's

name.[7]

These two duets (423, 424, K.) show no signs of hasty composition, but

are worked out with evident affection, partly no doubt from desire to

do credit to himself and his friend, but partly also from the interest

which the difficulties of the

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(316)

task presented. There is no small amount of art required to give the

clear-cut outline and well-defined divisions which are essential in

works of this kind, and yet to bestow full attention on light and shade

and delicate touches of detail. The art consists chiefly in the free

disposition of parts, which is partly imitative (where independent

movement is necessary) and so managed as also to bestow an original and

striking character on the passages which form the accompaniment. This

is all the more striking because the limited number of parts only

occasionally gives scope for full harmonies, the effect of which must be

attained by means of skilful adjustment. It is a task requiring all

the resources of art and genius to employ the stiff monotony of broken

chords, and at the same time to gratify the sense of hearing by such a

sense of harmony as can only be given by the absolutely free play of the

different parts. This task is here accomplished with as much ease as

was compatible with the limited means at disposal. Variety in form

is carefully provided for. The first Duet in G major consists of a

broadly-designed allegro, a short, beautiful adagio, and an animated,

but more than usually serious rondo; in the second, in B flat major, a

light allegro is introduced by a short adagio; then follows an adagio

in the form of a Siciliana, and the conclusion is made by very graceful

variations. The melodies and harmonies are free and original, the

composition is broad, fresh and lively, and a multitude of delicate

touches betray the master's hand. Michael Haydn treasured the original

as a memorial both of artist and friend, and Mozart himself set

considerable store by the work.

Mozart found several new inmates in his father's house. "My son is in

Vienna, and intends to remain there," writes L. Mozart to Breitkopf

(April 29, 1782); "I have therefore arranged that two pupils shall

reside with me for their education, viz., the son, twelve years of age,

and the daughter, fourteen, of Herr Marchand, theatrical manager in

Munich. I hope to make a great violinist and pianist of the boy, and

a great singer and pianiste of the girl." These pupils were joined by

another of nine years old, Johanna Brochard, daughter of the celebrated

actress, who profited by L.

{VISIT TO SALZBURG, 1783.}

(317)

Mozart's instruction during 1783 and 1784.[8] Wolfgang took a lively

interest in all this youthful talent. He says of Margarethe Marchand,

whom he met afterwards in Munich as Frau Danzi (October 31, 1783): "Her

grimaces and affectations are not always pleasant. Only blockheads would

be taken in by them. I myself would rather have the most boorish manners

than such exaggeration of coquetry." According to what we hear of her

performances afterwards, she must have followed good advice and altered

her style.[9]

Wolfgang took great interest in her brother Heinrich, and sent him word

(December 6, 1783) that he had spoken in his favour both at Linz and

Vienna. "Tell him to rely chiefly on his staccato; for that is the only

way in which he can avoid comparison with La Motte at Vienna." There

was also in Salzburg at that time the blind pianiste, Marie Thérèse

Paradies, who was an acquaintance of L. Mozart, and now became known

also to Wolfgang,[10] who afterwards wrote a concerto for her (Vol. II.,

p. 288). But the object of Mozart's visit, which lay nearest his heart,

was the establishment of friendly relations between his wife and his

father and sister; and this unfortunately in great measure failed. A

superficial friendship seems to have resulted from the visit; but there

are many indications that neither the father nor sister felt attracted

by Constanze. Mozart appears to have been aggrieved that his wife was

not presented with any of the trinkets that had been given him in his

youth.[11] This trait is characteristic as a proof that Leopold Mozart

thought himself justified in showing in the plainest manner disapproval

of his son's marriage, and of the wife he had chosen; and it can

scarcely be wondered at that Constanze, conscious of the want of

anything like sympathy in her husband's family, should not have

encouraged his sense of dependence on their advice and opinions. But

this sense was too deeply implanted in his heart to be ever altogether

eradicated; and his letters, though not so

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(318)

frequent as formerly, continued to the end to breathe the same spirit

of childlike love and reverence. After a stay of almost three months

the young couple returned home. Mozart sends his father the following

account of their journey from Linz:--

We arrived here safely yesterday, October 30, at nine o'clock in the

morning. We passed the first night at Böcklbruck. The following forenoon

we arrived at Lambach, and I was just in time to accompany the Agnus Dei

of the office on the organ. The "Herr Prälat" [who had received Mozart

kindly in 1767] was very delighted at seeing me again. We remained there

the whole day, and I played on the organ and a clavichord. I heard that

at Ebersperg, on the following day, Herr Steurer was to give an operatic

performance at which all Linz would be present, so I determined to

proceed there at once. Young Count Thun (brother to the Thun at Vienna)

called on me, and said that his father had been expecting me for the

last fortnight, and that I was to stay with him. The next day, when we

arrived at the gate of Linz, we were met by a servant to conduct us to

the residence of old Count Thun. I cannot say enough of the politeness

with which we are overwhelmed. On Tuesday, November 4, I shall give a

concert in the theatre here, and as I have not a single symphony with

me, I am writing one for dear life to be ready in time. My wife and I

kiss your hands, and beg your forgiveness for having troubled you during

so long a time; once more we thank you heartily for all the favours we

received from you.[12]

What symphony it was which Mozart composed at Linz cannot be exactly

ascertained. Holmes conjectures that it may be a Symphony in C major

(425 K., score 6), which, according to Niemetschek, was dedicated to

Count Thun; this fact would support the conjecture. André, however,

believes that the unprinted Symphony in G major (444 K.) may be the one

composed in Linz, the more so as the score is in Mozart's handwriting

only as far as the first half of the andante, and has then been

completed by a copyist; this is very probable because Mozart, in order

to gain time, only wrote out the parts of the last half, as was

his custom when in haste. The smaller orchestra also, the narrower

dimensions and the lighter character of this symphony, all point to it

as the one in question; that in C major is more

{SYMPHONY COMPOSED FOR LINZ, 1783.}

(319)

striking and important both in style and treatment. Nevertheless the

two symphonies both belong to the same time and style, and indicate in

a curious way a transition in Mozart's instrumental music; the positive

influence of Haydn's symphonies is nowhere so clearly apparent as

in these two works. The very fact that in both cases the allegro is

preceded by a pathetic, somewhat lengthy adagio is very significant;

this is a well-known arrangement of Haydn's, but was only exceptionally

made use of by Mozart. The same influence is visible everywhere; in the

lively, rapid, and brilliant character of the whole, in the effort to

please and amuse by humorous turns and unexpected contrasts of every

kind in the harmonies, in the alternations of _f_ and _p_, and in the

instrumental effects. A remarkable instance of this is the andante of

the Symphony in G major. The very theme, the simple bass, the triplet

passage for the second violin, then the minor with the figure in

the bass, and the sharp accentuation, are all completely Haydn-like

features. The counterpoint of the finale of both symphonies reminds us

of Haydn's manner.[13] It need scarcely be said, however, that there

is no trace of servile imitation in either work, and that Mozart's

originality asserts itself here as elsewhere. A comparison of the

Symphony in E flat major (543 K., composed June 26, 1788) shows also

many more points of resemblance to Haydn's style than other works of the

same date; but Mozart's individuality is here so overpowering as to have

given its distinguishing stamp to these very features.

The fact that Mozart wrote a symphony within the course of a few days

will excite no surprise; it is worthy of note that during his stay in

Linz he copied an "Ecce Homo" which made a great impression on him, for

his wife, with the inscription "Dessiné par W. A. Mozart, Linz, ce 13

Novembre, 1783; dédié ä Madame Mozart son épouse"; she

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(320)

preserved it as a proof "that he had some talent for drawing," as she

wrote to Härtel (July 21, 1800).

In the year 1785 Leopold Mozart returned the visit of his son and

daughter-in-law, and remained their guest from February 10 to April 25.

He convinced himself that their income ought to be more than sufficient

for the support of the household, and took great delight in his second

grandchild Carl, now six months old, "a healthy, lively, merry child."

But on the whole he appears to have been dissatisfied with his visit,

and very little inclined to accede to Wolfgang's wish that he should

take up his residence with them in Vienna.[14] His pleasure in his son's

performance and admiration of his genius were as great as they had

ever been. During the whole of his visit, one concert followed close on

another, and Wolfgang was engaged almost as a matter of course for them

all; his father took equal pride in his playing and his compositions.

At one concert Wolfgang played the splendid concerto he had composed

for Paradies (456 K.). "I had a very good box," writes his father

to Marianne, "and could hear every gradation of the instruments so

perfectly, that the tears came to my eyes for very joy"--so thoroughly

did the old man appreciate and relish artistic beauty. The day after his

father's arrival, Mozart invited Haydn to a quartet party at his house.

On such occasions Mozart, who in later years discontinued his practice

of the violin, usually took the tenor part. Kelly tells of a quartet

party at Storace's, when Haydn took the first violin, Dittersdorf the

second, Mozart tenor, and Van-hall violoncello--a cast unique of its

kind.[15] L. Mozart writes to his daughter:--

They played three of the new quartets, those in B flat, A, and C major

(458, 464,465 K.). They are perhaps a little easier than the other

three,

{L. MOZART'S VISIT TO VIENNA, 1785.}

(321)

but admirable compositions. Herr Haydn said to me: "_I assure you

solemnly and as an honest man, that I consider your son to be the

greatest composer of whom I have ever heard; he has taste, and possesses

a thorough knowledge of composition._"

L. Mozart knew the value of such an opinion from such a man; it afforded

him a confirmation of his faith, and of the conviction to which he had

sacrificed the best powers of his life. Such a testimony to his son's

genius was the father's best reward, and one of the brightest spots of

his life. L. Mozart obtained much credit also through his pupil Heinrich

Marchand, who accompanied him, and played with great success at several

concerts.

Nor were other entertainments and enjoyments altogether wanting. He

heard Aloysia Lange, whose beautiful voice had once been a source of

anxiety to him, in Gluck's "Pilgrims of Mecca" and in Grétry's "Zemire

and Azor" (her favourite part): "She sang and played admirably on both

occasions." He visited the Baroness Waldstädten, whose acquaintance had

gratified him so much, in the convent of Neuburg, where she was then

staying; but we do not hear anything of the future course of their

friendship.

It is an important fact, and one of grave significance in the case of

a man of L. Mozart's tone of mind and thought, that he was led by his

son's influence to enter the order of Freemasonry. The strong national

feeling which existed in him, side by side with devotion to the

tenets of his church, regulating his conception of moral duties, and

influencing all his critical judgments, makes it conceivable that he

should seek for enlightenment through an association which numbered

among its members some of the most considerable and highly esteemed of

his friends. I am not aware how far he was satisfied by the disclosures

made to him, nor whether he remained an active member of the order after

his return to Salzburg; his daughter saw grounds for believing that

his subsequent correspondence with Wolfgang turned mainly on topics

connected with Freemasonry. From Vienna Leopold Mozart travelled by way

of Munich, where he had a pleasant visit, back to Salzburg. There he

found awaiting him an announcement from his gracious master

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(322)

that, as he had already exceeded his six weeks' leave of absence, if he

did not report himself before the middle of May, "no salary should be

paid to him until further notice." We can enter into the complaints he

made to his daughter of the dulness of his life in Salzburg. He never

saw his son again. A faint hope, expressed to Marianne (September 16,

1785), that Wolfgang, not having written for a considerable time, meant

to surprise him with a visit, was not fulfilled; he himself, accompanied

by Heinrich Marchand, paid a flying visit to Munich in February, 1787,

but did not go on to Vienna. His paternal pride was gratified by the

intelligence of Wolfgang's brilliant success in Prague; and he did not

neglect to inform his daughter when Pater Edmund, who had been on a

visit to Vienna, declared on his return that Wolfgang had the reputation

of being the first of living musicians (February 3, 1786). He watched

with anxious sympathy over the course of his son's worldly affairs, but

refused with consistent severity any substantial support, the right

to which Wolfgang had clearly forfeited by his independent attitude;

paternal advice, in its most unsparing form, was always at his service.

Leopold Mozart transferred to his daughter the tenderness and active

participation which was now denied to him in his intercourse with his

distant son. Thus he remained to the end true to his principles, but not

untouched by the weakness and suffering of old age; he answers one of

Marianne's anxious inquiries after his health (February 24, 1787):--

An old man must not expect anything like perfect health; he is always

failing, and loses strength just as a young man gains it. One must

just patch oneself up as long as one can. We may hope for a little

improvement from the better weather now. You will, of course, find me

very much thinner, but, after all, that is of no consequence.

He had still a pleasure to come in the visit of the Storaces and Kelly;

Mdlle. Storace had packed up Wolfgang's letter intrusted to her so

carefully, that she could not get at it, but verbal intercourse with

such intimate friends of his son must have been ample compensation for

this. Soon afterwards he fell ill, on hearing which Wolfgang wrote as

follows (April 4, 1787):--

{ILLNESS AND DEATH OF L. MOZART, 1787.}

(323)

I have this moment heard what has quite overwhelmed me--all the more

since your last letter allowed me to imagine that you were quite

well--and now I hear that you are really ill! How earnestly I long for

reassuring news from your own hand, I do not need to tell you, and I

confidently hope for it, although I have learnt to make it my custom to

imagine the worst of everything. Since death (properly speaking) is the

true end of life, I have accustomed myself during the last two years to

so close a contemplation of this, our best and truest friend, that he

possesses no more terrors for me; nothing but peace and consolation! and

I thank God for enabling me to discern in death the _key_ to our true

blessedness. I never lie down in bed without remembering that perhaps,

young as I am, I may never see another day; and yet no one who knows me

can say that I am melancholy or fanciful. For this blessing I thank God

daily, and desire nothing more than to share it with my fellow men. I

wrote to you on this point in the letter which Mdlle. Storace failed to

deliver _ä propos_ of the death of my dearest friend Count von Hatzfeld;

he was thirty-one--just my own age; I do not mourn for him, but for

myself, and all those who knew him as I did. I hope and pray that even

as I write this you may be already better; but if, contrary to all

expectation, this should not be the case, I conjure you by all that we

hold most sacred, not to hide the truth from me, but to write at once,

in order that I may be in your arms with the least possible delay. But

I hope soon to receive a reassuring letter from yourself, and in this

hope,

I, with my wife and Carl, kiss your hands a thousand times, and am

ever,--Your most dutiful son.

This letter puts the seal on the beautiful, genuinely human relations

existing between the father and son; in the presence of death, they

stand face to face like men, calm in the assurance that true love and

earnest efforts after truth and goodness reach beyond the limits of our

earthly existence. Leopold Mozart apparently recovered from this attack,

and wrote to his daughter on May 26, that he should expect her and her

family to spend Whitsuntide with him; but this pleasure was denied to

him. On May 28, 1787, a sudden death[16] ended the career of a man

who had accomplished, by means of a singular union of shrewdness and

industry, of love and severity, the difficult task of educating a child

of genius into an artist.

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(324)

The personal relationships which resulted from Mozart's marriage not

only affected his mental and social condition, but had also considerable

influence on him as a composer; it is indispensable therefore to take

them into account in any consideration of his artistic career.

His relations with his mother-in-law were, as might have been expected,

unfavourable enough at first. She did not indeed live in the same house

with them, as Mozart writes for his father's consolation (August 31,

1782);[17] but even at the second visit which he paid her with his wife,

she scolded and disputed until Constanze was reduced to tears, and they

resolved in consequence only to visit her on family fête-days. This

state of affairs was afterwards improved, since we can well understand

that it was impossible for a man of Mozart's genial and loving nature

to keep up offence. "Mozart and our late mother became more and more

attached to each other," writes Sophie Haibl. "He used often to come

running to our house with little packets of coffee and sugar, saying as

he handed them out: 'Here, mamma dear, take a little _Jause_' (afternoon

coffee). He never came to us empty-handed." Constanze's youngest

sister, Sophie, was in very frequent intercourse with them; her sister's

constant illness rendered her help in nursing, which she was always most

willing to bestow, quite invaluable; and during Mozart's last illness

we find her constant in attendance at his bedside. Mozart's intercourse

with Aloysia Lange and her husband[18] seems to have been friendly and

unembarrassed. The Langes did not live happily together, and though

Lange himself laid the blame upon backbiters,[19] it was notorious that

their disunion arose from his unreasonable jealousy, a jealousy for

which his wife had

{MOZART AND MADAME LANGE.}

(325)

far more cause than he.[20] But as far as Mozart was concerned Lange's

jealousy must have been unprovoked, or he would hardly have taken the

part of Pierrot in the pantomime already noticed (Vol. II., p.

304), allowing his wife to play Columbine to Mozart's Harlequin. She

acknowledged later that, as a young girl, she had under-estimated

Mozart's genius, and she learnt to look upon his music with admiration

and reverence, and upon himself with friendship and esteem.[21] We find

many indications in the letters of friendly intercourse between the

Mozarts and the Langes. It was natural, therefore, that they should have

afforded each other professional help whenever opportunity arose.

On April 10, 1782, Mozart composed a song (383 K.)[22] for his

sister-in-law, the words of which show it to have been intended for a

benefit performance by way of farewell:--

Nehmt meinen

Dank, ihr holden Gonner

So feurig als mein

Herz ihn spricht.

Whether Madame Lange was about to leave Vienna on a tour, or had merely

come to the end of an engagement, I cannot say. The composition (in G

major) takes the form of a ballad in two verses, and is very simple,

easy and pleasing. Original features are not wanting, as for instance,

suspensions and transition notes on an organ point, which even modern

musicians would find piquant. The accompaniment is easy, but delicate;

the stringed instruments play _pizzicato_ throughout, a device not often

employed by Mozart; the flutes, oboe, and bassoon, employed as solo

instruments, but without any bravura, enliven the simple design. In the

following year (January 8) he composed a Rondo (416 K., part 1), "Mia

speranza adorata," which she first sang at a concert at the Mehlgrube;

the distinguishing qualities of this song are delicacy and tenderness;

it depends for effect more upon a sympathetic delivery than on the

compass and

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(326)

executive powers of the singer. In March of the same year, Madame Lange

and Mozart mutually supported each other at their concerts.

After the revival of the Italian opera, it often happened that Mozart

was requested to compose detached pieces for insertion. When, in 1783,

Anfossi's opera of "Il Curioso Indiscreto," composed in 1778, was

represented, Madame Lange and Adamberger, who, as German singers, had to

contend with much opposition, knew that they could not fail to make an

effect in music of Mozart's composition, and begged him to write two

songs for their _début_. He was, as ever, quite ready to grant their

request; but he had yet to learn that even in Italian opera he could

not assert his claims without opposition. We have his own account in a

letter to his father (July 2, 1783):--

The opera was given the day before yesterday, Monday; none of it pleased

except my two songs, and the second, a bravura song, was encored. But

you must know that my enemies were ill-natured enough to spread about

beforehand that Mozart had undertaken to correct Anfossi's opera. I

heard of this, and sent word to Count Rosenberg that

I would not produce the songs unless the following notice in German and

Italian was printed in the opera-book: "Notice.--The two songs, page 36

and page 102, are composed, not by Signor Anfossi, but by Herr Mozart,

at the desire of Madame Lange. This announcement is made out of respect

and consideration for the fame of the celebrated Neapolitan composer."

This was done, and I handed over the songs, which did as much credit to

myself as to my sister-in-law.[23] So my enemies are caught in their own

trap! Now I must tell you of one of Salieri's tricks, which did not hurt

me so much as poor Adamberger. I think I wrote to you that I had also

composed a rondo for Adamberger. At one of the early rehearsals, before

the rondo was ready, Salieri called Adamberger aside, and told him that

Count Rosenberg was not pleased at the idea of his inserting a song, and

he should advise him as a friend to abandon it. Adamberger, exasperated

against Rosenberg, answered with a stupid display of ill-timed pride: "I

flatter myself that Adamberger's fame is so well established in Vienna

that he has no need to seek the favour of the public by songs written on

purpose for him; I shall sing what is in the

{ARIE FOR ALOYSIA LANGE.}

(327)

opera, and never insert any song as long as I live." And what was the

consequence? Why, that he made no effect at all, and now repents, but

too late; for, if he were to come to me to-day for the rondo, I would

not give it to him. I can use it very well in one of my own operas.

But what most provokes him is that my prophecy and his wife's turns out

correct, viz., that neither Count Rosenberg nor the manager knew a word

of the affair, so that he was simply tricked by Salieri.

Adamberger might certainly have made a brilliant display of his powers

in the song (420 K., part 8) "Per pietä non ricercata."[24] It is broad

in design, and affords the singer opportunities for a display of

voice, delivery, and execution; it maintains a certain dignity of tone

throughout. A very effective use is made of the wind instruments; and

a comparison of their full satisfying sound with that of the wind

instruments in the song quoted (Vol. II., pp. 232, 233) will show how

closely connected in a true work of art are the tone-colouring of the

instruments and the nature and development of the motifs.

The first of Madame Lange's two songs, "Vorrei spiegarvi, oh Dio!" (418

K.), was composed on June 20, and is broad in outline, the first slow

movement in especial being delicately elaborated in detail. It expresses

the painful hesitatation of a mourner who would fain express her grief,

but dares not; and this idea is well expressed by the broken phrases of

the voice part, leaving the thread of the music to be carried on by the

accompanying orchestra. A simple accompaniment, delivered pizzicato by

the second violins and tenors, forms the canvas for the design, in which

the oboe supports the principal motif, sometimes accompanying the voice,

sometimes relieving it; an easy figure twines round the chief subject,

sustained throughout by the first violins muted; while the horns and

bassoons in sustained chords give consistency and shading to the whole.

The situation and subject of the song necessitate restless and varied

modulation; and this opening movement affords an example of Mozart's art

in projecting a design and maintaining it

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(328)

throughout with the utmost delicacy and variety of detail. The allegro

which follows is more directly suggestive of opera buffa in its

impulsive haste and in its dramatic characterisation; but the skill is

worthy of note with which the elevated tone of the first movement is

preserved and the bravura of the singer is placed in the most favourable

light.[25] The second song, "No che non sei capace" (419 K.), which is

allotted to the same character, Clorinda, is a bravura song, in the very

fullest acceptation of the term. The passages of two allegro movements

mount to the highest heights like rockets, bursting from a ground-work

of declamatory and dignified melody. The orchestra, too, is tolerably

noisy, but so managed as always to spare the voice.

Mozart was very much gratified when the Langes selected his "Entführung

aus dem Serail" for their benefit performance prior to a month's leave

of absence, and he takes care to acquaint his father with the fact

(December 10, 1783).[26] The choice was of course made chiefly in

their own interests, since the opera was a favourite, and the part of

Constanze might have been written for Madame Lange. Kelly, who admired

her as one of the first vocalists of the day, and repeats Stephen

Storace's comparison of her voice and execution to those of the

Bastardella, was of opinion that the part of Constanze was of "the exact

compass" for her voice.[27] When she reappeared, after a severe

illness, in the same opera, on the 25th of November, 1785,[28] she was

"deservedly well received,"[29] and the part was one which she

{ARIE FOR ALOYSIA LANGE.}

(329)

frequently played later with the greatest applause, bestowed especially

on the bravura songs.[30]

Mozart wrote another song for her on March 14, 1788 (538 K.), "Ah se in

ciel benigne stelle" (from Metastasio's "Eroe Cinese,") apparently as

a concert-piece. It is long and elaborate, well calculated to display

great compass of voice, and more of bravura than the previous songs;

but, as regards invention and mechanism, it is of less importance than

those already noticed. It is not wanting in interesting harmonic details

nor in expressive passages, but they stand apart, and are not blended

into a harmonious whole in Mozart's usual manner.

A very favourable idea of Aloysia's vocal powers may be formed from the

songs composed for her in Vienna; the promise of the young girl had been

amply fulfilled.[31] The fabulous height of her voice, which reached

with ease to--[See Page Images]

was moderated in the second song to--

but the low notes appear to greater advantage, and we are surprised by

intervals such as--

The flexibility of the voice appears to have been cultivated to an

astonishing degree in every direction, and though the merit was chiefly

Mozart's that these passages were interesting, expressive, and in

good taste, yet their execution required a cultivated and accomplished

singer. Hufeland wrote in 1783 that Madame Lange's voice was one of the

finest he

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIEND.}

(330)

had ever heard, unusually pleasing and sympathetic, although somewhat

weak for the stage,[32] and in this judgment Cramer concurs.[33] It was

no doubt from consideration for the distinctive tone-colouring of

the voice that Mozart did not make use of the whole body of wind

instruments, particularly not of the clarinets, but allowed the gentler

oboe to predominate in the accompaniment.

Mozart's eldest sister-in-law, Josepha, made her first appearance as a

singer at Schikaneder's theatre, after her marriage with the violinist

Hofer. With the exception of a high and flexible voice (a common

inheritance, apparently, of all the Webers), she had no special gifts

nor musical cultivation, and Mozart seems to have taken great pains

in practising her parts with her. He wrote a bravura song for her on

September 17, 1789 (580 K.), "Schon lacht der holde Frühling," which

she, as Rosina, was to insert in the German adaptation of Paesiello's

"Barber of Seville"; only portions of the score remain. It has no

special significance, and reminds us in its embellishments of the

Queen of Night's songs, which it resembles in other respects. Mozart

interested himself also in his brother-in-law Hofer, studying his

quartets with him, although Hofer was an indifferent musician; he took

him with him on his last professional journey to Frankfort, that the

name of Mozart might facilitate his public appearance, and be of use to

him in his very narrow circumstances.

Mozart was always ready to lend a helping hand, even where family

considerations had no influence. When Nancy Storace, the original

Susanna, in "Figaro," was leaving Vienna, he composed for her the

beautiful song with obbligato pianoforte (505 K., part 6), which he

played himself at her concert.[34] He selected the words of the song

which had been composed for Idamante in the Vienna performance of

"Idomeneo," "Non temer amato bene." The circumstance that Idamante

addresses laments and endearments to Ilia, who is

{OCCASIONAL COMPOSITIONS.}

(331)

present, perhaps suggested the appropriateness of an obbligato

accompaniment, and, in point of fact, the piano part represents the

lover in the most charming and expressive manner, appearing now to

assent, now to reply to the expressions of the singer. In this respect,

as well as in its tone and sentiment, this song is far in advance of the

earlier one with obbligato violin; the spirit of "Figaro" moves over

it, and we seem to recognise the depth of feeling and the tinge of

sentimentality which characterise the Countess.

Mozart's comparative failure in his attempt to insert songs in Anfossi's

"Curioso Indiscreto" did not prevent his coming forward as soon as

another opportunity of the same kind offered itself. On November 28,

1785, Bianchi's "Villanella Rapita" was produced for the first time,

and Mozart was induced to give the opera the support of some ensemble

movements of his composition.[35] The beautiful Celestine Coltellini

(second daughter of the poet Coltellini, who had written the libretto

of Mozart's first opera) was engaged in 1783 by the Emperor Joseph II.

himself at Naples, where she had been singing with great success since

1779.[36] She first appeared on April 6, 1785, in Cimarosa's "Conta-dina

di Spirito,"[37] and took the place of Mdlle. Storace (who had

temporarily lost her voice)[38] in the first performance of Storace's

opera, "Gli Sposi Malcontenti," on June 1,1785.[39] Her voice was not

first-rate, and her compass only moderate, but she had been thoroughly

well trained, sang with ravishing expression, and fascinated her

audience by her acting, especially in comic parts.[40]These qualities

were made

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(332)

prominent in Mozart's charming terzet and quartet; her part is that of

a peasant-girl, simple even to silliness, who receives presents from a

Count, without being in the least aware of his intentions, nor of the

rage and jealousy of her betrothed and her father. In the terzet (450

K.--(Probably 480 K. DW)) "Mandina amabile" (composed November 21, 1785), the

delight with which she accepts the money, and, at the request of the

Count, gives him her hand with the words, "Ecco servitevi!" is not given

with any particular refinement by the poet; but Mozart has thrown so

much grace and roguery into the action that it becomes an excellent

point for a clever actress. The opening has a certain resemblance to

the duet between Don Giovanni and Zerlina, although the latter stands

several degrees higher, in accordance with the different characters

of the personages; a comparison of the two pieces affords a proof of

Mozart's skill in basing his characterisation on the conditions of

the dramatic situation. Even when the lover interferes with jealous

violence, and the Count seeks to excuse himself with as good a grace as

possible, she fails to perceive what is passing before her; and Mozart

does not neglect the opportunity of combining these opposing elements

into a well-proportioned animated whole. The effect is excellent when

the key, after the duet has pursued its rollicking course in A major

and the nearly related keys, passes into A minor, and then with rapid

transition into C major; even when it has reverted into A major the

minor key constantly recurs in discords suggestive of jealousy. The

quartet (479 K.) "Dite almeno, in che mancai" (composed November 15,

1785), has a less strongly marked situation. Mandina confronts her

indignant lover and father with innocent simplicity; when the Count

enters, a violent altercation arises between the men, of which she

cannot understand the cause, but, anxious at any sacrifice to

restore peace, she begs with really touching earnestness for pity and

forgiveness. Her calmness, in opposition to the voluble excitement of

the men, gives the movement its distinguishing character, which it was

the task of the performer to throw into relief; her part, especially in

the tender and beseeching passages, is full of feeling and charm. As to

{MUSIC FOR THE "VILLANELLA RAPITA," 1785.}

(333)

the other parts, the ever-increasing tumult of an animated dispute is

represented with very simple, well-calculated expedients in a manner

which is thoroughly Italian; a striking instance of this is the joining

in of the orchestra when the wrangling is at its height, with the

preservation of all the delicate comic effects. The masterly treatment

of the orchestra, both in detail and in effects of grouping, would alone

suffice to raise these two pieces far above similar movements of the

then commonly received opera buffa type. More excellent even than

the brilliant and characteristic sound effects is the independent and

copious construction of the instrumental parts, which nevertheless are

kept within their proper provinces as foils to the voices. Of the

voice parts it need scarcely be said that they are delicately and

characteristically treated, and move freely and with animation side

by side, producing at the same time an effective whole. There is no

bravura, and the treatment of the voices indicates moderate capabilities

on the part of the singers. Coltellini's part never goes above--[See

Page Image]

rarely so high, and calls for no great amount of execution. Among the

male singers Mandini was by far the most important; the part of Almaviva

was afterwards written for him, and the passionate expressions of the

lover Pippo in the terzet remind us of that part. The tenor Calvesi

(Count) and the second bass Bussani (Biaggio) were of less account.

These ensemble pieces were the mature and graceful products of Mozart's

fully developed genius, and nothing but their simplicity of design

and construction points them out as pieces inserted in an opera, and

dependent upon it for their peculiar character.

We can well believe that Mozart composed songs to please the singers,

male and female, who appeared in his operas. He was not only ready

to write additional pieces for them in his own operas, but frequently

offered songs as an acknowledgment to the performers who sang for him.

Louise Villeneuve appeared on June 27, 1789, as a new performer

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(334)

in Martin's "Arbore di Diana," and was received with well-deserved and

genuine applause on account of her pleasing appearance, her expressive

acting, and her artistically beautiful singing.[41] When she was about

to appear as Dorabella in "Cosi fan tutte," in August, 1789, Mozart

wrote for her an aria to Cimarosa's opera, "I Due Baroni" (578 K.),

"Alma grande e nobil cuore," of forcible expression without making any

great demands on the voice.[42] More original, although not very deep,

are the two songs composed for the same singer in October, 1789, for

insertion in Martin's "Burbero di Buon Cuore." The first (582 K.), "Chi

sa, chi sa quai sia," is a single andante movement very moderate

in tone. The second (583 K.), "Vado, ma dove," begins with a short,

passionate allegro, with which is connected an andante simple in design

and construction, but with a wonderfully beautiful and expressive

cantilene, the effect of which is much heightened by the splendid

instrumentation.

A bass song, composed for Signor Franc. Albertarelli in Anfossi's "Le

Gelosie Fortunate" (May,1788), was occasioned by the singer's connection

with the performance of "Don Giovanni." It is a cheerful, thoroughly

buffo aria, and the principal melody--[See Page Image]

has been employed again by Mozart, with a slight but expressive

alteration, in the first movement of the C major 1 symphony, the

only instance of the kind known to me. Similar demands were made upon

Mozart's generosity when he came into connection with Schikaneder's

theatre. He composed (March 8,1791) for the bass singer, Gerl, who

sang Sarastro in the "Zauberflote," an aria (612 K.), "Per questa bella

mano," with an obbligato double-bass accompaniment,

{OCCASIONAL COMPOSITIONS, 1788.}

(335)

which was played by Pischlberger with extraordinary execution. The

combination reminds us of other similar Schikaneder-like effects, and

the interest of the song depends mainly on the executive powers of

the double-bass player, which are nevertheless confined within narrow

limits. The limitation has in some degree influenced the treatment

of the voice part, and this pleasing and, for a powerful bass voice,

effective song can only be regarded as a curious occasional piece.

Another occasional composition is Gleim's German war song, "Ich

möchte wohl der Kaiser sein"[43] (539 K.), composed March 5, 1788, for

performance by the favourite comedian, Friedrich Baumann, jun., at

a concert in the Leopoldstädter Theatre on March 7, with special

reference, no doubt, to the Turkish war which had just broken out.[44]

This accounts for the running accompaniment of Turkish music to an

otherwise simple and popular song.[45] To sum up: it would appear that

during Mozart's residence in Vienna, from 1781 to 1791, he completed

five ensemble movements of different kinds, besides at least thirty

separate songs for various occasions,[46] among which there is not one

which does not possess artistic interest, and a great number which may

be placed in the first rank of works of the sort.

His genius was at the service of others besides vocalists. We have

already seen that he wrote a pianoforte concerto for the blind performer

Mdlle. Paradies (Vol. II., p. 288). An artist similarly afflicted

from early youth was Marianne Kirchgassner (b. 1770), who had attained

extraordinary proficiency on the harmonica under Schmittbauer's

instruction.[47] When, in the course of a grand professional tour, she

came to Vienna (May, 1791) she excited Mozart's interest so greatly

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(336)

by her playing, that he composed a quintet for her, which she frequently

afterwards performed with great success.[48] The combination

of instruments--flute, oboe, tenor, and violoncello, with the

harmonica--produces an originality of sound effect which is seriously

impaired when, as usually happens, the piano is substituted for the

harmonica. The latter instrument is limited in compass, having no bass

notes,[49] and requires for its due effect a melodious and expressive

style of execution. Mozart has given the adagio a sentimental, love-sick

tone, which is sometimes a good deal overdrawn, but the second movement

is cheerful and pleasing, and, without forming too strong a contrast, it

leads to a sound and agreeable conclusion. With just discrimination he

has given the piece a very well-defined and firmly constructed

form, relying for original effect on the tone-colouring and harmonic

transitions, which are often extremely bold.

Mozart gave his support to another young artist, who had no such claim

to pity as the two just mentioned. Regina Strinasacchi, of Ostiglia

(1764-1839), was a pretty, amiable girl, and an accomplished

violin-player, who came to Vienna in 1784. Mozart extols her taste

and feeling to his father, who confirmed the praise when Strinasacchi

appeared at Salzburg in December, 1785: "Every note is played with

expression, even in symphonies, and I have never heard a more moving

adagio than hers; her whole heart and soul is in the melody which she

delivers, and her power and beauty of tone are equally remarkable.[50]

I believe, as a rule, that a woman of genius plays with more expression

than a man."

{REGINA STRINASACCHI--LEUTGEB.}

(337)

"I am just writing," continues Wolfgang, "a sonata (454 K.)[51] which we

shall play together at her concert on Thursday" (April 24, 1784). But

the sonata was not ready in time, and Strinasacchi with difficulty

extorted her own part from Mozart the evening before the concert, and

practised it without him on the following morning; they only met at the

concert. Both played excellently, and the sonata was much applauded.[52]

The Emperor Joseph, who was present, thought he could distinguish

through his glass that Mozart had no music before him; he had him

summoned and requested him to bring the sonata. It was blank music paper

divided into bars, Mozart having had no time to write out the clavier

part, which he thus played from memory, without even having heard the

sonata.[53]

Mozart found an old Salzburg acquaintance at Vienna in the person of the

horn-player Joseph Leutgeb. He had settled in Vienna, as Leopold Mozart

writes (December 1, 1777), and bought a "snail-shell of a house" in one

of the suburbs, upon credit; here he set up business as a cheesemonger,

from the profits of which he promised to repay a loan, which, however,

was still owing when Wolfgang came to Vienna; he begs his father's

indulgence for Leutgeb, who was then wretchedly poor (May 8, 1782). He

was a capital solo-player on the French horn,[54] but was wanting

in higher cultivation. Mozart was always ready to help him, but he

frequently made him the butt of his exuberant sprits. Whenever he

composed a solo for him, Leutgeb was obliged to submit to some mock

penance. Once, for instance, Mozart threw all the parts of his concertos

and symphonies about the room, and Leutgeb had to collect them on all

fours and put them in order; as long as this lasted Mozart sat at his

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(338)

writing-table composing. Another time, Leutgeb had to kneel down behind

the stove while Mozart wrote.[55] The manuscripts themselves bear traces

of good-humoured banter. One (417 K.) has the superscription: "Wolfgang

Amadé Mozart takes pity on Leutgeb, ass, ox, and simpleton, at Vienna,

March 27, 1783"; another (495 K.) is written alternately with black,

red, blue, and green ink. While he is writing down a rondo he amusingly

imagines the player before him, and keeps up a running commentary on the

supposed performance. The tempo, too, is jokingly indicated as adagio

for the horn part, while the accompaniment is allegro; Leutgeb's

inclination to drag is alluded to in the remark at the close of the

ritornello: "A lei Signor Asino"--in the ejaculations on the theme:

"Animo--presto--sù via--da bravo--coraggio--e finisci giä" (at

the conclusion). He goes on the same strain: "Bestia--oh che

stonatura--chi--oimè (at a repeatedly recurring F sharp)--bravo

poveretto! --Oh seccatura di coglioni! (when the subject recurs)--ah

che mi fai ridere!--ajuto (at a repeated E flat)--respira un poco! (at

a pause)--avanti, avanti!--questo poi va al meglio (when the theme

reappears)--e non finisci nemmeno?--ah porco infame! Oh come sei

grazioso!--Carino! Asinino! hahaha--respira!--Ma intoni almeno una,

cazzo! (at a repeated C sharp)--bravo, ewiva!--e vieni ä seccarmi per

la quarta, e Dio sia benedetto per l' ultima volta (at the fourth

repetition of the theme)--ah termina, ti prego! ah maledetto

--anche bravura? (at a short run) bravo--ah! trillo di pecore (at a

shake)--finisci? grazie al ciel!--basta, basta!" Leutgeb was quite

willing to submit to his friend's banter as the price of four concertos

(412, 417, 447, 495, cf. also 514 K.). They are rapidly put together and

easy of execution, without any great originality. Their brevity enables

the instrument to preserve its true character as one unsuited for

display of execution; in the last movement, which is the regulation

rondo in 6-8 time, the original nature of the horn as a hunting

instrument is made apparent, which at that

{CLARINET CONCERTO, 1791.}

(339)

time, when hunting music was thought more of than at present, was no

doubt found very entertaining. In other respects, the customary concerto

form is preserved. The first movement is an allegro in sonata form, kept

within narrow limits, the second is a simple romanza, followed by the

rondo. The accompaniment is simple, to allow due prominence to the horn

as the solo instrument, but Mozart seldom refrains from adding touches

of life and character to the whole by means of a freer movement in the

accompaniment. The quintet for the horn, violin, two tenors, and bass

(407 K.), was also written for Leutgeb, who possessed the autograph.[56]

The horn part is throughout concertante, the stringed instruments serve

only as accompaniment, but are very independent and characteristic,

so that the whole has some approach to the quartet style. The piece is

altogether more important and finer than the concertos.

Far more important both as to compass and substance is the concerto for

clarinet in A major (622 K.), which Mozart wrote or adapted for Stadler,

towards the close of his life (between September 28 and November 15,

1791). There exist six pages of a draft score of the first movement,

composed much earlier for the basset-horn, in G major, and available for

the clarinet with a few alterations in the deeper notes. It has not been

ascertained whether this concerto was ever finished, but it is scarcely

probable.

It was to be expected that Mozart, who was the first to do justice to

the capabilities of the clarinet as a solo instrument, would deal with

it with peculiar partiality; the more so, as he had so distinguished

a performer to work for.[57] The brilliant qualities of this splendid

instrument are in point of fact thrown into the strongest relief.

The contrasts of tone-colouring are made use of in every sort of way,

especially in the low notes, here much employed in the accompaniment

passages, whose wonderful effect Mozart was, as far as I know, the first

to discover.

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(340)

The capacity of the clarinet for melodious expression, tunefulness, and

brilliant fluency, and for the union of force with melting tenderness,

is skilfully taken into account; and as Mozart invariably brings the

external into harmony with the internal, we find in this work that the

grander and broader forms and the greater execution are the natural

outcome of brilliant and original ideas. It is not too much to say that

this concerto is the basis of modern clarinet-playing.

Mozart composed on September 29, 1789, for the same fickle friend, the

"Stadlersquintett" for clarinet and strings (582 K.), which was first

performed at the concert for the Musicians' Charitable Fund on December

22, 1789.

The distinct and frequently overpowering effect of the clarinet, in

conjunction with stringed instruments, would necessitate its treatment

as a solo instrument; and Mozart's loving efforts to display to the full

its singular beauties and rich powers serve to isolate it still more

completely. Although he avoids with equal taste and skill the danger

of treating the stringed instruments as mere accompaniment, or of

emphasising the clarinet unduly, and combines them to a whole often with

touches of surprising delicacy, yet the heterogeneous elements are not

so completely incorporated as are the stringed instruments when they are

alone. The whole mechanism is therefore loose and easy, the subjects

are more graceful than important, and their development less serious and

profound than usual. This quintet therefore, cast as it is in the most

beautiful forms, and possessed of the most charming sound effects--fully

justifying the praise bestowed upon it by Ambros ("Limits of Music and

Poetry") in Goethe's words, "its whole being floats in sensuous wealth

and sweetness"--yet falls below the high level of the stringed quintets.

The Andante in A major to a violin concerto, dated in the Thematic

Catalogue April 1, 1785 (470 K.), must certainly have been written for a

virtuoso; perhaps for Janiewicz, who was then in Vienna.

Mozart sometimes bestowed improvised compositions in the form of alms.

One day a beggar accosted him in the

{MOZART'S CRITICISM ON FELLOW-ARTISTS.}

(341)

street and claimed a distant relationship with him. Mozart, having no

money, went into the nearest coffee-house, wrote a minuet and trio,

and sent the beggar with it to his publisher, who paid him what it was

considered worth.[58]

His ever-ready good-nature must have made Mozart a great favourite among

his fellow-artists, and yet he had only too often to complain of the

ingratitude to which his very good-nature subjected him. Between him and

the majority of Italian opera-singers there existed, nevertheless, an

innate antagonism; they complained of his compositions as being far too

difficult and not telling enough. There can be no doubt that he made

many concessions to display of execution, but these were not considered

extensive enough at the time, and Mozart, scorning so cheap and easy a

way of gaining the applause of the public, sought to attain his end by

other and better means.[59] It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that

the Italians in Vienna for the most part objected to singing in Mozart's

operas, the more so as their disinclination was fostered by outsiders;

Mozart, on his part, disliked the then prevalent style of singing: "They

rush at it, and shake and make flourishes," he said, "because they have

not studied, and cannot sustain a note."[60]

He was fond of mocking in his sarcastic style at this kind of

composition and performance, and used to imitate off-hand at the piano

grand operatic scenas in the style of well-known masters, with the most

telling effect.[61] Such exhibitions would not tend to increase the

number of his friends. Mozart was "cutting" (_schlimm_), as we know, and

took no pains to restrain his jesting moods, which were doubtless often

taken in far worse part than they were meant. But he also pronounced

many a sharp censure in earnest upon artists who felt the more bitter as

his own

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(342)

superiority made itself incontestably felt.[62] Soon after his

settlement in Vienna his father was informed that his boasting and

criticisms were making him enemies among musicians and others, but this

accusation Wolfgang indignantly repelled (July 31, 1782).

Nevertheless, we find him writing not long afterwards (December 23,

1782): "I should like to write a book--a short musical criticism with

examples; but of course not in my own name." There was a rage at Vienna

for the discussion and criticism of all imaginable subjects by means of

pamphlets and brochures.[63] That which tempted Mozart to take pen in

hand was the downfall of German opera, which was a serious blow to him.

He was conscious of what he as a German might have accomplished for

German art, and it pained him to see the universal preference for

Italian art and artists.

From early youth he had been aware of the unworthy devices often

employed in Italian music, and his aversion to "all Italians"

continually betrays itself, but very seldom to the extent of making him

unjust towards individual persons or performances. His healthy judgment

and inexhaustible flow of human kindness preserved him from this danger.

Jos. Frank relates[64] that, finding Mozart continually engaged on

the study of French opera scores, he once asked him if he would not do

better to devote himself to Italian music, which was then the fashion of

the day in Vienna. Mozart answered: "As regards the melodies, yes; but

as regards the dramatic effects, no; besides which, the scores that you

{CRITICISM ON FELLOW-ARTISTS.}

(343)

see here are by Gluck, Piccinni, Salieri, and, with the exception of

those by Grétry, have nothing French in them but the words."[65] This

was true, and we may allow that Mozart did not require to learn melody

from the Italians. His judgments of various composers might offend at

the time, but we are now ready to endorse them as not only striking but

fair. We have already learnt his opinion of Righini (Vol. II., p. 251).

Of Martin, the universal favourite, he said: "Much in his works is

really very pretty, but ten years hence he will be quite forgotten."[66]

How ready he was to acknowledge merit in any performance "which had

something in it" is plainly shown in a letter to his father (April

24,1784):--

Some quartets have just appeared by a man named Pleyel; he is a pupil

of Jos. Haydn. If you do not already know them, try to get them, it is

worth your while. They are very well and pleasantly written, and give

evidence of his master. Well and happy will it be for music if Pleyel is

ready in due time to take Haydn's place for us.

This was just at the time when he was busy with his own quartets, where

he showed how one master learns from another. When he found nothing

original in any work he put it aside with the words, "Nothing in it," or

vented his mocking humour on it. Rochlitz relates that once at Doles, he

made them sing the Mass of a composer "who had evident talent for comic

opera, but was out of place as a composer of sacred music," parodying

the words in a very entertaining manner.[67]

The description which Mozart gives to his father of the celebrated

oboist, J. Chr. Fischer (1733-1800), is characteristic of his sharp and

involuntarily comic criticism. Fischer had come to Vienna from London,

where he enjoyed an extraordinary reputation (April 4, 1787):[68]--

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(344)

If the oboist Fischer did not play better when we heard him in Holland

(1766) than he plays now, he certainly does not deserve the reputation

which he has. But, between ourselves, I was then at an age incapable

of forming a judgment. I can only remember that he pleased me, as he

pleased all the world. It would be quite reasonable to contend that

taste has altered since then to a remarkable degree, and that he plays

after the old school--but no! he plays, in fact, like a miserable

learner; young André, who used to learn from Fiala, plays a thousand

times better. And then his concertos of his own composition! Every

ritornello lasts a quarter of an hour--then enter the hero--lifts up

one leaden foot after another, and plumps them down on the ground

alternately. His tone is all through his nose, and his tenuto is like

the tremulant stop on the organ. Could you have supposed all this? and

yet it is nothing but the truth, the real truth, which I tell you.

Mozart's amiability and good-nature prevailed in his personal

intercourse with fellow-artists, even where reserve or irritated feeling

would have been excusable. When the Italian Opera was reopened, from

which Mozart had been purposely excluded, he did not withdraw his

friendship from the composers, whom he might justifiably have considered

as interlopers. When Paesiello came to Vienna from St. Petersburg

in 1784 he was treated with a distinction never bestowed upon German

masters. His "Barbiere di Seviglia" was at once put upon the stage, and

the Emperor lost no time in commissioning him to compose an opera, for

which Casti, as the most distinguished comic poet, was to provide

the libretto. The opera was "Il Re Teodoro," for which Joseph himself

suggested the subject as a satire, it was said, on the visit of Gustavus

III. of Sweden to Venice in the year 1783.[69] Such active participation

from the Emperor assured the maestro a brilliant position, both

pecuniary and social, during his stay in Vienna. Mozart, whose judgment

of Paesiello's light music was very favourable,[70] made friendly

advances towards him. Kelly was present at their introduction, and

testifies to their mutual courtesy and esteem;[71] and we have already

seen

{INTERCOURSE WITH FELLOW-ARTISTS.}

(345)

(Vol. II., p. 279) how pleased Mozart was to have his compositions

performed before Paesiello by a talented pupil. Paesiello, on his part,

begged for the score of "Idomeneo" for his own study.[72] Mozart was

equally complaisant to Sarti, who was in Vienna at the same time, on his

way to St. Petersburg. "If Maestro Sarti had not been obliged to set out

to-day for Russia," he writes to his father (June 9, 1784), "he would

have gone out with me. Sarti is a straightforward, honest man. I have

played a great deal to him, ending with variations on one of his airs

(460 K.),[73] which gave him great pleasure."

The "honest" man afterwards wrote a most malicious criticism on

some passages in Mozart's quartets, concerning which, indignant that

"barbarians, without any sense of hearing should presume to think they

can compose music," he exclaims, "Can more be done to put performers out

of tune?" ("Si puö far di più per far stonar i professori?"). He points

out error after error "which could only be made by a clavier-player, who

can see no difference between D sharp and E flat"; and concludes with

a flourish, "This is, in the words of the immortal Rousseau, 'De la

musique pour faire boucher ses oreilles!'"[74]

A charming instance of Mozart's benevolence towards younger artists

is supplied by Gyrowetz. He relates in his autobiography, how he was

introduced to the most distinguished artists of Vienna, at some grand

soirée:--

Mozart appeared to be the most good-natured of them all. He observed the

youthful Gyrowetz with an expression of sympathy which seemed to say:

"Poor young fellow, you have just embarked on the ocean of the great

world, and you are anxiously looking forward to what fate may have in

store for you." Encouraged by so much affability and sympathy the young

artist entreated the master to cast a glance over his compositions,

which consisted of six symphonies, and to give his

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(346)

opinion of them. With true benevolence, Mozart granted the petition,

went through the works, commended them, and promised the young artist to

have one of his symphonies performed at his concert in the hall at the

Mehlgrube, where Mozart gave subscription concerts during that year

(1785). This took place on a Thursday. The symphony was performed with

great applause. Mozart, with his native courtesy and kindness, took

the young composer by the hand, and introduced him to the public as the

author of the symphonies.

Beethoven made his appearance in Vienna as a youthful musician of

promise in the spring of 1787, but was only able to remain there a short

time;[75] he was introduced to Mozart, and played to him at his request.

Mozart, considering the piece he performed to be a studied show-piece,

was somewhat cold in his expressions of admiration. Beethoven remarking

this, begged for a theme for improvisation, and, inspired by the

presence of the master he reverenced so highly, played in such a manner

as gradually to engross Mozart's whole attention; turning quietly to

the bystanders, he said emphatically, "Mark that young man; he will make

himself a name in the world!"[76]

Mozart does not appear to have become intimately acquainted with

Dittersdorf, who at that time was paying only passing visits to Vienna;

but his way of mentioning Mozart shows appreciation and esteem. The same

may be said of Gluck, who, as we have seen, showed himself on several

occasions well disposed towards Mozart (Vol. II., pp. 212, 285); but

the difference of their natures--perhaps also Salieri's close connection

with Gluck--prevented anything like intimacy between them.

That, notwithstanding so much goodwill, Mozart should

{KOZELÜCH.}

(347)

have met with envious critics and detractors[77] among the artists of

Vienna is scarcely to be wondered at. We have already noticed one of his

most determined opponents, Kreibich (Vol. II., p. 203); another, equally

implacable, was Leopold Kozeluch, a pianist of some brilliancy, and a

fashionable teacher, especially after he gave lessons at court; he had

a passing reputation, too, as a composer, but vanity and stupidity

were his chief claims to distinction. He was fond of magnifying his own

merits by paltry criticism of his fellow-artists, especially of Haydn.

Once, when a new quartet of Haydn's was being performed in a large

company, Kozeluch, standing by Mozart, found fault, first with one thing

and then with another, exclaiming at length, with impudent assurance, "I

should never have done it in that way!" "Nor should I," answered Mozart;

"but do you know why? Because neither you nor I would have had so good

an idea."[78] Henceforth Kozeluch became Mozart's avowed and determined

opponent; and what better revenge could be taken by the man "who never

praised any one but himself," than to pronounce the overture to

"Don Giovanni" "good, but full of faults";[79] and to exclaim

condescendingly, after hearing the full rehearsal of the overture to the

"Zauberflöte," "Ah, our good friend Mozart is trying to be learned this

time!,,[80] When they were both at Prague, at the coronation of

Leopold, Kozeluch expressed his enmity to Mozart so obtrusively, that

he forfeited a great share of the interest "with which hitherto every

Bohemian had been proud to own him as a fellow-countryman."[81]

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(348)

The most charming instance of Mozart's reverence and love for Joseph

Haydn is the dedicatory epistle wherein he offers him his six quartets

as the fruit of long and painful study inspired by his example, as a

father intrusts his children to a tried and valued friend, confident

of his protection and indulgence towards them. These expressions of

reverence came from the very depths of Mozart's heart: to a friend who

made some remark on the dedication he answered: "It was due from me, for

it was from Haydn that I learned how quartets should be written."[82]

"It was quite affecting," says Niemetschek" (p. 94) "to hear him speak

of the two Haydns or any other of the great masters; one would have

imagined him to be one of their enthusiastic pupils rather than the

all-powerful Mozart." The Haydn so honoured of Mozart was not by any

means the "Father Haydn" of a later time, reverenced and loved by all.

It was not until after his residence in London that Haydn met with

general admiration and veneration in the Austrian capital; in earlier

years the opposition to his originality was nowhere stronger than in

Vienna. His very position in the service of Prince Esterhazy, and his

residence in Hungary, prejudiced the musicians of the capital against

him. The music-loving public enjoyed his fresh and jovial creations

with unrestrained delight, but the artists and connoisseurs took grave

exception to them. Humour in music was as yet unrecognised, and the

dispute as to whether and in what degree it could be justified had just

begun; the freedom, well considered as it was, with which Haydn treated

traditional rules, was looked upon as a grave fault. At the head of his

opponents stood the Emperor Joseph;[83] he would have nothing to say to

his playful oddities, and we can scarcely wonder that the royal example

was widely followed, and that Haydn had good cause to complain of his

critics and enemies.[84] It required

{HAYDN AND MOZART.}

(349)

an artist as genial and as incapable of envy as Mozart fully to

understand and appreciate him. And Haydn was equally prompt to discover

the greatness of Mozart, and to accord him his full share of admiration

and esteem. We have seen the testimony which he bore of Mozart to his

father (Vol. II., p. 321); and he lost no opportunity of expressing his

conviction of Mozart's artistic greatness.[85] When it was proposed to

produce an opera by Haydn at Prague, together with Mozart's "Figaro" and

"Don Giovanni," Haydn wrote to the Commissary Roth:[86]--

You wish an opera buffa from me. With all my heart, if it will give you

any pleasure to possess some of my vocal compositions. But if it is your

intention to place the opera on the stage in Prague I am sorry that I

cannot oblige you. My operas are inseparable from the company for whom

I wrote them, and would never produce their calculated effect apart from

their native surroundings. It would be quite another matter if I had

the honour of being commissioned to write a new opera for the theatre

in question. Even then, however, it would be a risk to put myself in

competition with the great Mozart. If I could only inspire every

lover of music, especially among the great, with feelings as deep, and

comprehension as clear as my own, in listening to the inimitable works

of Mozart, then surely the nations would contend for the possession

of such a jewel within their borders. Prague must strive to retain the

treasure within her grasp--but not without fitting reward. The want

of this too often saddens the life of a great genius, and offers small

encouragement for further efforts in future times. I feel indignant that

Mozart has not yet been engaged at any imperial or royal court. Pardon

my wandering from the subject--Mozart is a man very dear to me.

This letter was written in December, 1787, and the news of Mozart's

appointment as Imperial private composer had not yet reached Haydn in

Esterhaz; the uncertain position of his friend evidently affected him

greatly. In the year following, when controversy was rife in Vienna on

the subject of "Don Giovanni," Haydn found himself one evening in the

midst of a company discussing the faults of omission

{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.}

(350)

and commission of the new opera; at last he was asked for his opinion.

"I cannot decide the questions in dispute," said he; "but this I know,

that Mozart is the greatest composer in the world."[87] It must not be

imagined that because Haydn set so high a value on Mozart's operatic

compositions, he had by any means a small opinion of his own. Forgotten

as they now are, he himself was not inclined to rank them below the

performances of the majority of his contemporaries. He writes to Artaria

(May 27, 1781):--

Mons. Le Gros, directeur of the Concert spirituel, writes me many

compliments on my "Stabat Mater," which has been performed four times

with great success. The management were surprised at this revelation of

my powers as a vocal composer; but they had had no previous opportunity

of judging of them. If they would only hear my operetta "L'Isola

Disabitata," and my last opera "La Fedeltä Premiata"! I assure you, such

works have never yet been heard in Paris, and perhaps not in Vienna; but

it is my misfortune to live retired in the country.

He says of the "Armida," in March, 1874, that it has been produced

with signal success, and is considered his best work.[88] It is doubly

significant, therefore, that Haydn should have acknowledged himself so

completely overshadowed by Mozart as an operatic composer. And not in

this branch of their art alone did he accord him superiority; he gave

way even where they might justly be considered as rivals, and declared

that, if Mozart had written nothing but his violin quartets and the

"Requiem," he would have sufficient claim to immortality.[89] He assured

a friend, with tears in his eyes, that he could never forget Mozart's

clavier-playing; "It came from the heart!"[90] To the end of his life he

missed no occasion of hearing Mozart's music, and used to assert that he

had never heard one of his compositions without learning something from

it.[91] In 1790, when he had returned to his solitude at "Estoras," he

writes how

{HAYDN AND MOZART.}

(351)

the north wind had waked him from a dream of listening to the "Nozze di

Figaro."[92]

The personal intercourse between the two was simple and hearty. Mozart

used to call Haydn "Papa," and both Sophie Haibl and Griesinger mention

their use of the pronoun _du_ to each other, a habit less frequent in

those days than at present between friends of such difference in age.

But while Mozart lived in Vienna, Haydn had his fixed residence at

Eisenstadt or Esterhaz, and only came to Vienna for a few months at

a time with his princely patron, who was not fond of the capital, and

shortened his stay there as far as was practicable; Haydn sometimes

obtained leave of absence for a flying visit to Vienna, but the Prince

always gave it unwillingly.[93]

It was not until the Kapelle was broken up, on the death of Prince

Nicolaus in 1790, that Haydn took up his abode in Vienna; and in

December of the same year Salomon persuaded him to undertake the journey

to London. Mozart agreed with others of Haydn's friends in considering

this expedition a great risk, and drew his attention to the difficulties

he was sure to encounter as an elderly man, unused to the world, amidst

a strange people whose language he did not understand. Haydn replied

that he was old, certainly, (he was then fifty-nine), but strong and

of good courage, and his language was understood by all the world.[94]

Mozart spent the day of Haydn's departure with him, and as they took

leave he was moved to tears and exclaimed: "We are taking our last

farewell in this world!" Haydn himself was deeply moved, thinking of his

own death, and sought to console and calm Mozart.[95]

A letter from Haydn to Frau von Gennzinger (October 13, 1791) shows

that calumniators sought to sow enmity between the friends in their

separation: "My friends write, what I cannot however believe, that

Mozart is doing all he can to

{SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.}

(352)

disparage me. I forgive him. Mozart must go to Count von Fries to

inquire about the payment."[96] When the news of Mozart's death reached

London, Haydn lamented his loss with bitter tears.[97]

The sight of these two great and noble men extending to each other

the hand of brotherhood, and remaining true to the end, untouched by

professional envy or intrigue, is as pleasant as it was rare in the

Vienna of those days. Each understood and appreciated the other, each

freely acknowledged his indebtedness to the other from a musical point

of view, and each, in his own consciousness of power and independence,

found the standard for estimating the worth of his brother-artist.

Those who strove to raise the dust of dissension between them are,

for the most part, forgotten or relegated to their due position in the

background of musical history: Mozart and Haydn stand side by side on

the heights, witnessing for ever to the truth that the greatness of a

genuinely artistic nature attracts and does not repel its like.

FOOTNOTES OF CHAPER 28

[Footnote 1: At Wolfgang's request he sent the Baroness a couple of Salzburg

tongues, which were esteemed a delicacy.]

[Footnote 2: Hamburger Litt. u. Krit. Blatter, 1856, No. 72, p. 563.]

[Footnote 3: Unfortunately Wolfgang's letters to his father are only preserved

in anything like completeness up to his visit to Salzburg (July, 1783);

after that we have only detached ones. His sister believed, so Nissen

says (Vorr., p. XVI.), that the later letters were destroyed by the

father, on account of containing allusions to Freemasonry, which is

probable enough. There is no sort of evidence that Mozart ever actually

neglected his father's correspondence; but it was not in his power to

continue to keep a journal such as he had been in the habit of writing

while travelling, or such as the daughter kept up after her marriage.]

[Footnote 4: The firstborn son, Leopold, "der arme dicke fette and liebe Buberl,"

as he is called in a letter (December 10, 1783), died in the same year.]

[Footnote 5: On January 19, 1786, L. Mozart wrote to his daughter that the

Archbishop had opened a letter of Wolfgang's, but without finding

anything in it.]

[Footnote 6: Nissen, p. 476.]

[Footnote 7: A. M. Z., I., p. 291. Biograph. Skizze von Mich. Haydn (Salzburg,

1808), p. 38.]

[Footnote 8: Lipowsky, Bayersch. Mus. Lex., p. 36.]

[Footnote 9: Rochlitz, Für Freunde d. Tonk., üI., p. 179.]

[Footnote 10: Wien. Mus. Ztg., 1817, p. 289.]

[Footnote 11: Nissen, Vorr., p. 18.]

[Footnote 12: On L. Mozart's return from Vienna in 1785, he stopped at Linz, as

the guest of Count Thun; here he met the new Bishop, Count Herberstein

(I., p. 25).]

[Footnote 13: Instances might be multiplied on closer examination; I content

myself with quoting from the C major symphony the unexpected entry of E

minor (p. 6, bar 8) and C major (p. 6, bar 12), the loud notes for the

wind instruments (p. 25, bars 3,4), the original theme with which

the basses interpose (p. 28, bar 5), and most especially the mocking

conclusion of the minuet (p. 36, bars 12-16).]

[Footnote 14: Nissen asserts (Vorr., p. 18) that L. Mozart's letters from Vienna

to his daughter (of which I have unfortunately only seen a few), betray

considerable coldness towards his son.]

[Footnote 15: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 240. Holmes conjectures that as Haydn

was a good violinist, but no solo-player, Kelly has substituted him

for Mozart by a slip of memory (p. 267); it is more probable that

Dittersdorf, the most celebrated violin-player of the day, played first

violin, and Haydn second.]

[Footnote 16: Mozart lost no time in communicating the sorrowful news to his

friend, Gottfried von Jacquin: "I must inform you that on my return home

to-day I received the sad intelligence of the death of my dear father.

You can imagine the state I am in."]

[Footnote 17: "My son wrote to me some time ago," writes L. Mozart to the

Baroness Waldstädten (August 23, 1782), "that as soon as he was married

he would cease to live with the mother. I hope he has already actually

left the house; if not, it will be a misfortune both for him and his

wife."]

[Footnote 18: Prefixed to the first volume of the "Ephemeriden der Literatur und

des Theaters" (Berlin, 1785), are the portraits of Lange and his wife in

a medallion. Her features are regular and good, but, probably owing to

her delicate health, less youthful than one might have expected.]

[Footnote 19: Lange, Selbstbiogr., p. 118.]

[Footnote 20: Friedel, Briefe aus Wien, p. 409.]

[Footnote 21: A. M. Z., üI., p. 659.]

[Footnote 22: On the same day Mozart writes to his father full of anxiety about

his own circumstances, thus proving again that the true artist can

divest himself during his hours of production of the cares and anxieties

of his ordinary life.]

[Footnote 23: The Berl. Litt. u. Theat. Ztg., 1783, p. 559, announces from

Vienna: "June 30, 1783, 'Il Curioso Indiscreto' was performed for the

first time. Madame Lange sang to-day for the first time in the Italian

opera, and the public, in spite of all cabals, showed their appreciation

of her talents." Cf. Lange's Selbstbiogr., p. 119.]

[Footnote 24: Written on the autograph is (June 21, 1783): "All the parts are to

be extracted and augmented--the _parte cantante_ to be done at once, and

returned to Herr Adamberger."]

[Footnote 25: The completely written-out melody of a soprano air (178 K.) is

preserved, the words of which, "Ah spiegarti, oh Dio vorrei," differ

very little from the above; it is probably a first attempt abandoned.

The voice part of Adamberger's air sketched in the same way still

exists, and the bravura air is on the same leaf.]

[Footnote 26: The performance took place on January 25, 1784, and was repeated on

February 1 (Wien. Ztg., 1784, No. 7, Anh., No. g, Anh.).]

[Footnote 27: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 253.]

[Footnote 28: The notices of her professional tour in the year 1784, from Berlin,

Dresden, Leipzig, Schwedt, and Hamburg, are full of admiration (Berl.

Litt. II. Theat. Ztg., 1784, I., p. 160; II., p. 138).]

[Footnote 29: Wien. Ztg., 1785, No. 97.]

[Footnote 30: It was so in Amsterdam in 1798 (A. M. Z., üI., p. 659), and in

Paris in 1802 (A. M. Z., IV., p. 322).]

[Footnote 31: Cf. Jahrb. d. Tonk., 1796, p. 39.]

[Footnote 32: Alsatia, 1853, p. 92.]

[Footnote 33: Magaz. d. Mus., II., p. 185.]

[Footnote 34: The autograph has on the title-page "Composta per la Sgra. Storace

dal suo servo ed amico W. A. Mozart, 26 di Dec., 1786."]

[Footnote 35: Wien. Ztg., 1785, Nr. 97, Anh. I do not know whether Bianchi wrote

his opera for Vienna or Venice. The statement (A. M. Z., XXIV., p. 485)

that the Emperor Joseph II. caused it to be composed in the form of a

pasticcio is incorrect. The overture, which was given in Leipzig (A.

M. Z. XIII., p. 168) and Vienna (A. M. Z., XXIV., p. 485) as having

been composed by Mozart for this opera, is the one which was written in

Salzburg in 1779 (319 K.; Cf., I., p. 516).]

[Footnote 36: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 48.]

[Footnote 37: Wien. Ztg., 1785, No. 29, Anh.]

[Footnote 38: Wien. Ztg., 1785, No. 46, Anh.]

[Footnote 39: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 234.]

[Footnote 40: Cramer, Mag. d. Mus., II., p. 62. Reichardt, Musik. Monatsschr., p.

38. Scudo, Mus. Ane. et Mod., p. 18.]

[Footnote 41: Wien. Ztg., 1789, No. 52, Anh.]

[Footnote 42: It is only known to me in an old copy among Mozart's remains.]

[Footnote 43: Müller, Abschied, p. 156.]

[Footnote 44: It was just noticed in the Wien. Ztg., 1788, No. 23, Anh.]

[Footnote 45: The song: "Beim Auszug in das Feld," dated August 11, 1788, in the

Thematic Catalogue, was probably written for a similar use; but I am not

acquainted with it.]

[Footnote 46: A German air, "Ohne Zwang aus eigenem Triebe" (569 K.), noted by

Mozart, under date "Jenner, 1789," has quite disappeared.]

[Footnote 47: Mus. Corr., 1790, p. 170; 1791, p. 69.]

[Footnote 48: She announced (Wien. Ztg., 1791, No. 66, Anh.) that in her

concert on June 19, she would play "an entirely new and beautiful

'Konzertantquintet,' with wind instruments, accompanied by Herr

Kapellmeister Mozart." CL Mus. Correspondenz, 1792, p. 146. A. M. Z.,

üI., p. 127. Among the sketches in the Mozarteum at Salzburg is the

commencement of another quintet for the same instruments in C major.]

[Footnote 49: Both in Berlin and Leipzig complaints were made that Mar.

Kirchgassner had sought to attract admiration by a rapidity and an

affected manner quite out of keeping with the character of the harmonica

(Reichardt, Mus. Monatsschr., p. 25. Berl. Mus. Ztg., 1793, p. 150. A.

M. Z., II., p. 254).]

[Footnote 50: Cf. Schink, Litt. Fragm., II., p. 286.]

[Footnote 51: It is entered in the Thematic Catalogue under April 21, 1784.]

[Footnote 52: In the Wiener Zeitung (1784, No. 54, p. 1560), Torricella announces

the composition by the celebrated Kapellmeister Mozart of three new

clavier sonatas, the third of which, with a violin accompaniment, had a

short time before been played with great success in the theatre by the

celebrated Mdlle. Strinasacchi and Herr Mozart, which is sufficient

recommendation in itself.]

[Footnote 53: The story is told by the widow (A. M. Z., I., p. 290), and more in

detail by Rochlitz (Für Freunde der Tonk., üI., p. 285).]

[Footnote 54: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr., p. 50.]

[Footnote 55: According to a communication of Sonnleithner's, who also asserts

that Leutgeb died in good circumstances on February 27, 1811.]

[Footnote 56: Cäcilie, IV., p. 306; VI., p. 203.]

[Footnote 57: Schink, Litt. Fragm., II., p. 236. Musik. Wochenbl., p. 118.]

[Footnote 58: So Parker asserts, Mus. Mem., II., p. 179, "from authentic

sources."]

[Footnote 59: Cf. Niemetschek, p. 75. Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 115.]

[Footnote 60: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., üI., p. 591. Compare Mozart's remarks on

Gabrielli and Aloysia Weber, I., p. 427.]

[Footnote 61: Rochlitz, whose opinions were identical, describes a bravura scena

for a prima donna, which Mozart has also recorded (A. M. Z., üI., p.

591).]

[Footnote 62: "Deceit and flattery were alike foreign to his artless character,"

says Niemetschek (p. 96), "and any restraint upon his intellect was

insupportable to him. Free and unreserved in his expressions and

answers, he frequently wounded the susceptibilities of self-love, and

made many enemies." An article upon him after his death contains the

following passage (Reichardt, Musik. Wochenbl., p. 94): "Now that he is

dead, the Viennese will know what they have lost in him. During his life

he was much harassed by cabals, whose hostility he sometimes provoked by

his _sans-souci_ manner."]

[Footnote 63: Blumauer, who mentions this characteristic in his observations

on the culture and literature of Austria, asserts that within eighteen

months 1,172 publications of this kind appeared at Vienna (Pros. Schr.,

I., p. 72).]

[Footnote 64: Prutz, Deutsch. Museum, II., p. 28.]

[Footnote 65: The few opera scores found among Mozart's remains are Gluck's

"Arbre Enchanté," "Le Diable ä Quatre," Grétry's "Zemire et Azor,"

"Bamevelt," Mich. Haydn's "Endimione."]

[Footnote 66: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 116. Cf. Siever's Mozart u. Süssmayer,

p. 22.]

[Footnote 67: A. M. Z., iiI., p. 493. He did not think highly of Jomelli as a

church composer, although he admired his operas (A. M. Z., I., p. 116),

while of Gass-mann he formed an exactly opposite opinion (A. M. Z., XX.,

p. 247).]

[Footnote 68: Burney, Reise, I., p. 22. Busky, Gesch. d. Mus., II., p. 584.]

[Footnote 69: So Jos. Frank asserts in Prutz, Deutsch. Museum, II., p. 24. There

are interesting notices in Kelly's Reminisc., I., p, 238.]

[Footnote 70: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 185.]

[Footnote 71: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 238.]

[Footnote 72: Bridi, Brevi Notiz., p. 47.]

[Footnote 73: The theme "Come un agnello" is from Sarti's opera, "Fra i Due

Litiganti Il Terzo Gode," which was then the rage in Vienna, and is the

same which is made use of in the second finale of "Don Giovanni."]

[Footnote 74: Sarti's "Esame acustico fatto sopra due frammenti di Mozart" has,

as far as I know, never been printed; an extract was given in A. M. Z.,

XXXIV., p. 373 (cf. XXVI., p. 540).]

[Footnote 75: According to a letter from Bonn of April 8, 1787 (Cramer's Magaz.,

II., p. 1,386) he was still in Bonn at that time, and returned home just

before the death of his mother, on July 17, 1787.]

[Footnote 76: Schindler (Biogr. Beethoven, I., p. 15) apparently did not know

of this interview, which Beethoven was fond of alluding to; the above

account was communicated to me in Vienna on good authority. The anecdote

is embellished in Beethoven's Studien (Anh., p. 4), and alludes

to studies in counterpoint and theory which Beethoven had not even

attempted at the time. According to Ries (Biogr. Not., p. 86) he

received a few lessons from Mozart, but never heard him play.]

[Footnote 77: "Mozart willingly listened to criticism, even when it was adverse,"

says Rochlitz (A. M. Z., I., p. 145); "he was susceptible only to blame

of one kind, and that was the kind which he most often received--that

is, blame for his too fiery imagination and intellect. This

sensitiveness was but natural; for if the blame were justifiable,

then all that was most original and characteristic in his music was

valueless."]

[Footnote 78: The anecdote is given by Niemetschek, p. 94; Rochlitz (A. M. Z.,

I., p. 53); Griesinger (Biogr. Notizen uber J. Haydn, p. 105); Nissen,

p. 681, who names Kozeluch.]

[Footnote 79: Bohemia, 1856, p. 127.]

[Footnote 80: This remark was communicated to me by Neukomm, who heard it from

Haydn.]

[Footnote 81: A. M. Z., II., p. 516.]

[Footnote 82: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 53; cf. p. 116.]

[Footnote 83: So Reichardt asserts, A. M. Z., XV., p. 667 (Schletterer,

Reichardt, I., p. 325). Reise nach Wien, II., p. 91, and Dittersdorf

(Selbstbiogr., p. 238).]

[Footnote 84: Sending a sonata to Artaria, he writes (February 8,1780): "I hope

at least to gain credit for this work with people of cultivation; it

is sure to be criticised by the envious (who are very numerous)"; and

similar remarks frequently occur.]

[Footnote 85: Parke, Mus. Mem., I., p. 170.]

[Footnote 86: Niemetschek, p. 78 (A. M. Z., I., p. 182; XI., p. 780. Nissen,

p. 643. Wien. Musikzeitg., 1817, p. 288. Nohl, Musikerbr., p. xoi).

Griesinger asserts by mistake (Biogr. Notizen, p. 104), followed by

Carpani (Le Haydine, p. 202), that in 1791, Haydn (who was then in

London) was summoned to Prague for the coronation of Leopold II., but

refused the invitation in the words, "Where Mozart is, Haydn cannot show

himself."]

[Footnote 87: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 52.]

[Footnote 88: Nohl, Musikerbr., pp. 84, 93. Cf. Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 25.]

[Footnote 89: Stadler, Vertheidigung der Echtheit des Mozartschen Requiem, p. 27.]

[Footnote 90: Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 104.]

[Footnote 91: Carpani, Le Haydine, p. 201.]

[Footnote 92: Karajan, Haydn in London, p. 66. Nohl, Musikerbr., p. 114.]

[Footnote 93: Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 23.]

[Footnote 94: Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 35. Dies, Biogr. Nachr., p. 75.]

[Footnote 95: Dies, Biogr. Nachr., p. 77.]

[Footnote 96: Karajan, J. Haydn in London, p. 97. Nohl, Musikerbr., p. 135.]

[Footnote 97: I have heard from Neukomm that Haydn spoke of it with emotion (Cf.

Wien. Ztg. fur Theat., 1808, üI., p. 107). "I am childishly glad to be

at home," he wrote (December 20, 1791), "and welcomed by my old friends.

I only regret to miss the greeting of the great Mozart, whose death

I deplore. Posterity will not see such talent for a century to come"

(Karajan, p. 102; Nohl, Musikerbr., p. 140).]