CHAPTER VII.

Russian Demoralization--On the Heels of the Enemy--Remarkable

Japanese Strategy--The Paper Army--The Thin Black Line of

Reinforcements--Position of the Russian Army--Kuropatkin Tied

to his Railway--The Second Scheme of Attack--A Model of

Organization--Perfect Secrecy of Plans--Cutting off Port

Arthur--Alexeieff's Command of Language--And the Sober

Truth--Third Blocking Attempt--Lurid Flashing of

Searchlights--On the Bones of their Predecessors--Half the

Passage Blocked--Honored but Unarmed--Russian

Acknowledgements--Terrific Casualties--Togo for Liao-tung--The

Japanese Landings--Escape of Alexeieff--Port Arthur Isolated.

[Sidenote: Russian Demoralization]

The signal victory of the despised Japanese at the Yalu River filled

official circles in St. Petersburg with the liveliest dismay and shook

that determined optimism which had survived even the unexampled series

of naval disasters sustained by the power of the Czar in the Far East.

There seems never to have been the least doubt among the Grand Dukes

and the Bureaucrats by whom the Emperor was surrounded that whatever

fate might befall the fleet, the "yellow monkeys," as they elegantly

called their foes, would fly headlong before the onslaught of the

Russian soldiery, accustomed as it was to victory on many a bloody

field in Europe. The fatuity of this overweening confidence now stood

revealed, and it was at last tardily recognized that as stern a task

awaited the Russian forces on land as at sea. But St. Petersburg

officialdom, wounded in pride and shaken in nerve as it was, still

preserved a bold front to the world, and excuses for the disaster that

had befallen the Russian arms were as prolific as ever. The army at the

disposal of General Sassulitch, it was explained, was but a small one;

that commander had blundered, and by giving battle to an overwhelmingly

superior force, had disobeyed or misunderstood the orders of General

Kuropatkin; and in any case, although severe losses were admitted, the

main body had retreated in good order to Feng-hwang-cheng, and the

_morale_ of the troops was unshaken. The plea that General Sassulitch

was solely responsible for the defeat which had befallen the Muscovite

arms, and that he had failed to follow the instructions of his

superior, has already been dealt with, and its extreme improbability

has been demonstrated, though, even if it were accurate, it would throw

a very unflattering light upon the powers of Russian leadership in the

higher commands. It was soon, however, to be shown that the suggestion

that the army of the Yalu had retired in good order and with unshaken

_morale_ was equally devoid of truth. As a matter of fact, the fierce

pursuit of the Japanese and the heavy losses which they inflicted upon

the retreating Russians at Hoh-mu-tang and elsewhere on the road to

Feng-hwang-cheng reduced the defeat to an utter rout, and it became

impossible for Sassulitch to make a stand at the latter point,

naturally strong as it was and admirably calculated to resist an attack.

[Illustration: AFTER THREE MONTHS.

The war began with the night attack on Port Arthur on February 8, but

it was not until two months later that the Japanese appeared on the

south-eastern border of Manchuria. On April 4 they occupied Wiju, on

the 21st troops began to land at Tatungkau, and on May 1 took place the

first great battle of the campaign, when the Japanese forced the

passage of the Yalu, and drove the Russians back upon Feng-wang-cheng.

On May 6 the latter place was occupied without resistance.

The shaded portion shows the Japanese advance.]

[Sidenote: On the Heels of the Enemy]

After a day or two spent in recuperating his tired troops, whose

tremendous exertions during the previous week must have tested their

powers of endurance to the utmost, and also in bringing his heavy guns

and supply train across the river from Wiju, in preparation for the

march General Kuroki began a forward movement into Manchuria with his

whole army. The cavalry led the advance, operating over a wide area of

country and sweeping the scattered units of the Russians before it.

Some sharp skirmishes took place at Erh-tai-tsu and San-tai-tsu, but no

real difficulty was interposed in the way of the victorious Japanese,

who drove the enemy in flight before them. On May 6th the foremost

cavalry vedettes reached Feng-hwang-cheng, and instead of finding the

strongly held entrenchments which the Russian press was even then

busily assuring a sceptical Europe would prevent any further advance on

the part of the presumptuous foe, they discovered that the troops of

General Sassulitch had been withdrawn, and they entered the deserted

town without having to fire a shot. The leading columns of the

infantry, following quickly behind, marched in and took possession on

the same day. Before his hurried departure General Sassulitch had

ordered the magazine to be blown up, but large quantities of hospital

and other stores fell into the hands of the Japanese. General Kuroki's

main body was not far in the rear, and the position of the whole army

was soon securely established at this important point. Feng-hwang-cheng

is situated at a mountain pass on the Liao-yang road, at a distance of

about 25 miles from the Yalu. As already stated, it possesses great

strategical importance. It is the centre at which the roads meet,

coming from Liao-yang, Haicheng, and Kaiping, places which are situated

at about equal distances from one another along the Manchurian railway

from north to south, and it therefore constitutes a _point d'appui_

from which a force could be thrown against any of them, while it is

itself a position of great strength. General Kuroki immediately began

to entrench himself strongly at this spot and to consolidate his

forces, while he waited for the highly important developments which

were now to take place in other quarters of the theatre of war.

[Illustration: IN THE RUSSIAN TRENCHES.]

[Sidenote: Remarkable Japanese Strategy]

A wide view of the position of affairs as they now stood over the

entire field of operations is necessary at this point in order to make

clear the remarkable events that followed, and to throw into full

relief the extraordinary qualities of the Japanese strategy--a strategy

conceived after the most patient study of all the conditions of the

problems and worked out in practice with almost machine-like regularity

and precision.

[Sidenote: The Paper Army]

When General Kuropatkin arrived at Mukden at the end of March and

took over the command from General Linevitch, he had on paper an army

of over 250,000 men. It was made up as follows: 223,000 infantry;

21,764 cavalry; 4,000 engineers; and artillery consisting of 496

field guns, 30 horse artillery guns, and 24 machine guns. This large

force was organized in four Army Corps, each with divisions of

infantry and its quota of artillery and cavalry; while there were

also two independent divisions of Cossacks, four brigades of Frontier

Guards, railway troops, fortress artillery and a number of small

units not allotted. The First Army Corps was under the command of

General Baron Stackelberg, the Second under General Sassulitch, the

Third under General Stoessel, and the Fourth under General

Zarubaieff. It was an imposing force, this army of Manchuria,

calculated to strike terror into the hearts of an Oriental enemy, but

unfortunately for the Russians it lacked one thing, and that was

reality. The actual position of affairs was indeed very different. To

begin with, the greater part of the troops were not near the front at

all when the Commander-in-Chief appeared upon the scene to direct

operations, but were being pushed along the Siberian Railway with a

feverish haste which at the same time did not denote proportionate

speed. When they did arrive they arrived in detached fragments, and

the desperate necessities of the case did not admit of adherence to

the paper arrangements. For instance, the 7th and 8th Divisions,

which should have formed part of the Second Army Corps under General

Sassulitch, were, as a matter of fact, sent to assist in garrisoning

Port Arthur and Vladivostock. Port Arthur, it will be remembered, was

by this time under the command of General Stoessel, who was therefore

unable to direct the operations of the Third Army Corps, which

properly should have been entrusted to him. On the other hand, the

3rd East Siberian Rifle Division, which belonged to that Corps, and

the 6th East Siberian Rifle Division, which should have been attached

to the First Army Corps, were sent to the Yalu, where, as we have

already seen, they took part in the ill-fated conflict of the 1st of

May. It will be observed from these shifts--only a few of the most

noticeable out of many--that the Army Corps system of the Manchurian

Army had completely broken down, and that the ideal of a coherent

fighting force, with officers and men trained together in peace under

the conditions to which they would be subjected in war, had not been

attained in the slightest degree. The lack of organization which

prevailed in the distribution of the larger commands was equally

manifest in the mobilization of the units of which they were

composed. Regiments were not complete; hastily-formed levies had to

be added to bring them up to their nominal strength; and the ranks of

the officers had to be filled up in many cases with volunteers from

regiments in other parts of the Empire. The result was a composite

force very different indeed in fighting power from the splendid

machine which the Mikado's strategists had been carefully perfecting

in time of peace in readiness for the struggle which they had so long

foreseen.

[Sidenote: The Thin Black Line of Reinforcements]

In bringing even this haphazard collection of unco-ordinated units to

the front in Manchuria, the greatest difficulties had been experienced.

All that European observers had predicted about the working capacity of

a railway like the Trans-Siberian for the conveyance of a huge army for

thousands of miles came true to the letter. Prince Khilkoff, the

Director-General of Russian Railways, undoubtedly did wonders, and the

tremendous efforts which he and his staff put forth, especially in

surmounting the great natural obstacle presented by Lake Baikal, were

worthy of all praise. But to carry an army of 250,000 men, with all its

necessary supplies and munitions of war, into Manchuria in the time

required for the purpose of striking an effective blow at an enemy like

the Japanese was a task beyond the powers of any railway staff in the

world. The rickety single line, with infrequent sidings, which

stretches across the steppes of Siberia from Harbin to the Urals was

quite inadequate for such a feat of transport. By the middle of May,

therefore, the position in which General Kuropatkin found himself--a

position partly created by himself, as Minister of War, and partly

created for him by the ineptitude of others--was widely different from

that which the easy and thoughtless optimists in St. Petersburg had

anticipated when the war broke out. The Fourth Army Corps was not

across Lake Baikal; 30,000 or 40,000 men were shut up in the fortresses

of Port Arthur and Vladivostock, and were not only useless for field

operations, but were themselves liable to siege and capture; and,

allowing the highest possible estimate, the Russian Commander-in-Chief

had at his disposal for assuming the offensive in Manchuria no more

than 100,000 men with 260 guns.

[Sidenote: Position of the Russian Army]

With this army he was holding the railway line from Mukden to Port

Arthur, a distance of about 230 miles. His headquarters were at

Liao-yang, and he held Haicheng and Kaiping in force, while a

detachment was thrown out to the south-west and occupied Niuchwang. In

the extreme south Port Arthur, though closely blockaded from the sea by

the watchful Togo, was as yet open to communication by land, and no

attempt had hitherto been made by the Japanese to secure a footing on

the Liao-tung Peninsula. On the east of the Liao-yang--Kaiping line the

Russian troops occupied three important passes, namely, Ta-ling, about

50 miles distant, in a northeasterly direction, from Liao-yang; the

Motien-ling, about 25 miles away on the main road to Feng-hwang-cheng;

and Fen-chu-ling, half way on the road from Tashihchao to Siuyen.

Tashihchao is on the railway midway between Haicheng and Kaiping. The

Motien-ling Pass was the scene of a sanguinary combat between the

Chinese and the Japanese in the war of 1894, and on that occasion the

Mikado's forces had the greatest trouble in capturing it. Besides

holding these passes General Kuropatkin had pushed forward his Cossack

patrols to scour the country as far as Feng-hwang-cheng, and constant

small encounters took place between them and General Kuroki's outposts

during the ensuing six weeks.

[Sidenote: Kuropatkin Tied to His Railway]

It is clear from this brief statement of the Russian position that the

Japanese, always provided that they could retain the command of the

sea, were placed at a great strategical advantage compared with their

enemy. Holding their First Army poised at Feng-hwang-cheng, they could

throw their Second and Third Armies upon the coast at any point that

suited them best for the purpose of making a great combined movement.

On the other hand, Kuropatkin was practically tied to the railway, and,

with the inadequate force at his disposal, could not advance against

Kuroki to destroy him in detail before the arrival of fresh armies from

Japan. He was liable to attack at any point, and it was the peculiar

difficulty of his situation that he could not tell which point would be

selected. As a matter of fact, when the blow fell, as it soon did with

crushing effect, he was powerless to prevent it.

[Sidenote: The Second Scheme of Attack]

The chapter of strategy which now opens is a fascinating one to any

student of war, and fortunately its main features can be readily

appreciated also by any layman who makes an intelligent study of a map

of Manchuria and the Liao-tung Peninsula. The prime object of the

Japanese plainly was to cut General Kuropatkin's extended line of

communications, isolate Port Arthur, and then attempt to envelope his

main force by advancing simultaneously from the south, the east, and

the northeast. It was consequently necessary, as a preliminary, to

establish the First Army securely in Manchuria, it being clear that

with this menace on his left flank, General Kuropatkin would not be

able to detach many troops to the south to prevent the investment of

Port Arthur. Everything, therefore, depended on the fortune that would

attend the advance of General Kuroki across the Yalu, and the Moltkes

at Tokio, after a patient study of all the conditions of an intricate

problem, had thought out two great alternative schemes to meet the

eventuality either of victory or defeat. In case of General Kuroki's

finding the task of crossing the Yalu unaided to be an insuperable one,

the Second Army, under General Oku, was to be landed at Takushan, a

port on the coast some miles to the west of the mouth of the river, and

thence to strike a blow at General Sassulitch's right flank. On the

other hand, if Kuroki met with success, Oku's army was to be landed at

a point on the Liao-tung Peninsula to cut Kuropatkin's communications

and invest Port Arthur. As we have seen, General Kuroki's signal

triumph at the Yalu River rendered the first alternative unnecessary,

and opened the way for the more decisive and dramatic stroke involved

in the second scheme.

[Sidenote: A Model of Organization]

But before anything could be done to land the Second Army, either at

Takushan or on the Liao-tung Peninsula, it was imperatively necessary

to disarm the Russian Fleet at Port Arthur, and prevent even the

remotest possibility of its interfering with the operations. Here, as

always, the two services, the army and the navy, had to work in close

correspondence and interdependence. From the beginning of the war these

separate branches of the Japanese forces had fitted into one another

like parts of the same piece of machinery, the whole directed by one

uniform purpose and striving towards one great common end. The joint

schemes of the naval and military strategists at Tokio will ever

provide an invaluable object-lesson to all students of the art of war;

and it may be predicted that they will prove of valuable assistance to

the strategists of our own army and navy. One of the most remarkable

features of the war has been the certainty and precision with which the

Japanese have worked out their complex plans; it is no less remarkable,

and affords a further striking evidence of their efficiency, that they

felt able, absolutely, to count upon that certainty and precision, and

to make arrangements long beforehand, which with a less carefully

organized scheme and less trustworthy commanders to carry it out would

have been foolhardy, or at least wasteful. Failure in any real sense

does not seem to have entered into their calculations. One portion of

the plan, indeed, might miscarry, but, as we have seen, partial failure

had been provided against, and a rapid modification of strategy to meet

the case would have been possible. It was, in fact, one of the most

interesting examples of the application of brains to war that have ever

been seen in the history of the world.

[Sidenote: Perfect Secrecy of Plans]

In the action and inter-action, then, of this great double machine, the

army had done all that it was possible for it to do for the moment; and

once again it came round to the turn of the navy to make the next

decisive move. Upon the success of this move may be said to have

depended the whole success of the after operations, but, calculating

with absolute confidence upon the skill of Admiral Togo, the Mikado's

strategists had already put the Second Army into a state of complete

preparation, and had even ordered it to be conveyed to a place from

which it could be transferred to the front at any quarter at a moment's

notice. Arrangements for its embarkation were begun as soon as General

Kuroki reached Wiju with the First Army in the early days of April.

When that commander was able to report that his dispositions for the

attack upon the Russian entrenchments on the right bank of the Yalu

were well advanced, the process of embarking General Oku's troops was

started at once. Not a hint was allowed to escape as to their

destination; even if the press correspondents, chafing under their

enforced inaction at Tokio, had learnt the name, the censor would not

have let it pass to the outer world; but, as a matter of fact, it is

safe to say that the secret was safely locked in the breasts of half a

dozen men. By April 22nd the whole army with its transports,

commissariat, ammunition train, and hospital corps, had been put on

board ship, and said farewell to the shores of Japan, vanishing, for

all the world could tell, into the inane. For more than a fortnight

nothing further was heard of it No one could report its landing

anywhere, no one could say what it was doing, and day by day the

mystery grew more mysterious. Only on May 7th was the veil lifted, when

this great army fell upon the coast of Liao-tung as if from the

heavens, and proceeded to the investment of Port Arthur. The truth was

that during this fortnight it had been lying _perdu_ on some small

islands close to the west coast of Korea, called the Sir James Hall

group, and distant 160 miles in a southeastern direction from the

shores of Liao-tung.

[Sidenote: Cutting off Port Arthur]

Here, briefly stated, is the manner in which the scheme worked out. On

May 1st General Kuroki triumphantly crossed the Yalu and stormed the

heights above Chiu-lien-cheng. On May 2nd Admiral Togo descended once

more upon Port Arthur, and blocked the harbor completely by sinking

eight steamers at the entrance to the channel. On the afternoon of May

3rd, having made sure of the thoroughness of the work, he set off at

full speed for the Sir James Hall Islands, reaching his destination by

early morning on the 4th. Everything there was in readiness for the

expedition, and within a few hours the whole of the transports,

escorted by the fleet, set sail for the east coast of Liao-tung. At

dawn the next day they reached the point on the peninsula which had

been selected for the landing--Yentoa Bay--and in a few short hours a

considerable portion of the force had been disembarked, the resistance

offered by a small detachment of Cossacks, the only force possessed by

the Russians in the neighborhood, being entirely negligible. On the 6th

the railway line was severed, and in a few days more the Japanese were

sitting securely astride of the peninsula, and Port Arthur was cut off

from the world. The scheme had been carried out like the combinations

of a skilful chess player, or like the successive steps of a

mathematical problem.

[Illustration: A DESPERATE ENCOUNTER AT PORT ARTHUR.]

[Sidenote: Alexeieff's Command of Language]

It is necessary now to follow the development of these operations more

in detail. The first that falls to be described is the successful

attempt, the third of the series, to block the entrance to the harbor

of Port Arthur. But before giving the real version of this thrilling

enterprise it may be interesting to quote the report sent to the Grand

Admiral unconquerable Alexeieff, whose optimism rose superior to every

disaster and the alchemy of whose dispatches could still transmute

defeat into signal victory. Here is the message, so soothing to the

nerves of his fellow-countrymen, in which he announced the event that

enabled the Japanese to land troops at any point they desired up their

enemy's coasts:--

"I respectfully report to your Highness that a fresh attack made by the

enemy last night with the object of obstructing the entrance to the

port was successfully repelled.

"At 1 o'clock in the morning five torpedo-boats were perceived near the

coast from the eastern batteries. Under the fire of our batteries and

warships they retreated southward.

"At 1.45 the first fireship, escorted by several torpedo-boats, came in

sight. We opened fire upon it from our batteries and warships.

Three-quarters of an hour afterwards our searchlights revealed a number

of fireships making for the entrance to the harbor from the east and

southeast. The _Otvajni_, the _Giliak_, the _Gremiashtchi_, and the

batteries on the shore repulsed each Japanese ship by a well-directed

fire.

"Altogether eight ships were sunk by our vigorous cannonade, by

Whitehead torpedoes launched from our torpedo-boats, and by the

explosion of several submarine mines.

"Further, according to the reports of the officers commanding the

batteries and the warship _Giliak_, two Japanese torpedo-boats were

destroyed.

"After 4 a. m., the batteries and gunboats ceased fire, subsequently

firing only at intervals on the enemy's torpedo-boats, which were

visible on the horizon.

"All the fireships carried quick-firing guns, with which the enemy

maintained a constant fire.

"Up to the present thirty men, including two mortally wounded officers

who sought refuge in the launches, or were rescued from the fireships

by us, have been picked up. The inspection of the roadstead and the

work of saving drowning men are hindered by the heavy sea which is

running.

"We suffered no casualties with the exception of a seaman belonging to

the torpedo-boat destroyer _Boevoi_."

[Sidenote: And the Sober Truth]

No one reading this remarkable account could imagine that it described

an operation which ultimately sealed the doom of Port Arthur. For a

more sober but a more accurate narrative we must turn to the dispatches

of Admiral Togo. On May 2nd, as already recounted, the Japanese Naval

Commander-in-Chief received the news of the successful crossing of the

Yalu. His plans were already laid and his preparations were complete.

Eight merchant steamers this time had been secured for the service, and

upwards of 20,000 men volunteered for the glorious duty of manning them

and dying for their country. Of these, 159 were ultimately selected.

The names of the steamers were the _Mikawa_, _Sakura_, _Totomi_,

_Yedo_, _Otaru_, _Sagami_, _Aikoku_, and _Asagawo_. The vessels ordered

to escort the doomed hulks were the gunboats _Akagi_ and _Chokai_, the

2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 5th destroyer flotillas, and the 9th, 10th, and 14th

torpedo-boat flotillas. The whole force, which was under the command of

Commander Hayashi, started for its destination on the night of May 2nd.

[Sidenote: Third Blocking Attempt]

It is a melancholy circumstance, typical of the sombre, but ofttimes

splendid, tragedy of war, that of this third and most successful

attempt to block the harbor the narrative is necessarily the most

fragmentary and obscure, owing to the loss of life which it entailed.

On the two previous occasions, reckless as was the gallantry of the

Japanese and enormous as were the risks they ran, the casualties were

surprisingly small, and the majority of the men engaged were able to

return to their ships and tell the story of their enterprise. On this

night, however, everything was against success; the Russians were more

fully prepared to meet attack than they had ever been before; their

shooting was more effective; and worse still, the weather turned out

wholly unfavorable, the ships had to proceed singly upon their way; and

when they were sunk the difficulties in the way of recovering their

crews proved more than usually arduous, and most of them were either

shot or drowned or taken prisoner. In spite of all these adverse

circumstances a splendid success was achieved, but it was achieved

under conditions which largely obliterated the record, and leaves but

sparse material for the historian.

[Sidenote: Lurid Flashing of Searchlights]

The broad outlines of the story, however, are clear. When the steamers

with their accompanying flotillas were well on their way, a strong

southeasterly breeze sprang up, which rapidly freshened into a gale. It

was impossible in the circumstances to keep the vessels together, and,

fearing that the attack would in consequence be ineffective, Commander

Hayashi signalled to his subordinates to abandon the expedition for the

time being. But the weather and the heavy seas prevented his signals

from being observed, and the gallant enterprise therefore proceeded

unchecked. By one in the morning the 14th torpedo-boat flotilla reached

the roadstead and pressed steadily towards the eastern side of the

harbor mouth. The little vessels were soon exposed to the glare of the

searchlights, and at once a furious bombardment broke out upon them

from the Russian gunboats and the shore batteries. For the moment they

retreated, drawing the enemy's fire upon them, while the leading

steamer, which was close behind, made a dash for the channel. This

vessel was the _Mikawa_, under the command of Lieut. Sosa. The

Russians, as we have said, were much better prepared to resist attack

than on previous occasions. Piles of combustibles, stationed at various

points on the shore on each side of the harbor mouth, were set on fire,

and cast a lurid light on the scene, throwing into strong relief the

dark forms of the advancing ships, while the searchlights flashed

backwards and forwards over the unquiet surface of the sea, and made

every movement of the Japanese fatally visible to the defenders on the

fortress. A storm of missiles burst over the devoted expedition, but

undeterred, intent only on reaching the centre of the channel, Lieut.

Sosa pushed his vessel forward at the top of her speed. Nothing could

stop him or his crew--nor raging sea, nor searchlight, nor even the

rain of shot and shell. The _Mikawa_ stuck bravely to her course, and,

breaking through the boom which stretched across the mouth, anchored

right in the middle of the channel. In a moment the fuse was lighted,

and as the commander and his crew pushed off in the boats the ship blew

up and sank in the fairway. The _Sakura_, which was not far behind, was

less lucky than her companion. She was driven upon a rock at the

eastern side of the entrance, and blew up outside the channel.

[Sidenote: On the Bones of their Predecessors]

There was a short pause, and then came a fresh contingent of fireships,

rushing upon destruction. The aim of the Russian gunners had much

improved; in the fierce glare of the searchlights and the flaming

beacons every detail of the steamers was distinctly visible, and that

they should have succeeded in advancing into the channel in the face of

such a withering blast as swept across their course was little short of

a miracle. The waters, too, were thickly sown with mines, in readiness

for such an assault as this, and they did serious execution. The

_Aikoku_ was distant only five cables from the mouth when she struck

one of these deadly engines and blew up, her race cut short just when

the goal was at hand. Her commander, Lieut. Uchida, the chief engineer,

Aoki, and eight of the crew were killed or drowned. The _Asagawo_ was

riddled with shot, her rudder was smashed, and drifting upon the shore

beneath Golden Hill, she blew up and sank where the bones of so many of

her predecessors were already reposing.

[Sidenote: Half the Passage Blocked]

But the other vessels were more successful. The _Otaru_ and the

_Sagami_ reached the harbor mouth before they were sunk, and

contributed a large share to the obstruction of the entrance. The

_Yedo_ did better still, for she got further up than these two others.

Just as her anchor was being got ready her gallant commander, Lieut.

Takayanagi, fell dead, shot through the stomach; but there was no pause

in the operations. Sub-Lieut. Nagatu at once stepped into his

superior's place, and, anchoring the ship with the utmost coolness,

sank her in the fairway. The _Totomi_ did best of all, for, like the

_Mikawa_, she burst through the boom in the teeth of the Russian guns,

got well inside, and turning right across the channel from east to

west, sank in that position, blocking up at least half the passage.

[Sidenote: Honored, but Unarmed]

Admiral Togo, in his brief and dignified way, thus referred to the

magnificent services rendered by the men who had fallen in this great

enterprise:--"The undertaking, when compared with the last two

attempts, involved a heavier casualty on our side owing to the

inclemency of the weather and increased preparation for defence of the

enemy. We could not save any of the officers and men of the _Otaru_,

_Sagami_, _Sakura_ and _Asagawo_, and I regret that nothing particular

could be learned about the gallant way in which they discharged their

duties, although the memory of their exemplary conduct will long

survive in the Imperial navy."

[Sidenote: Russian Acknowledgments]

But though the Japanese Commander-in-Chief could learn nothing

particular about the gallant way in which his men had performed their

duties, the gap in our knowledge can fortunately be supplied, to some

extent at all events, by the Russians, who bore ample and chivalrous

testimony to the splendid heroism displayed by their foes. They

acknowledged, said a telegram from St. Petersburg, "that the enemy

attacked in brilliant style, seeming never to notice the murderous fire

which greeted them." One incident in particular struck upon their minds

and extorted from them the warmest expressions of admiration. "On board

the fireships," they remarked, "were a number of Japanese cadets, who

displayed extraordinary bravery. As the ships were sinking several of

these lads rushed aloft, and sitting on the cross-trees of the

topmasts, fired their revolvers before they plunged into the sea." The

account ends with a sentence of terse significance: "It is believed

that none were saved."

[Sidenote: Terrific Casualties]

Of the total of 159 men engaged in this work of desperate heroism only

36 returned in safety, and of these 28 were wounded. Two officers (both

mortally wounded) and 30 men were picked up by the Russians and taken

prisoners. The number of the killed was 75. They had not died in vain.

The harbor of Port Arthur was now securely blocked--not permanently

indeed, for while divers and dynamite can be obtained no harbor in the

world can be obstructed for ever in this way; but blocked to such an

extent that the Russians could not get any big ships through for weeks,

even given the most advantageous conditions in which to carry on the

work of removing the obstacles. And for the momentous operations that

were to follow the Japanese required not so much weeks as days.

[Sidenote: Togo for Liao-tung]

The fleet remained off Port Arthur till the afternoon to make sure that

all the rescue work possible had been accomplished. In this duty the

destroyer and torpedo-boat flotillas rendered admirable service. Once

again, happy to relate, they emerged themselves from the dangerous

enterprise with singularly slight damages, and lost only two men

killed. At last, having realized that no more remained to be done in

saving life, and having made sure that the "bottle" had finally been

"corked," Admiral Togo leaving behind a small squadron to watch Port

Arthur, set off at full steam with his main fleet for the Sir James

Hall Islands. There he was joined by the gunboat squadron under

Rear-Admiral Hosoya, which had rendered such effective service in the

lower reaches of the river at the battle of the Yalu. The transports,

with the Second Army on board, were practically ready for departure,

and on the morning of the 4th of May the whole expedition set out for

the Liao-tung Peninsula. At daybreak on the 5th Yentoa Bay was sighted.

[Sidenote: The Japanese Landings]

Yentoa Bay is admirably suited for the landing of a large force, for

the shelving shore, with shallow waters, presents no difficulty to the

approach of boats such as the Japanese use for this purpose.

Furthermore, it possesses great strategical advantages. It is within

easy striking distance of the railway, while the country in the

immediate neighborhood favors the advance of an attacking force and

gives little opportunity for defence. The likelihood of a landing here,

however, does not seem to have occurred to the Russians, who had

prepared instead for a descent upon Niuchwang. The whole affair is an

excellent illustration of the advantages conferred upon a combatant by

the command of the sea, especially when the openings for attack are

numerous, as they are in the case of the Liao-tung Peninsula. General

Kuropatkin could not tell where the descent of the enemy would be made,

and though he could defend some of the possible points, he could not

defend all. The Japanese, on the other hand, could select the spot that

suited them best without any serious risk of interference. Yentoa Bay

was therefore practically undefended when Admiral Togo's fleet arrived

convoying the Second Army. A troop of about 100 Cossacks was patrolling

the shore, but the gunboat squadron quickly dispersed it with a few

shells, and the work of landing could then be carried through without

interruption.

[Illustration: GENERAL STOESSEL EXHORTING HIS TROOPS IN THE DEFENSE OF

PORT ARTHUR.]

[Sidenote: Escape of Alexeieff]

The first to make for the shore was a force of marines, two battalions

of whom waded through the shallows and occupied the rising ground above

the shore. Within an hour the advance guard of the army itself had been

disembarked, and the rest of General Oku's troops quickly followed; the

whole process being carried out with the smoothness and dispatch which

characterized all the operations of this kind on the Japanese side. On

the 6th, a flying column was sent to the northwards to seize the small

port of Pitszewo, and more important still, another column moved across

the neck of the peninsula with great rapidity and, occupying Pulantien,

broke up the railway and cut off all communication between General

Kuropatkin and Port Arthur. But before this was done one notable train

load of passengers managed to escape from the beleaguered fortress.

Chief among them were the Viceroy of the Far East, Admiral Alexeieff

himself, and the Grand Duke Boris. They left only just in time. The

gallant Admiral of the inventive pen had at last discovered that the

repulse of the Japanese naval attack on which he had prided himself in

his grandiloquent dispatch to the authorities at St. Petersburg was in

reality no repulse at all; that as a matter of fact the Japanese had

done just what they wanted to do; and that they were now able to

proceed, in their methodical way, to land troops on the peninsula and

invest Port Arthur. That the Viceroy should be shut up in the fortress,

too, was not to be thought of--though probably it would have been

better for the success of General Kuropatkin's strategy if his

troublesome colleague had been safely removed out of the way for the

rest of the campaign--and so by a desperate effort the gallant Admiral

burst through the gradually tightening cordon.

[Sidenote: Port Arthur Isolated]

After the first interruption of communications the Japanese force

temporarily withdrew, and the success of the Russians in relaying the

line and in running a train loaded with ammunition through to Port

Arthur revived the drooping spirits of the official classes in St.

Petersburg. The act was one of extreme gallantry, and reflected the

highest credit on Colonel Spiridonoff, the officer in command, but

beyond giving the garrison some greatly needed supplies it did not

materially alter the situation. The line was again broken up, the

Japanese occupied the neck of land in force, and in a few days Port

Arthur was completely cut off from the outer world.

The Japan-Russia War: An Illustrated History of the War in the Far East · 第 7 / 20 章