SALEM APRIL 8th 1777

The above 13 packages and 4 cases of medicines are ship'd on Board

the Sloop Called the Two Brothers Saml West Master. On Account and

[illegible word] of Mr. Oliver Smith of Boston Apothecary and to

him consigned. The cases are unmarked being ship'd at Night. Error

Excepted Jon. Waldo.

[65] Jonathon Waldo, Apothecary account book, Salem,

Massachusetts [1770-1790]. Manuscript original preserved in

the Library of the Essex Institute, Salem, Mass.

[Illustration: Figure 8.--DALBY'S CARMINATIVE, two sides of a bottle

from the McKearin collection, Hoosick Falls, New York. (_Smithsonian

photo 44287-C._)]

The sloop was undoubtedly one of the small coastal type ships employed

by the colonists, and the British blockade required such ominous

precautions as "unmarked cases" and "ship'd by Night."

Such random assortments of prewar importations could hardly have met

the American demand for the old English patent medicines created by a

half century of use. Doubtless many embattled farmers had to confront

their ailments without the accustomed English-made remedies. However,

as early as the 1750's, at least two of the English patent medicines,

Daffy's and Stoughton's Elixirs, were being compounded in the

colonies and packaged in empty bottles shipped from England.

Apothecary Carter of Williamsburg ordered sizable quantities of empty

"Stoughton Vials" from 1752 through 1770, and occasionally ordered

empty Daffy's bottles.[66] In 1774 apothecary Waldo of Salem noted

the receipt from England of "1 Groce Stoughton Phials" and "1 Groce

Daffy's Do."[67] Joseph Stansbury, who sold china and glass in

Philadelphia, advertised "Daffy's Elixir Bottles" a week after the

Declaration of Independence.[68] Stoughton's and Daffy's Elixirs,

therefore, were being compounded by the American apothecaries during

the Revolutionary War. Formulas for both preparations were official

in the London and Edinburgh pharmacopoeias, as well as in unofficial

formularies like Quincy's _Pharmacopoeias officinalis extemporanea_

of 1765. All these publications were used widely by American

physicians and apothecaries.

[66] Carter, _op. cit._ (footnote 46).

[67] Waldo, _op. cit._ (footnote 65).

[68] _Pennsylvania Gazette_, Philadelphia, July 11, 1776.

It is not known how extensively, during the struggle for independence,

this custom was adopted for English patent medicines other than Daffy's

and Stoughton's. However, imitation of English patent medicines in

America was to increase, and it contributed to the chaos that beset the

nostrum field when the war was over and the original articles from

England were once more available. And they were bought. An

advertisement at a time when the fighting was over and peace

negotiations were still under way indicated that the Baltimore post

office had half a dozen of the familiar English remedies for sale.[69]

Two years later a New York store turned to tortured rhyme to convey the

same message:[70]

Medicines approv'd by royal charter,

James, Godfry, Anderson, Court-plaster,

With Keyser's, Hooper's Lockyer's Pills,

And Honey Balsam Doctor Hill's;

Bateman and Daffy, Jesuits drops,

And all the Tinctures of the shops,

As Stoughton, Turlington and Grenough,

Pure British Oil and Haerlem Ditto....

[69] _Maryland Journal and Baltimore Gazette_, Baltimore, October

29, 1782.

[70] _New York Packet and the American Advertiser_, New York,

October 11, 1784.

Later in the decade, the Salem apothecary, Jonathon Waldo, made a list

of "An assortment [of patent medicines] Usually Called For." The

imported brand of Turlington's Balsam, Waldo stated, was "very dear" at

36 shillings a dozen, adding that his "own" was worth but 15 shillings

for the same quantity. The English original of another nostrum, Essence

of Peppermint, he listed at 18 shillings a dozen, his own at a mere

10/6.[71] Despite the price differential, importations continued. A

Beverly, Massachusetts, druggist, Robert Rantoul, in 1799 ordered from

London filled boxes and bottles of Anderson's Pills, Bateman's Drops,

Steer's Opodeldoc, and Turlington's Balsam, along with the empty vials

in which to put British Oil and Essence of Peppermint.[72] For decades

thereafter the catalogs of wholesale drug firms continued to specify

two grades of various patent medicines for sale, termed "English" and

"American," "true" and "common," or "genuine" and "imitation."[73] This

had not been the case in patent medicine listings of 18th-century

catalogs.[74]

[71] Waldo, _op. cit._ (footnote 65).

[72] Robert Rantoul, Apothecary daybooks, 3 vols., Beverly,

Massachusetts [1796-1812]. Manuscript originals preserved in the

Beverly Historical Society. Also see Robert W. Lovett, "Squire

Rantoul and his drug store," _Bulletin of the Business Historical

Society_, June 1951, vol. 25, pp. 99-114.

[73] Joel and Jotham Post, _A catalogue of drugs, medicines &

chemicals, sold wholesale & retail, by Joel and Jotham Post,

druggists, corner of Wall and William-Streets_, New York, 1804;

Massachusetts College of Pharmacy, _Catalogue of the materia

medica and of the pharmaceutical preparations, with the uniform

prices of the Massachusetts College of Pharmacy_, Boston, 1828;

George W. Carpenter, _Essays on some of the most important

articles of the materia medica ... to which is added a catalogue

of medicines, surgical instruments, etc._, Philadelphia, 1834.

[74] John Dunlap, _Catalogus medicinarum et pharmacorum_,

Philadelphia, 1771; John Day, _Catalogue of drugs, chymical and

galenical preparations, shop furniture, patent medicines, and

surgical instruments sold by John Day and Company, druggists and

chymists in second-street_, Philadelphia, 1771; George

Griffenhagen, "The Day-Dunlap 1771 pharmaceutical catalog,"

_American Journal of Pharmacy_, September 1955, vol. 127, pp.

296-302; also _The New York Physician and American Medicine_, May

1956, vol. 46, pp. 42-44; Smith and Bartlett, _Catalogue of drugs

and medicines, instruments and utensils, dyestuffs, groceries,

and painters' colours, imported, prepared, and sold, by Smith and

Bartlett, at their druggists store and apothecaries shop_,

Boston, 1795.

[Illustration: Figure 9.--GODFREY'S CORDIAL, 19th-century bottles from

the Samuel Aker, David and George Kass collection, Albany, New York.

(_Smithsonian photo 44201-C._)]

In buying Anderson's and Bateman's remedies from London in 1799, Robert

Rantoul of Massachusetts specified that they be secured from Dicey. It

will be remembered that 60 years earlier William Dicey, John Cluer, and

Robert Raikes were the group of entrepreneurs who had aided Benjamin

Okell in patenting the pectoral drops bearing Bateman's name. Then and

throughout the century, this concern continued to operate a warehouse

in the Bow Churchyard, Cheapside, London. In 1721, it was known as the

"Printing-house and Picture Warehouse" of John Cluer, printer,[75] but

by 1790, it was simply the "Medicinal Warehouse" of Bow Churchyard,

Cheapside. This address lay in the center of the London area whence

came nearly all of the British goods exported to America.[76] It had

been the location of many merchants who had migrated to New England in

the 17th century, and these newcomers had done business with their

erstwhile associates who did not leave home. Thus were started trade

channels which continued to run. The Bow Churchyard Warehouse may have

been the major exporter of English patent medicines to colonial

America, although others of importance were located in the same London

region, in particular Robert Turlington of Lombard Street and Francis

Newbery of St. Paul's Churchyard. The significance of the fact that

there were key suppliers of patent medicines for the American market

lies in the selection process which resulted. Out of the several

hundred patent medicines which 18th-century Britain had available,

Americans dosed themselves with that score or more which the major

exporters shipped to colonial ports.

[75] _London Mercury_, London, August 19-26, 1721.

[76] Bernard Bailyn, _The New England merchants in the

seventeenth century_, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1955, pp. 35-36.

Not only did the Bow Churchyard Warehouse firm have Bateman's Drops. It

will be remembered that in 1721 they advertised that they were

preparing Daffy's Elixir. In 1743, they and Newbery were made exclusive

vendors of Hooper's Pills.[77] By 1750, the firm was also marketing

British Oil, Anderson's Pills, and Stoughton's Elixir.[78] Turlington

in 1755 was selling not only his Balsam of Life, but was also vending

Daffy's Elixir, Godfrey's Cordial, and Stoughton's Elixir.[79] After

the tension of the Townshend Acts, it was the Bow Churchyard Warehouse

which supplied a Boston apothecary with a large supply of nostrums,

including all the eight patent medicines then in existence of the ten

with which this discussion is primarily concerned.[80] On November 29,

1770, the _Virginia Gazette_ (edited by Purdie and Dixon) reported a

shipment, including Bateman's, Hooper's, Betton's, Anderson's, and

Godfrey's remedies, just received "from Dr. Bateman's original

wholesale warehouse in London" (the Bow Churchyard Warehouse). When

Dalby's Carminative and Steer's Opodeldoc came on the market in the

1780's, it was Francis Newbery who had them for sale. Both the Newbery

and Dicey (Bow Churchyard Warehouse) firms continued to operate in the

post-Revolutionary years. Thus, it was no accident but rather vigorous

commercial promotion over the decades, that resulted in the most

popular items on the Dicey and Newbery lists appearing in the

Philadelphia College of Pharmacy pamphlet published in 1824. And

although the same old firms continued to export the same old medicines

to the new United States, the back of the business was broken. The

imitation spurred by wartime necessity became the post-war pattern.

[77] _Daily Advertiser_, London, September 23, 1743.

[78] "Dr. Bateman's Drops" (see footnote 7).

[79] Turlington, _op. cit._ (footnote 15).

[80] _Massachusetts Gazette_, Boston, December 21, 1769.

The key recipes were to be found in formula books. Beginning in the

1790's, even American editions of John Wesley's _Primitive physic_

included formulas for Daffy's, Turlington's, and Stoughton's remedies

which the founder of Methodism had introduced into English editions of

this guidebook to health shortly before his death.[81]

[81] John Wesley, _Primitive physic_, 21st ed., London, 1785;

_ibid._, 22nd ed., London, 1788; _ibid._, 16th Amer. ed.,

Trenton, 1788; _ibid._, 22nd Amer. ed., Philadelphia, 1791;

George Dock, "The 'primitive physic' of Rev. John Wesley,"

_Journal of the American Medical Association_, February 20, 1915,

vol. 64, pp. 629-638.

The homemade versions, as Jonathon Waldo had recorded (see p. 171),

were about half as costly. The state of affairs at the turn of the new

century is illustrated in the surviving business papers of the Beverly

druggist, Robert Rantoul. In 1799 he had imported the British Oil and

Essence of Peppermint bottles. In 1802 he reordered the latter,

specifying that they should not have molded in the glass the words "by

the Kings Patent." Rantoul wrote a formula for this nostrum in his

formula book, and from it he filled 66 bottles in December 1801 and 202

bottles in June 1803. About the same time he began making and bottling

Turlington's Balsam, ordering bottles of two sizes from London. His

formula book contains these entries: "Jany 4th, 1804 filled 54 small

turlingtons with 37 oz. Balsam," and "Jany 20th, 1804 filled 144 small

turlingtons with 90-1/4 oz. Balsam and 9 Large Bottles with 8-1/4

oz."[82]

[82] Rantoul, _op. cit._ (footnote 72).

Two decades later the imitation of the English proprietaries was even

bigger business. In 1821 William A. Brewer became apprenticed to a

druggist in Boston. A number of the old English brands, he recalled,

were still imported and sold at the time. But his apprenticeship years

were heavily encumbered with duties involving the American versions.

"Many, very many, days were spent," Brewer remembered, "in compounding

these imitations, cleaning the vials, fitting, corking, labelling,

stamping with fac-similes of the English Government stamp, and in

wrapping them, with ... little regard to the originator's rights, or

that of their heirs...." The British nostrums chiefly imitated in this

Boston shop were Steer's, Bateman's, Godfrey's, Dalby's, Betton's, and

Stoughton's. The last was a major seller. The store loft was mostly

filled with orange peel and gentian, and the laboratory had "a heavy

oaken press, fastened to the wall with iron clamps and bolts, which was

used in pressing out 'Stoughton's Bitters,' of which we usually

prepared a hogshead full at one time." A large quantity was needed. In

those days, Brewer asserted, "almost everybody indulged in Stoughton's

elixir as morning bitters." [83]

[83] William A. Brewer, "Reminiscences of an old pharmacist."

_Pharmaceutical Record_, August 1, 1884, vol. 4, p. 326.

[Illustration: Figure 10.--GODFREY'S CORDIAL, early 20th century

bottles manufactured in the U.S.A. (_U.S. National Museum cat. Nos.

M-6989, and M-6990; Smithsonian photo 44287 B._)]

Other drugstores certainly followed the practice of Brewer's employer,

in cleaning up and refilling bottles that had previously been drained

of their old English medicines. The chief source of bottles to hold the

American imitations, however, was the same as that to which Waldo and

Rantoul had turned, English glass factories. It was not so easy for

Americans to fabricate the vials as it was for them to compound the

mixtures to fill them. In the years before the War of 1812, the British

glass industry maintained a virtual monopoly of the specially-shaped

bottles for Bateman's, Turlington's, and the other British remedies.

When in the 1820's the first titan of made-in-America nostrums, Thomas

W. Dyott of Philadelphia, appeared upon the scene, this venturesome

entrepreneur decided to make bottles not only for his own assorted

remedies but also for the popular English brands. In time he succeeded

in improving the quality of American bottle glass and in drastically

reducing prices. The standard cost for most of the old English vials

under the British monopoly had been $5.50 a gross. By the early 1830's

Dyott had cut the price to under two dollars.[84]

[84] _Democratic Press_, Philadelphia, July 1 and October 28,

1824; Thomas W. Dyott, _An exposition of the system of moral and

mental abor, established at the glass factory of Dyottsville_,

Philadelphia, 1833; and Joseph D. Weeks, "Reports on the

manufacture of glass," _Report of the manufactures of the United

States at the tenth census_, Washington, D. C, 1883.

[Illustration: Figure 11.--AN ORIGINAL PACKAGE OF HOOPER'S PILLS, from

the Samuel Aker, David and George Kass collection, Albany, New York.

(_Smithsonian photo_ 44201.)]

Other American glass manufactories followed suit. For example, in 1835

the Free Will Glass Manufactory was making "Godfrey's Cordial,"

"Turlington's Balsam," and "Opodeldoc Bitters bottles."[85] An 1848

broadside entitled "The Glassblowers' List of Prices of Druggist's

Ware," a broadside preserved at the Smithsonian Institution, includes

listings for Turlington's Balsam, Godfrey's Cordial, Dalby's and Small

and Large Opodeldoc bottles, among many other American patent medicine

bottles.

[85] Van Rensscalar, _op. cit._, (footnote 53), p. 151.

In the daybook of the Beverly, Massachusetts, apothecary,[86] were

inscribed for Turlington's Balsam, three separate formulas, each

markedly different from the others. A Philadelphia medical journal in

1811 contained a complaint that Americans were using calomel in the

preparation of Anderson's Scots Pills, and that this practice was a

deviation both from the original formula and from the different but

still all-vegetable formula by which the pills were being made in

England.[87] Various books were published revealing the "true"

formulas, in conflicting versions.[88]

[86] Rantoul, _op. cit._ (footnote 72).

[87] _Philadelphia Medical Museum_, new ser., vol. 1, p. 130,

1811.

[88] _Formulae selectae; or a collection of prescriptions of

eminent physicians, and the most celebrated patent medicines_,

New York, 1818; John Ayrton Paris, _Pharmacologia; or the history

of medicinal substances, with a view to establish the art of

prescribing and of composing extemporaneous formulae upon fixed

and scientific principles_, New York, 1822.

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