been so popular with her associates as she otherwise might have
been. Her criticisms, possibly, were sometimes too unsparing and
too forcibly expressed. She had strong perceptive faculties and
noticed what she believed to be the mistakes and failings of others,
perhaps, too freely. No one ever attacked her, in print or otherwise,
without receiving a sharp reply either from tongue or pen if it
was in her power to answer. But no person ever had a kinder heart,
or more earnestly desired the happiness of others, or more readily
forgot or forgave their failings. Perhaps, she was deficient in the
quality of humor and took life too seriously; this over-earnestness,
however, if it existed at all, it is believed was brought out more
fully by dwelling so much upon what she regarded as the wrongs of
her sex and the degradation to which they were subjected through
unjust laws and the curse of strong drink. The same charge, that of
taking things too seriously, has recently been made by a noted writer
against the women of the present day who are battling for what they
conceive to be the sacred rights of women.
ABOUT THE FIRST SINNER.
Although Mrs. Bloomer was a member of one of the more conservative
branches of the Christian community, she was an earnest advocate
of woman’s admission to all departments of Christian work. She
repudiated the notion that woman was so great a sinner in the Garden
of Eden that she should be forever excluded from ministerial work and
responsibilities. As to the first sin in the garden, here is her view
of it as stated by herself:
“How any unprejudiced and unbiased mind can read the original
account of the Creation and Fall and gather therefrom that the
woman committed the greater sin, I cannot understand. When Eve
was first asked to eat of the forbidden fruit she refused, and it
was only after her scruples were overcome by promises of great
knowledge that she gave way to sin. But how was it with Adam
who was with her? He took and ate what she offered him without
any scruples of conscience, or promises on her part of great
things to follow—certainly showing no superiority of goodness, or
intellect, or strength of character fitting him for the headship.
The command not to eat of the Tree of Life was given to him before
her creation, and he was doubly bound to keep it; yet he not only
permitted her to partake of the tree without remonstrating with
her against it and warning her of the wrong, but ate it himself
without objection or hesitation. And then, when inquired of by
God concerning what he had done, instead of standing up like an
honorable man and confessing the wrong, he weakly tried to shield
himself by throwing the blame on the woman. As the account stands,
he showed the greater ‘feebleness of resistance and evinced a
pliancy of character and a readiness to yield to temptation’ that
cannot be justly charged to the woman. As the account stands, man
has much more to blush for than to boast of.
“While we are willing to accept this original account of the
Creation and Fall, we are not willing that man should add tenfold
to woman’s share of sin and put a construction on the whole matter
that we believe was never intended by the Creator. Eve had no more
to do with bringing sin into the world than had Adam, nor did the
Creator charge any more upon her. The punishment inflicted upon
them for their transgression, was as heavy upon him as upon her.
Her sorrows were to be multiplied; and so, too, was he to eat his
bread in sorrow and earn it with the sweat of his face amid thorns
and thistles. To her, no injunction to labor was given; upon her
no toil was imposed, no ground cursed for her sake. * * * * The
Bible is brought forward to prove the subordination of woman and
to show that, because St. Paul told the ignorant women of his time
to keep silent in the churches, the educated, intelligent women of
these times must not only occupy the same position in the church
and the family but must not aspire to the rights of citizenship.
But the same Power that brought the slave out of bondage will, in
His own good time and way, bring about the emancipation of woman
and make her the equal in dominion that she was in the beginning.”
GOLDEN ANNIVERSARY.
On the 15th of April, 1890, Mr. and Mrs. Bloomer commemorated the
Fiftieth Anniversary of their marriage at their home in Council
Bluffs. Many invitations were issued, nearly all of which were
generously responded to, and their house was filled with guests from
three o’clock in the afternoon when the reception began until late
in the evening. Over one hundred persons were in attendance. A local
paper describes the affair as follows:
“The reception of the guests began at three o’clock. At the
front-parlor entrance stood Mr. Bloomer attired in a black
broadcloth suit. Next to him sat Mrs. Bloomer. She wore a
black-satin costume _en train_ with gray damascene front, _crêpe_
lace in the neck, diamond ornaments. There were present Chas. A.
Bloomer and wife, of Buffalo, N. Y., N. J. Milliken and wife, of
Ontario County, N. Y., and Miss Hannah Kennedy, of Omaha. Chas.
A. Bloomer is a brother of D. C. Bloomer, and is president of the
Buffalo Elevator Company. N. J. Milliken is a nephew by marriage
and publisher of the _Ontario County Times_, of New York. These
constituted the reception company. The evening reception commenced
at eight o’clock, and lasted until a late hour. Among the callers
were the vestry of St. Paul’s Church, who paid their respects in a
body to the worthy couple.”
Mrs. Harris read a beautiful poem, and an original poem was also read
by Mrs. C. K. White, of Omaha, and Prof. McNaughton, superintendent
of city schools, read the following address:
“To Mr. and Mrs. Bloomer: It seems meet and proper on this joyous
occasion that the public schools, their officers and teachers
and pupils, should send kindly greetings to one who for the past
thirty-five years has extended to them a generous sympathy and, in
the earlier days of their existence, rendered them distinguished
service by aiding in the erection of a well-planned and commodious
edifice, the adoption of a wise curriculum, and the laying of a
broad and deep foundation upon which has been reared the fair
structure of to-day; one who has aided the teachers and pupils
by words of wise counsel and kindly sympathy and is, by common
consent, regarded as the father of the public-school system of the
city.
“To you, Mr. Bloomer, and your estimable and noted wife, in
behalf of the public schools of the city, I wish to offer sincere
and hearty congratulations; congratulations that, under a rare
dispensation of Providence, you have been permitted to enjoy
together a half-century of companionship in the sacred bonds of
family ties—fifty years of mutual helpfulness and love! fifty years
of sowing and reaping together in the fields whose fruitage is
intelligent progress and eternal joy! And now, amid the abundance
of the harvest, in the golden glories of life’s autumn, may you be
long permitted to remain among your devoted and admiring friends!”
The following letter from Miss Susan B. Anthony was received and read:
“_Washington, April 9th, 1890._
“My Dear Friends, Mr. and Mrs. Bloomer:—
“And is your Golden Wedding to be here April 15, 1890? That seems
quite as impossible as that I should have rounded out my three
score and ten years on February 15, 1890, just two months before.
“Well, your lives have been side by side for a whole half-century,
and this, too, when the wife has been one of the public advocates
of the equality of rights, civil and political, for women. I hardly
believe another twain made one, where the wife belonged to the
school of equal rights for women, have lived more happily, more
truly one.
“Your celebration of your fiftieth wedding day is one of the
strongest proofs of the falseness of the charge brought against
our movement for the enfranchisement of women, viz., that the
condition of equality of political rights for the wife will cause
inharmony and disruption of the marriage bond. To the contrary,
such conditions of perfect equality are the best helps to make for
peace and harmony and elevation in all true and noble directions.
Hence I rejoice with you on having reached the golden day of your
marriage union, not only for your own sakes, but for our cause’s
sake as well.
“I wish I could be present in your happy home on that day, but the
marriage of my younger sister’s son, on April 17th, takes me to
Cleveland to witness the starting out of two dear young people on
the way you have traveled so long and so well.
“So, with gratitude for the good work done in the first fifty years
of your married life, and wishing for you many more equally happy,
and hoping that both you and I and Mrs. Stanton and others of the
pioneers of our great movement may live to see not only Wyoming
fully in the Union but many others redeemed from the curse of sex
aristocracy, hoping _and believing_ I am
“Very sincerely yours,
“Susan B. Anthony.”
The following telegram was received from Bishop Perry, of Iowa:
“_Davenport, April 15th, 1890._
“Hon. D. C and Mrs. Bloomer:—
“Congratulations and benedictions. Fifty golden years exhaust
neither love nor hope.
“William Stevens Perry,
“Bishop of Iowa.”
Rev. G. W. Crofts also furnished a timely and very beautiful poem.
Because of his inability to attend the reception, he called upon the
couple Monday afternoon and in a few well chosen words presented
it to them. It was the production of the minister’s own pen, and
handsomely written on embossed cardboard fastened with orange-tinted
ribbons. The poem was beautifully illustrated by Miss S. D. Phere,
the cuts being the representations of a well-spent life. Upon its
receipt Mrs. Bloomer and her husband were greatly moved. The poem is
as follows:
“1840. April 15. 1890.
“TO MR. AND MRS. BLOOMER.
“The Psalmist says that he who goes forth with tears,
Conveying precious seed, shall doubtless come again
Rejoicing, bringing with him sheaves. ’Tis fifty years
Since you as one were made, and out upon the plain
Of Life’s great field together moved, ‘mid hopes and fears,
And in your faithful bosoms bearing golden grain.
“To-day you come with sheaves, oh rich and golden sheaves!
Immortal sheaves, sheaves glowing in the light of heaven
So softly sifting down thro’ life’s autumn leaves;
And, while the clouds that deck the sky above are riven,
I see the angels smile. And who is there that grieves
When noble souls in life’s great harvest-field have striven?
“This is a day of joy and praise, a crowning day!
Together you have walked for fifty years, and He
Who made your hearts to beat as one thro’ all the way
Has been your guide, His voice has stilled the stormy sea;
In darkest hours, you’ve heavenward looked and seen the ray
Of cloudless hope shine down with sweet tranquillity.
“When worn with toil, His loving arms have given you rest;
Sustaining grace He gave when you were weak and faint;
When sorrows came, ’twas then the haven of His breast
That opened wide and took you in. To each complaint
He lent His ear. In all things, you were truly blest
And ever upward drawn by love’s divine constraint.
“And now upon a lofty Mount you stand and look
Back o’er your pilgrim way; back o’er the fields you’ve sown
You see the stubborn soil, the burning sun, the nook
Where you did rest; and all the way is overstrown
With flowers; flower-wreathed you see the plow and pruning-hook.
And on that Mount there comes to you a fadeless crown.
“To Faithfulness there comes a crown, a Crown of Life;
’Tis one the Lord doth give to those who serve Him well,
To heroes true and strong amid the daily strife
’Tween right and wrong. For such, the sweetest anthems swell
By holy angels sung, and joy on earth is rife,
While thro’ the vanished years you hear a golden bell.
“Foremost in every noble work, in every cause
Where God leads on, where Light is seen, where Truth is heard,
There have you stood from first to last, the eternal laws
Of Right obeyed. Where’er your lips could frame a word
To voice the thought, a hand could strike the great applause
Of onward march, your helpful force has been conferred.
“To you, this day, a grateful people tribute bring
For all you’ve been to them, for all your steadfastness,
For all your words and deeds; for every noble thing,
They would this day your true and honest worth confess;
They would a golden cup, filled from Affection’s spring,
Hold out to you, and thus their gratitude express.
“Take, then, the Crown. Both heaven and earth proclaim it yours,
The Sower’s crown, the Reaper’s crown, that glows with light,
That glows with light and love, and one that aye endures.
The Evening Star, that hangs upon the fringe of night
And, like a lamp, the weary wanderer allures
And tells him of his home afar, is not more bright.
“Look round you, then, crowned as you are, and upward, too:
Here shine the golden sheaves; there gleam the jasper walls;
Around you gather here the noble, good and true,
With hearts aglow, and chant their tender madrigals.
Around, above, all things are wreathed in smiles for you,
While on you, like a burst of sun, God’s blessings fall!”
Many valuable presents were received. One was an elegant silver
tea-set from the lawyers of the city; another a beautiful ice-cream
set of solid silver in a handsomely ornamented plush case of old-gold
velvet, from the rector and vestrymen of St. Paul’s Church. Other
elegant souvenirs were sent in by friends from abroad. Indeed, the
gifts were so numerous and of so great variety that they almost
proved a burden to the recipients who, however, realized that they
came to them from generous friends with hearts full of love and
kindness, and most thankfully received them.
CLOSING YEARS.
Following this happy anniversary, Mrs. Bloomer’s life moved gradually
along to its close. In 1891, after returning home from a visit to
the Chautauqua Grounds near her residence, she suffered a partial
paralysis of her vocal organs and for a short time lost the power
of speech; but this trouble soon gradually passed away so that she
was once more able to converse with her friends, although not so
freely and readily as formerly. Her mind was still clear and her
memory remarkably good, and it was during this period that she
wrote the reminiscences given in the earlier part of this work. She
gradually lost to a considerable extent the activity of movement
for which in earlier days she had been noted, and her husband was
easily able now to keep up with her in their walks on the streets.
Mrs. Bloomer retained her youthful traits to a remarkable degree,
even in advanced years, and her friends frequently noted this and
complimented her on her vigor and cheerfulness. On meeting them, she
was ever bright and cheerful and had a pleasant smile and word of
encouragement for all.
Her early religious convictions remained unimpaired to the end
of her life. So long as health permitted, she was a constant and
regular attendant upon the services of her church and at the monthly
celebration of the Holy Communion. She was active in every good work
in the parish, and a steady friend of all benevolent enterprises
in the city. During the last few years of her life, she gave much
thought to the teachings of Christian Science and read and studied
the writings of Mrs. Eddy and others on that subject. While she never
gave her adhesion to its peculiar doctrines, yet she found in them
very much that she deemed worthy of careful consideration. She bore
witness to some of the remarkable results following their application
to disease in its various forms; and, on the whole, their study
enlarged her views on religious subjects and perhaps enabled her to
look with greater calmness upon the vicissitudes of the present life
and the untried realities of the life beyond.
To Mrs. Mary J. Coggshell, of Des Moines, Iowa, who had then recently
lost her husband, she wrote in 1889 as follows: “My heart goes out
to you in love and sympathy in this sad bereavement, and I pray that
the Almighty Father may sustain and comfort you and give you strength
to bear up under the great affliction. Mourn not for your beloved
one as dead, but think of him as only transferred to another sphere
of existence where he still lives and will await your coming. We
believe that the life that God gave can never die, that the grave has
no power over the spirit, but that it will live on forever doing the
Father’s will.”
Her last journey was made to Colorado, in the latter part of the
summer of 1894. She spent about two weeks at Colorado Springs and
Manitou, mainly in taking electric treatment at the sanatorium of
Mrs. Doctor Leonard who had long been an intimate friend; but was
prevented by impaired strength from again visiting with her husband
many of the interesting places of the vicinity. Another week was
spent in a visit to a dear niece and her family in southern Colorado;
she returned home about the middle of August, somewhat improved in
health and strength. She continued to occasionally accept the kind
invitations of her friends to social gatherings, and spent her last
Christmas at the home and table of N. P. Dodge, one of the most
prominent citizens of Council Bluffs, where she met also her old
and long-known neighbor and friend, Mrs. M. F. Davenport. This was,
however, the last time she was able to leave her residence. Friends
and neighbors continued to visit her to the end and on Friday,
December 28th, several were with her during nearly the entire day;
they remembered that she appeared remarkably bright and cheerful. The
final attack came on the evening of that day, and her brave and noble
spirit passed away at twelve o’clock noon on the following Sunday,
December 30th, 1894.
Of her last sickness and death, the Council Bluffs _Daily Nonpareil_
of January 1st, 1895, gave the following report:
“END OF AN EARNEST LIFE.
“Mrs. Amelia Jenks Bloomer died at her home, No. 123 Fourth Street,
Sunday at noon of heart failure at the advanced age of 76. For
years she had been afflicted with stomach trouble, which gradually
affected her heart and brought on a serious attack last Friday,
from which she never rallied.
“About six o’clock in the evening she was sitting in her accustomed
place reading, when suddenly she fell back in her chair and
exclaimed: ‘I am sick; I am sicker than I ever was before in my
life.’ Her husband was sitting opposite to her at the time and
quickly came to her assistance. She was in intense pain, and a
physician was at once summoned. He was unable to give her much
relief and she continued in a very critical condition during the
night and all day Saturday.
“PASSES AWAY PEACEFULLY.
“It soon became evident that she could not rally from the attack
and the physicians told Mr. Bloomer and the anxious friends about
her bedside that she could not recover. She was conscious during
the entire time and bore her suffering bravely. Sunday morning she
began to sink rapidly. Towards the end her pain seemed to leave
her, and she fell into a quiet sleep from which she never awoke.
Her husband was at her bedside holding her hand and noted the
gradual slowing of the pulse which ceased to be perceptible about
noon, when he knew she had passed away.
“GREAT LOSS TO COUNCIL BLUFFS.
“In the death of Mrs. Amelia Bloomer Council Bluffs loses one of
its oldest and most prominent residents. She was one of the early
pioneers of the west and for many years has been a striking,
picturesque character of western Iowa. Her prominence in the
woman-suffrage movement made her one of the eminent American women
of the century. Her name has become firmly linked with every reform
movement for the uplifting and betterment of woman’s condition
during the last fifty years.
“HER LIFE A BUSY ONE.
“Her life was an intensely busy one, filled with many deeds of
kindness and charity aside from the active part she always took
in the temperance cause and the advancement of her sex. During
her last years, however, she was unable to actively engage in the
work, but was always ready and willing to discuss these cherished
subjects in her characteristic, fluent manner. Up to within a
few years of her death she had been a contributor to prominent
journals, and her advice and counsel was always highly esteemed by
the more active workers of the equal-rights cause. Her death will
be felt throughout the entire nation as an irreparable loss to the
cause she so warmly espoused.
“HER CHRISTIAN CHARACTER.
“Although her death will bring sorrow to many a friend, the
remembrance of her kindly life and true, Christian character will
remain as an inspiration to them for all time to come. Earnest and
steadfast as were her life and character, so she died trusting in
the faith that has always shone through her kind words and deeds.
She will never be forgotten, for her influence, with that of other
good women, has done more to make the civilization of the west a
possibility than the many inventions of modern science. Her great
strength of character, manifested by her earnest and energetic
life, was a part of the truly essential civilizing influence
that sustained the early settlers in the rough experiences of
the frontier. It was her intention before she died to publish
reminiscences of these stirring times, and her sudden death left
several manuscripts unfinished. What has been missed by her sudden
taking off, leaving this work incomplete, can only be judged by
those who knew her best.
“LARGE CIRCLE OF FRIENDS.
“Mrs. Bloomer’s circle of friends in Council Bluffs was large,
and she was highly esteemed and loved by all who knew her. She
was an excellent entertainer, and was a great favorite among the
young people of the Episcopal Church of which she was a faithful
member. She was very fond of society and took an active part in
church and charitable work. Her death, although she has been an
invalid for several years, was very sudden. On Christmas day, she
was able to be about and with her husband took dinner at the home
of Mr. and Mrs. N. P. Dodge. She was in excellent spirits at the
time and enjoyed the holiday festivities with much interest. On the
day of her last attack, a number of friends called upon her and
she spent the afternoon pleasantly chatting with them. The sudden
announcement of her death came as a shock, for the fact of her
serious illness had not yet become generally known.”
MEMORIAL DISCOURSE.
On the thirteenth of January, 1895, her rector, Rev. Eugene J.
Babcock, delivered a memorial discourse on the life and character
of Mrs. Bloomer in St. Paul’s Church, Council Bluffs. In this he
reviewed the main incidents in Mrs. Bloomer’s life, and concluded
as follows:
“Mrs. Bloomer also held the relation of pioneer to this parish. On
the two registers in my possession the first woman’s name is hers.
“On my journey hither to assume the rectorship, I visited by the
way at my former home in Michigan. There I first learned of Mrs.
Bloomer from a gentleman whom I had met in a college connection
while I was an undergraduate. He was a former resident of Seneca
Falls, and informed me that in my new home I should meet a unique
and striking person in Mrs. Bloomer, whose early days were
associated with a remarkable career; that she was now living
quietly, ill health having compelled her to forego active duties;
and that she was now advanced in years.
“Our arrival here was signalized by becoming guests in the Senior
Warden’s home. In this we did as all the clergy had done before,
for no other home in this city has been the hospitable asylum
for so many of the cloth. Among ourselves, the happy descriptive
of ‘Saints’ Rest’ has come in vogue. From Mrs. Bloomer that
pleasant smile, which often had to triumph over bodily ailment,
was my greeting. This showing of hospitality was in keeping with
her ambition, which she frequently sacrificed to her personal
discomfort.
“Going back to a view of her early days, we are prepared now to
forecast her activity in church affairs. Such a nature could not
sit by with hands folded. Following her acceptance of gospel
privileges through which she came into this church, she immediately
entered into parish activities at Seneca Falls. Being a woman of
action, she did her part in the then somewhat limited sphere of
woman’s church work. Little as it may have been comparatively, it
was another demand upon her already enlarging engagements.
“Her removal to this city deprived her of the worship of her
own church. The then line of demarcation of the religious public
into ‘Mormons’ and ‘Gentiles’ very likely infused into the latter
a fellow sympathy. Soon after her settlement here, the Rev. Mr.
Rice invited her to attend a meeting of a sewing society which was
held at his house. This happened to be the annual meeting; she was
elected president of the society, and Mrs. Douglas first director.
In her ‘Early Recollections’ her felicitous comment is this: ‘Thus
putting their affairs in the hands of two Episcopalians.’ But
evidently affairs did not suffer at their hands, for they ‘carried
through a successful fair’ which secured money to put the first
church of the Congregationalists into shape for use.
“Her usual interest in what concerned her came out in the
organization of this parish. She entered with the same
characteristic zeal and expenditure of means into its upbuilding,
both as to what was preliminary and also permanent. She has been a
good example of what woman can do, and faithful in her service. The
women of this parish have worked so assiduously in raising money
that among men it has become a lost art.
“In spite of advanced years and impairment of strength, she
responded with her kindly support to my call for organization
of a Woman’s Parochial Aid Society. Her kindness to me was ever
constant and uniform, and her ingenuous frankness such as I always
enjoyed. Plain and albeit of rugged candor in her speech, such is
better for this world than the honey covering of deceit. A former
Rector, the Rev. Mr. Webb, writes respecting her: ‘My impression
of her kindness of heart is that it never failed; and I believe
more firmly than ever that it was God’s own cause which she so
characteristically espoused, and labored so long and faithfully to
promote.’
“She had the habit of clipping from newspapers whatever took her
fancy. Her recent quiet and somewhat afflicted living, owing to
her illness, was given to reading, needle work and entertaining of
guests when circumstances admitted. As the golden clouds brightened
in the west of her life’s decline, there came a strong inward
faith. A late clipping seems to speak her thought: ‘As the weeks
and months fly past, do you not think that the spirit of our daily
prayer ought to be—
“‘Break, my soul, from every fetter,
Him to know is all my cry;
Saviour, I am thine forever,
Thine to live and thine to die,
Only asking
More and more of life’s supply’?’
“She passed into Paradise on Sunday, December 30, 1894, and left a
name worthy to be entered among the illustrious galaxy of notables
whom the past year has numbered with the dead. On a beautiful
winter’s day, all that remained of mortality was brought to this
church, so large an object of her affection, and here, with
impressive funeral rites which speak comfortably our blessed hope,
we committed her body to the ground. And as the sweet notes of the
committal anthem broke in upon the constrained stillness of the
scene, how appropriate were the words—mutely echoed by the hushed
assembly: ‘Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord * * * for they
rest from their labors’!”
In a grassy plat in beautiful Fairview Cemetery, overlooking the
cities of Council Bluffs and Omaha, lies the grave of the true woman,
the earnest reformer, the faithful Christian, whose history is
delineated in these pages; and near its foot stands a modest monument
bearing this inscription:
“IN MEMORIAM
AMELIA JENKS, WIFE OF D. C. BLOOMER
DIED DEC. 30TH, 1894
AGED 76 YEARS, 7 MONTHS, AND 3 DAYS
A PIONEER IN WOMAN’S ENFRANCHISEMENT”
And here the author and compiler, commending these pages to the
kindly consideration of his readers, brings his labor of love to a
close.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
WOMAN’S RIGHT TO THE BALLOT.
BY AMELIA BLOOMER.
It is a principle of all free governments that the people rule.
Each member of the community, in theory at least, is supposed to
give assent to Constitution and laws to which he is subject; or,
at least, it is assumed that these were made by a majority of the
people. And this assent is given according to forms previously
prescribed. The people vote directly upon the adoption of the
Constitution, and by their representatives in making the laws.
And since all the people must be subject to the Constitution and
laws, so all the people should be consulted in their formation;
that is, all who are of sufficient age and discretion to express
an intelligent opinion. No one who claims to be a republican
or lover of freedom at heart can dispute these positions. They
are in substance the principles promulgated in the Declaration
of Independence, and they form the common basis upon which our
national and state governments rest. When they shall cease to be
recognized and respected by the people and by our lawmakers, then
free institutions will cease to exist.
But I presume their correctness, when applied to man, will be
doubted by none; for man is willing enough to claim for himself the
full recognition of all the high prerogatives I have shown him to
be entitled to. But I hold more than this to be true. I hold that
these rights belong, not to man alone, but to the race, and to
each individual member of it, without regard to sex. I hold that
woman has as good and rightful a claim to them as her brother, and
that the man who denies this claim is not only no good democrat,
and much less a good republican, but that in being guilty of this
denial he commits an act of the grossest injustice and oppression.
And I insist, not only that woman is entitled to the enjoyment
of all these rights which God and nature have bestowed upon the
race, but that she is entitled to the same means of enforcing
those rights as man; and that therefore she should be heard in the
formation of Constitutions, in the making of the laws, and in the
selection of those by whom the laws are administered.
In this country there is one great tribunal by which all theories
must be tried, all principles tested, all measures settled: and
that tribunal is the ballot-box. It is the medium through which
public opinion finally makes itself heard. Deny to any class in
the community the right to be heard at the ballot-box and that
class sinks at once into a state of slavish dependence, of civil
insignificance, which nothing can save from becoming subjugation,
oppression and wrong.
From what I have said you will of course understand that I hold,
not only that the exclusion of woman from the ballot-box is
grossly unjust, but that is her duty—so soon as she is permitted
to do so—to go to it and cast her vote along with her husband and
brother; and that, until she shall do so, we can never expect to
have a perfectly just and upright government under which the rights
of the people—of all the people—are respected and secured.
It is objected that it does not belong to woman’s sphere to take
part in the selection of her rulers, or the enactment of laws to
which she is subject.
This is mere matter of opinion. Woman’s sphere, like man’s sphere,
varies according to the aspect under which we view it, or the
circumstances in which she may be placed. A vast majority of the
British nation would deny the assumption that Queen Victoria is
out of her sphere in reigning over an empire of an hundred and
fifty millions of souls! And if she is not out of her sphere in
presiding over the destinies of a vast empire, why should any woman
in this republic be denied her place among a nation of sovereigns?
There is no positive rule by which to fix woman’s sphere, except
that of capacity. It is to be found, I should say, wherever duty
or interest may call her,—whether to the kitchen, the parlor, the
nursery, the workshop or the public assembly. And, most certainly,
no narrow contracted view of her sphere can suffice to deprive her
of any of those rights which she has inherited with her being.
Again, it is objected that it would be immodest and ‘unbecoming a
lady’ for women to go to the ballot-box to vote, or to the halls of
the capitol to legislate.
This, too, is mere matter of opinion, and depends for its
correctness upon the particular fashions or customs of the
people. In deciding upon what is appropriate or inappropriate for
individuals or classes the community is exceedingly capricious.
In one country, or in one age, of the world, a particular act may
be considered as entirely proper which in another age or country
may be wholly condemned. But a few years ago it was thought very
unladylike and improper for women to study medicine, and when
Elizabeth Blackwell forced her way into the Geneva, N. Y., medical
college people were amazed at the presumption. But she graduated
with high honors, went to Europe to perfect her studies, and now
stands high in her chosen profession. She let down the bars to
a hitherto proscribed sphere. Others followed her lead, and now
there are several colleges for the medical education of women, and
women physicians without number; and the world applauds rather than
condemns.
It is not a great many years since women sculptors were unknown,
because woman’s talent was not encouraged. Some years ago a
match-girl of Boston fashioned a bust of Rufus Choate in plaster
and placed it in a show window, hoping some benevolent lover of
art might be so attracted by it as to aid her to educate herself
in the profession of sculpture. A gentleman who saw great merit
in it inquired who was the artist, and when told that it was a
young girl, exclaimed, ‘What a pity she is not a boy!’ He saw that
such talent in a boy would be likely to make him famous and enrich
the world. But a girl had no right to such gifts. It would be an
unladylike profession for her, and so she must bury her God-given
talent and keep to match selling and dish washing. A few years
later Harriet Hosmer overleaped the obstacles that stood in her way
and went to Rome to undertake the work of a sculptor. The world now
rings with her praises and is enriched by her genius. She, too,
removed barriers to a hitherto proscribed sphere and proved that
the All-Father in committing a talent to woman’s trust gave along
with it a right to use it. Vinnie Ream and others have followed
in the way thus opened, and no one now questions the propriety of
women working in plaster or marble.
And so of many other departments of trade, profession and labor
that within my recollection were not thought proper for woman,
simply because she had not entered them. Women are debarred from
voting and legislating, and therefore it is unfashionable for them
to do either; but let their right to do so be once established, and
all objections of that kind will vanish away.
And I must say I can conceive of nothing so terrible within the
precincts of the ballot-box as to exclude woman therefrom. Who
go there now? Our fathers, brothers, husbands, and sons. And do
they act so badly while there that they dare not suffer us to go
with them? If it is really so bad a place surely they should stay
away from it themselves, for I hold that any place that is too
corrupt for woman to go to is also too corrupt for man to go to.
‘An atmosphere that is too impure for woman to breathe cannot but
be dangerous to her sires and sons.’ We mingle with our gentlemen
friends elsewhere with safety and pleasure, and I cannot think it
possible that the exercise of the right of franchise turns them at
once into ruffians.
Yet we are gravely told that woman would be treated with rudeness
and insult should she go to the polls in the exercise of a right
guaranteed to her by the laws of her country.
And would you, sir objector, be the one to do this? Would you
insult the wife or mother or sister of your neighbor? I think not.
Then judge other men by yourself and believe that, as each man, the
low as well as the high, would have some female relative or friend
with him there, each would be equally careful for the safety of
those belonging to him and careful also of his own language and
deportment. And should one dare to offer insult would there not,
think you, be a score of stout arms to fell the insulter to the
earth?
Men will behave as well I verily believe at the polls as at other
public assemblies, if they will permit woman to go with them
there; and if they have behaved badly heretofore, which from their
continual asseverations we must believe to be the case, it is
because woman has not always been there with them.
The idea advanced that woman would become debased by participating
in so important and sacred a duty as the selection of those who
are to be placed in power, and to whom are to be committed the
interests and happiness of the whole people, comes with a bad grace
from men, who are ever claiming for her superior natural virtues.
They should remember that God made her woman, that He gave her
equal dominion with man over the world and all that is therein,
and endowed her with high moral faculties, keen perceptions of
right, and a love of virtue and justice, and it is not easy to
change her nature. Her delicacy and sensitiveness will take care
of themselves, in any exposure, and she will be as safe at the
polls as at political and other conventions, at state and county
and church fairs, at railroad and Fourth of July celebrations, and
the various other crowds in which she mingles freely with men. That
virtue is little worth which cannot bear itself unharmed through a
crowd, or awe and frown down impudence whenever it meets with it.
The true woman will be woman still in whatever situation you place
her; and man will become elevated just so far as he mingles in her
society in the various relations of life.
In fact this argument that it would be unsafe for woman to go to
the polls is one that man, at least, should be ashamed to bring
forward, inasmuch as it impeaches his own gallantry and instinctive
regard for woman. But, if it be true that it would really be unsafe
for us to go to the polls with our husbands and fathers, all danger
could be avoided by our having separate places for voting apart
from theirs.
But here I am answered that it is not _men_ whom we have to fear so
much as the bad of our own sex, who will rush to the polls while
the good women will stay away. To this I have to say that I have
never yet met a woman that I was afraid of, or from whom I feared
contamination. In the theatre and concert and festival halls, the
Fourth of July gatherings, in the cars, on the fair grounds, and
any day upon the street or in the stores we meet and pass by the
coarse, the frail, the fallen of our sex. They have the same right
to God’s pure air and sunshine as we, and we could not deprive them
of it if we would and would not if we could. I see not how these
are going to harm us any more at the polls than at all these other
places.
The good women will vote as soon as the exercise of the right is
granted them, and they will outnumber the bad more than a hundred
to one. Instead then of the pure woman being contaminated, the
vile woman will be awed and silenced in her presence, and led by
her example into the right paths. Even those called low and vile
have hearts that can be touched, and they will gladly seize the aid
which the ballot and good women will bestow to raise themselves
from the degraded condition into which bad men, bad laws and bad
customs have plunged them.
This objection, then, which assumes such proportions in the minds
of many, looks very small when viewed in the light of truth and
Christian charity. I think no man would consider it good reason for
depriving him of rights because a bad man also enjoyed the same
rights.
This arguing that all women would go to the bad if allowed to vote
because some women are bad now when none of them vote is the most
absurd logic ever conceived in the brain of man, and if those who
use it could see their silly reasoning in the light that sensible
men and women see it there would be less of it. If the ballot makes
people bad, if it is corrupting in its tendencies and destructive
of virtue and goodness, then the sooner men are deprived of it the
better.
All men, good and bad, black and white, corrupt, debased,
treacherous, criminal, may vote and make our laws, and we hear no
word against it; but if one woman does or says aught that does
not square with men’s ideas of what she should do and say, then
she should not have the right of self-government, and all women
everywhere must on that account be disfranchised and kept in
subjection!
Such reasoning might have answered once, but the intelligence of
the present day rejects it, and women will not long be compelled to
submit to its insults.
But, again, one says votes would be unnecessarily multiplied, that
women would vote just as the men do, therefore the man’s vote will
answer for both. Sound logic, truly! But let us apply this rule to
men. Votes are unnecessarily multiplied now by so many men voting;
a few could do it all, as well as to take the mass of men from
their business and their families to vote. My husband votes the
republican ticket, and many other men vote just as he does; then
why not let my husband’s vote suffice for all who think as he does,
and send the rest about their business? What need of so many men
voting when all vote just alike?
Again, another says: ‘It has always been as now; women never have
had equal rights, and that is proof that they should not have.’
Sound logic again! Worthy emanation from man’s superior brain! But
whence did man derive his right of franchise, and how long has he
enjoyed it?
It is true that women never have had equal rights, because men have
ever acted on the principle of oppressors that might makes right
and have kept them in subjection, just as weaker nations are kept
in subjection to the stronger.
But must we ever continue to act on such principles? Must we
continue to cling to old laws and customs because they are old? Why
then did not our people remain subject to kings? How did they dare
to do what was not thought of in the days of Moses and Abraham? How
dared they set aside the commands of the Bible and the customs of
all past ages and set up a government of their own?
It is the boast of Americans that they know and do many things
which their fathers neither knew nor did. Progress is the law of
our nation and progress is written upon all its works. And while
all else is progressing to perfection, while the lowest may attain
to the position of the highest and noblest in the land, shall woman
alone remain stationary? Shall she be kept in a state of vassalage
because such was the condition of her sex six thousand years ago?
Clearly, my friends, when the prejudice of custom is on the side of
wrong and injustice in any matter we are not to be governed by it.
But again it is objected that if women should be enfranchised it
would lead to discord and strife in families. In other words, to
come down to the simple meaning of this objection, if women would
not vote just as their husbands wanted them to the husbands would
quarrel with them about it! And who are the men who would do this?
Surely, not those who consider and treat their wives as equals. Not
those who recognize the individuality of the wife and accord to her
the right to her own opinions, the right to think for herself, and
to act as her own sense and judgment may dictate. With such there
would be no cause for quarrels, nothing to contend about. In such
families all is harmony.
It would be only those who desire to rule in their families, only
those who regard and treat their wives as inferiors and subjects
who would get up contentions and discord; and it is only these who
bring forward this objection. No man who honors woman as he should
do would ever offer so flimsy a pretext for depriving her of rights
and enslaving her thoughts. I believe the enfranchisement of woman
will bring with it more happiness in the marriage relation, and
greater respect from the husband for his wife, because men are
always more respectful to their equals than to those they deem
their inferiors and subjects.
Another objection of which we hear much in these days, and to
which men invariably resort when answered on every other point, is
that women do not want to vote. They say when _all_ the women ask
for the right it will be granted them. Did these objectors take
the same ground in regard to the negro? Did the colored men very
generally petition for the right of franchise? No such petition
was ever heard of and yet men forced the ballot unasked into their
hands. Why then must woman sue and petition for her God-given right
of self-government? If one human being only claims that rights are
unjustly withheld, such claim should receive the careful attention
and consideration of this government and people. Yet tens of
thousands of women, subjects of their government, have made such
claims and set forth their grievances from time to time during the
last thirty years. They have come as suppliants before the people
asking for rights withheld, and they have been met with sneers and
ridicule, and told that they must wait till all the women of the
nation humbly sue for the same thing! Would such excuse ever be
offered for withholding rights from men?
Again, it is said that no considerable number of women would
exercise the right if granted. This, if true, and men do not know
it to be so, has nothing to do with the question. Give them the
right and let them exercise it or not as they choose. If they do
not want to vote, and will not vote, then surely there is no need
of restrictions to prevent their voting, and no harm can come from
removing the obstacles that now obstruct their way.
Men are not required to give pledges that they will vote. There
is no compulsion in their case. They are left free to do as they
please, or as circumstances permit. The right is accorded and there
the matter rests.
There is no justice in requiring more from women. That thousands
of women would vote is pretty certain. If _all_ do not avail
themselves of such privileges, it will be of their own choice and
right, and not because of its denial. The ballot is the symbol of
freedom, of equality; and because the right to use it would lift
woman from a state of inferiority, subjection and powerlessness
to one of equality and freedom and power we demand it for her.
If properly educated, she will use it for the best interests of
herself and of humanity.
Another objection that carries great weight in the minds of many
is that if women vote they must fight. Even some of our friends
are puzzled how to settle this question. But a few days ago a lady
friend asked me how we could get around it. I reply that all men
have not earned their right to the ballot by firing the bullet in
their country’s defense, and if only those who fight should vote
there are many sick men, many weak little men, many deformed men,
and many strong and able-bodied but cowardly men who should be
disfranchised.
These all vote but they do not fight, and fighting is not made
a condition precedent to their right to the ballot. The law
requires that only those of physical strength and endurance shall
bear arms for their country, and I think not many women could be
found to fill the law’s requirements. So they would have to be
excused with the weak little men who are physically disqualified.
If there are any great, strong women able to endure the marching
and the fighting who want to go to the front in time of battle,
I think they have a right to do so, and men should not dismiss
them and send them home. But as there are other duties to be
discharged, other interests to be cared for in time of war besides
fighting, women will find it enough to look after these in the
absence of their fighting men. They may enter the hospitals or the
battlefields as nurses, or they may care for the crops and the
young soldiers at home. They may also do the voting, and look after
the affairs of government, the same as do all the weak men who vote
but do not fight.
And further, as men do not think it right for woman to bear arms
and fear it will be forced upon her with the ballot, they can
easily make a law to excuse her; and doubtless, with her help,
they will do so. There is great injustice, so long as the ballot
is given to all _men_ without conditions, the weak as well as the
strong, in denying to woman a voice in matters deeply affecting her
happiness and welfare, and through her the happiness and welfare
of mankind, because perchance there may come a time again in the
history of our country when we shall be plunged into war and she
not be qualified to shoulder a musket.
This objection, like many others we hear, is too absurd to emanate
from the brains of intelligent men, and I cannot think they
seriously entertain the views they express. But give us a voice
in the matter, gentlemen, and we will not only save ourselves
from being sent to the battlefield, but will if possible keep you
at home with us by averting the difficulties and dangers, and
so compromising matters with foreign powers that peace shall be
maintained and bloodshed avoided.
In justification of the exclusion of woman from a voice in the
government we are told that she is already represented by her
fathers, husbands and sons. To this I might answer, so were our
fathers represented in the parliament of King George. But were they
satisfied with such representation? And why not? Because their
interests were not well cared for; because justice was not done
them. They found they could not safely entrust their interests
to the keeping of those who could not or would not understand
them, and who legislated principally to promote their own selfish
purposes. I wholly deny the position of these objectors. It is
not possible for one human being to fully represent the wants and
wishes of another, and much less can one class fully understand
the desires and meet the requirements of a different class in
society. And, especially, is this true as between man and woman.
In the former, certain mental faculties as a general thing are
said to predominate; while in the latter, the moral attain to a
greater degree of perfection. Taken together, they make up what we
understand by the generic term _man_. If we allow to the former,
only, a full degree of development of their common nature one-half
only enjoys the freedom of action designed for both. We then have
the man, or male element, fully brought out; while the woman, or
female element, is excluded and crushed.
It should be remembered too that all rights have their origin in
the moral nature of mankind, and that when woman is denied any
guarantee which secures these rights to her, violence is done to
a great moral law of our being. In assuming to vote and legislate
for her, man commits a positive violation of the moral law and
does that which he would not that others should do unto him. And,
besides all these considerations, it is hard to understand the
workings of this system of proxy-voting and proxy-representation.
How is it to work when our self-constituted representative happens
to hold different opinions from us? There are various questions,
such as intemperance, licentiousness, slavery, and war, the
allowing men to control our property, our person, our earnings,
our children, on which at times we might differ; and yet this
representative of ours can cast but one vote for us both, however
different our opinions may be. Whether that vote would be cast for
his own interests, or for ours, all past legislation will show.
Under this system, diversities of interest must of necessity arise;
and the only way to remove all difficulty and secure full and exact
justice to woman is to permit her to represent herself.
One more point and I have done. Men say women cannot vote without
neglecting their families and their duties as housekeepers. This,
to our opponents, is a very serious objection. Who would urge a
similar one to man’s voting and legislating, or holding office—that
he would neglect his family or his business? And yet the objection
would be about as reasonable in one case as in the other. In
settling a question of natural and inherent _right_, we must not
stop to consider conveniencies or inconveniencies. The right must be
accorded, the field left clear, and the consequences will take care
of themselves. Men argue as though if women were granted an equal
voice in the government all our nurseries would be abandoned, the
little ones left to take care of themselves, and the country become
depopulated. They have frightened themselves with the belief that
kitchens would be deserted and dinners left uncooked, and that
men would have to turn housekeepers and nurses. When the truth
is, mothers have as much regard for the home and the welfare of
the children as have the fathers; and they understand what their
duties are as well as men do; and they are generally as careful for
the interests of the one, and as faithful in the discharge of the
other, as are these watchful guardians of theirs who tremble lest
they should get out of their sphere. God and nature have implanted
in woman’s heart a love of her offspring, and an instinctive
knowledge of what is proper and what improper for her to do, and it
needs no laws of man’s making to compel the one or teach the other.
Give her freedom and her own good sense will direct her how to use
it.
Were the prohibition removed to-morrow, not more than one mother
in a thousand would be required to leave her family to serve
the state, and not one without her own consent. Even though all
the offices in the country should be filled by women, which
would never be likely to happen, it would take but a very small
proportion of the whole away from their families; not more than
now leave home each year for a stay of months at watering places,
in the mountains, visiting friends, or crowding the galleries of
legislative halls dispensing smiles on the members below. There
would, then, be little danger of the terrible consequences so
feelingly depicted by those who fear that the babies and their own
stomachs would suffer.
But I have no desire, nor does any advocate of the enfranchisement
of woman desire, that mothers should neglect their duties to their
families. Indeed, no greater sticklers for the faithful discharge
of such duties can be found than among the prominent advocates
of this cause; and no more exemplary mothers can be found than
those who have taken the lead as earnest pleaders for woman’s
emancipation. Undoubtedly, the highest and holiest duty of both
father and mother is to their children; and neither the one nor
the other, from any false ideas of patriotism, any love of display
or ambition, any desire for fame or distinction, should leave a
young family to engage in governmental affairs. A mother who has
young children has her work at home, and she should stay at home
with it, and care well for their education and physical wants.
But having discharged this duty, having reared a well-developed
and wisely-governed family, then let the state profit by her
experience, and let the father and the mother sit down together in
the councils of the nation.
But all women are not mothers; all women have not home duties;
so we shall never lack for enough to look after our interests at
the ballot-box and in legislative halls. There are thousands of
unmarried women, childless wives and widows, and it would always
be easy to find enough to represent us without taking one mother
with a baby in her arms. All women may vote without neglecting any
duty, for the mere act of voting would take but little time; not
more than shopping or making calls. Instead of woman being excluded
from the elective franchise because she is a mother, that is the
strongest reason that can be urged in favor of granting her that
right. If she is responsible to society and to God for the moral
and physical welfare of her son; if she is to bring him up as
the future wise legislator, lawyer and jurist; if she is to keep
him pure and prepare him to appear before the bar of the Most
High,—then she should have unlimited control over his actions and
the circumstances that surround him. She should have every facility
for guarding his interests and for suppressing and removing all
temptations and dangers that beset his path. If God has committed
to her so sacred a charge He has, along with it, given the power
and the right of protecting it from evil and for accomplishing the
work He has given her to do; and no false modesty, no dread of
ridicule, no fear of contamination will excuse her for shrinking
from its discharge.
Woman needs the elective franchise to destroy the prevalent idea
of female inferiority. She needs it to make her the equal of
her own sons, that they may not in a few years assume the power
to rule over her, and make laws for her observance without her
consent. The fact that she is the mother of mankind—‘the living
providence under God who gives to every human being its mental,
moral and physical organization, who stamps upon every human heart
her seal for good or for evil’—is reason why she should occupy
no inferior position in the world. In the words of Mrs. Stanton,
‘That woman who has no higher object of thought than the cooking a
good dinner, compounding a good pudding, mending old clothes, or
hemming dish-towels—or, to be a little more refined, whose thoughts
centre on nothing more important than an elegant dress, beautiful
embroidery, parties, dances, and genteel gossip concerning the
domestic affairs of the Smiths and Browns—can never give to the
world a Bacon or a Newton, a Milton or a Howard, a Buonaparte or a
Washington.’ If we would have great men, we must first have great
women. If we would have great statesmen and great philanthropists,
we must have mothers whose thoughts soar above the trifling objects
which now engage the attention of the mass of women, and who are
capable of impressing those thoughts upon the minds of their
offspring.
In conclusion the enfranchisement of woman will be attended with
the happiest results, not for her only, but the whole race. It will
place society upon a higher moral and social elevation than it has
ever yet attained. Hitherto, the variously devised agencies for the
amelioration of the race have been designed mainly for the benefit
of man. For him colleges have been established and universities
endowed. For his advancement in science and the arts professorships
have been founded and lecture rooms opened. And, above all, for
securing to him the widest field for the fullest display of
his abilities republican institutions have been proclaimed and
sustained at a great sacrifice of toil, of bloodshed and of civil
commotions. Although the doctrine of the innate equality of the
race has been proclaimed yet, so far as relates to women, it has
been a standing falsehood, We now ask that this principle may be
applied practically in her case, also; we ask that the colleges
and universities, the professorships and lecture rooms shall be
opened to her, also; and, finally, we ask for the admission to the
ballot-box as the crowning right to which she is justly entitled.
And when woman shall be thus recognized as an equal partner with
man in the universe of God—equal in rights and duties—then will she
for the first time, in truth, become what her Creator designed her
to be, a helpmeet for man. With her mind and body fully developed,
imbued with a full sense of her responsibilities, and living in the
conscientious discharge of each and all of them, she will be fitted
to share with her brother in all the duties of life; to aid and
counsel him in his hours of trial; and to rejoice with him in the
triumph of every good word and work.
A REPLY.
A lecture entitled, “Woman’s Sphere, Woman’s Work and Woman Suffrage
Discussed,” was delivered at the Central Presbyterian church, Des
Moines, on the evening of December 25th, 1870, by the Rev. T. O.
Rice. The address was published in the Des Moines _Register_ of
January 1st, 1871, and Mrs. Bloomer replied to it through the columns
of the same paper January 21st, 1871, as follows:
EDITOR OF THE REGISTER: A friend has placed in my hand a copy of
_The Register_ of January 1, containing a sermon by the Rev. T. O.
Rice on ‘Woman’s sphere, woman’s work, woman suffrage,’ etc.
After carefully reading this sermon, I find nothing new or
original in it. It is but a rehash of what has before been served
up to us by the Reverends Todd, Bushnell, Fulton and others, who
are alarmed lest woman should get the start of the Creator and
overleap the bounds He has set to her sphere. It throws no new
light on the vexed question of woman suffrage, brings to view no
passages of Scripture hitherto hidden from our sight, and gives no
arguments which have not already been met and refuted again and
again. In much that he says the advocates of woman suffrage fully
agree with him. A mother’s first duty is at home with her children,
and nothing can excuse her for neglect of those entrusted to her
care. Home is the happiest spot on earth when it is a _true home_—a
home where love and harmony abide, where each regards the rights,
the feelings, the interest, the happiness of the other, where
ruling and obeying are unknown, where two heads are acknowledged
better than one, and true confidence and esteem bind together the
wedded pair. And I know of no happier homes, no better trained and
better cared for children, than among the prominent advocates of
woman suffrage. Whatever may be thought to the contrary, Elizabeth
Cady Stanton is a model housekeeper, wife and mother; and nowhere
can greater sticklers be found for the full discharge of all wifely
duties than those who are pleading for woman’s enfranchisement. So
far, then, as relates to home and children your divine has given us
nothing but what we can subscribe to, and what we have preached for
a score of years, at least, before he awakened to the necessity of
giving the women of his congregation a sermon on their domestic
duties. If they were ignorant on those matters, his words have not
come to them an hour too soon.
After quoting familiar passages from both the Old and New Testament
referring to woman, your divine opens by saying: ‘The general drift
of these passages is obvious. Woman was designed to be a helpmeet
for man.’ To this we have nothing to object. We, too, say that God
made woman a helpmeet for man, finding it not good for him to be
alone. But God said nothing of her being inferior, or subordinate,
when he brought her to Adam—nothing of her being intended to fill
an inferior position or discharge particular or inferior duties.
She was made a helpmeet for man, not his subject and servant,
but his assistant, companion and counselor. Not a helper in any
particular sphere or duty, but in all the varied relations of life.
Not to be always the frail, clinging, dependent vine, which falls
helpless with the oak when it is riven by the thunderbolt, but to
take the place, _if need be_, of the sturdy oak at her side when so
riven, and bear upon her shoulders all the burdens which as true
helpmeet and companion fall to her lot. Not to be an idle drone in
the hive, but a sharer with him in all his head and his hands find
to do. Not a helpmeet in the domestic relation merely, but also in
the government of the earth and in the councils of the nation. It
was not to _him_ but to _them_ that God gave power and dominion
over the whole earth.
He next goes on to show why woman was to occupy a subordinate
position, and of all the arguments brought forward by our
opponents I never read a more weak and flimsy one than this.
Because Adam was first formed and then Eve, she was therefore to
be subordinate. But where is the proof of this? Do we find in all
nature that the things last formed were inferior and subordinate
to those first created? Again, that ‘Adam was not deceived, but
the woman being deceived was in the transgression.’ Now, will the
reverend gentleman tell us which he deems the greater sin, to
commit a wrong after being misled and deceived by promises of great
good to follow, or to commit the same wrong without such promises
or deception, and with the eyes wide open to the wrong? In any
court of the present day, the extenuating circumstances would be
considered and the former held the less guilty of the two.
How any unprejudiced and unbiased mind can read the original
account of the creation and fall, and gather therefrom that the
woman committed the greater sin, I cannot understand. When Eve
was first asked to eat of the forbidden fruit she refused, and it
was only after her scruples were overcome by promises of great
knowledge that she gave way to sin. But how was it with Adam, who
was with her? He took and ate what she had offered him without
any scruples of conscience, or promises on her part of great
things to follow—certainly showing no superiority of goodness, or
intellect, or strength of character fitting him for the headship.
The command not to eat of the Tree of Life was given to him before
her creation, and he was doubly bound to keep it; yet he not only
permitted her to partake of the fruit without remonstrating
against it, and warning her of the wrong, but ate of it himself
without objection or hesitation. And then, when inquired of by
God concerning what he had done, instead of standing up like an
honorable man and confessing the wrong he weakly tried to shield
himself by throwing the blame on the woman. As the account stands,
he showed the greater ‘feebleness of resistance, and evinced a
pliancy of character, and a readiness to yield to temptation,’ that
cannot justly be charged to the woman. As the account stands, man
has more to blush for than to boast of.
While we are willing to accept this original account of the
creation and fall, we are not willing that men should add tenfold
to woman’s share of sin, and put a construction upon the whole
matter that we believe was never intended by the Creator. Eve had
no more to do with bringing sin into the world than had Adam, nor
does the Creator charge any more upon her. The punishment inflicted
upon them for their transgression was as heavy upon him as upon
her. Her sorrows were to be multiplied, but so too was he to eat
his bread in sorrow, and to earn it in the sweat of his face amid
thorns and thistles. To her no injunction to labor was given, upon
her no toil imposed, no ground cursed for her sake.
But now we come to the consideration of a passage which seems to
bear more heavily upon woman, and which men have used as a warrant
to humble and crush her through all the ages that have passed since
our first parents were driven from the Garden of Eden: ‘_Thy
desire shall be to thy husband, and he shall rule over thee._’
This Mr. Rice regards as a command binding upon every woman for all
time. Because Eve sinned, every woman must be ruled over by some
man as long as the world stands. It is a little strange that the
Creator did not tell us this. When talking to the serpent, He put
enmity between his seed and the seed of the woman; but to the woman
He said not a word of this law of subordination following her seed;
and to Adam he gave no command, or even license, to rule over his
wife.
Will the Rev. Rice please explain to us the meaning of a like
passage in the chapter following? ‘_The Lord said unto Cain, the
desire of thy brother shall be unto thee, and thou shalt rule over
him._’ Was this, too, a command for all time? Did God command
Cain to rule over Abel? And if so, to whom does it now apply? The
language is the same in both instances, except that in the latter
case it was addressed directly to the party who was to rule, and in
the former to the one who was to be ruled.
Clearly, the passage quoted should be regarded in the light of
prophecy or prediction, and not of command. Substitute _wilt_ for
_shalt_, which I am told the original fully permits, and then all
is clear. The prophecy has been fulfilled to the very letter. There
are other passages that I think clearly show that the word _shall_
has been wrongly translated. For instance, Cain says, ‘Whosoever
findeth me _shall_ slay me,’ taking the form of command rather than
prediction.
Having done with the Old Testament, our reverend lecturer proceeds
to give us what, in his opinion, was the idea and full meaning
of the Apostle Paul in his rules and injunctions to the women of
the churches he was addressing, and he wonders how there can be
any opinion but his own on the subject. He makes the apostle go a
long way beyond the Creator or the Saviour in his condemnation and
subordination of women, and then thinks it strange that all do not
take his version of the whole matter. Yet there are vast numbers
of good, Christian men and women who cannot read with his eyes and
who have presumed to differ from him. He quotes from some of the
early Fathers on the subject, and proves that they entertained
the same opinions and had the same fear of women getting into
authority the Todds, Rices and Fultons of the present day suffer
from. And the opinion of one party goes for as much as that of the
other. The women of those early days, as all know, were ignorant
and degraded and regarded as absolutely inferior to men. Custom
had assigned them an inferior place and, instead of being treated
as companions and equals, they were little better than servants
and slaves. None but dissolute women, or women of loose character,
sought for knowledge, and education was wholly denied to those who
were virtuous. They were expected to remain at home in ignorant
subjection to their masters. What wonder then if any, moved by
the spirit, dared raise their voice in the presence of men they
were instantly silenced, and told that it was not permitted them
to speak? The early Fathers, like St. Paul, but conformed to
the customs and shared the prejudices of the day in which they
lived, and under the circumstances no doubt their injunctions were
entirely proper and right.
We have no account on record of these ancient clergy disgracing
themselves over a woman speaking as did the Rev. John Chambers,
and other reverends of his stamp—and as we suppose the Rev. Rice
would have done had he been there—a few years ago at the World’s
Temperance Convention, in New York, when by their violent stamping,
shouting, scolding and other uproarious conduct they succeeded in
drowning the voice and driving from the stand a lovely, refined and
highly educated Christian woman whom the president had invited to
the platform. They carried their ends at that time; but that did
not awe all women back into silence, or do themselves or the church
any good. So all the warnings, and quotations from St. Paul, by all
the reverends since his day, have not succeeded in keeping women in
that state of ignorance and subjection they occupied two thousand
years ago. The world moves, and it is God’s will that women move
with it. He is no respecter of persons, but regards His people as
all one in Christ Jesus.
But what have we next? After putting women down as low as possible
our divine throws them a sop by telling them, if they will not
usurp authority over men in the pulpit they may speak, and pray,
and teach in Sunday schools, and in conference and covenant
meeting. And where, pray, does he get his authority for this? Not
in the Bible, surely. Paul says, ‘I suffer not a woman to teach.’
Teach what? The scriptures—the gospel, to be sure. This is direct
and explicit. How can she teach the gospel in the Sunday school and
elsewhere, without violation of St. Paul’s law? ‘Let women keep
silence in the church,’ says the apostle. Then how can they talk,
and pray, and teach in the conference meeting, the covenant meeting
and other kindred places? St. Paul gives them no such liberty.
Plainly your divine is willing the women of his church should do
almost anything, so they do not interfere with his place, or usurp
authority over him.
Poor _me_ next comes in for a severe castigation from your reverend
lawgiver because I dared say that, while I supposed St. Paul’s
injunctions to women were right and proper at the time and under
the circumstances of their utterance, I did not believe they were
the rule for the educated Christian women of this enlightened day
and age, the circumstances surrounding them having greatly changed
since the introduction of Christianity. That I believed women were
no more bound by the laws and customs of that time than men were
bound to observe all the laws and customs of the same period; and
further, that the church, _by its practice_, teaches the same
thing, to a great extent. And, still further, that the words of St.
Paul had nothing to do with woman’s political rights. The reverend
gentleman puts words in my mouth I never uttered, thoughts in
my head that I never conceived, places me in a position I never
occupied and then, having attributed all manner of bad things to
me, wipes me out with a sweep of his pen. Well, I do not feel a bit
bad over all this. I have the consolation of knowing that I am in
good company, and cannot be so easily annihilated as he supposed.
There are scores of divines as able, as learned, as eloquent and
as orthodox as T. O. Rice, of Des Moines, who take the same view
of the matter as I do, and any number of good Christian people who
subscribe to the same doctrine. I ‘have no painful solicitude as
to which side will ultimately triumph.’ I am no more ‘squarely and
openly at variance with God’s Word’ than is our reverend lecturer,
who has set himself up as God’s oracle, and hopes to intimidate all
women, and strengthen the rule of all men to whom the sound of his
voice may come.
I do not question his right to think as he pleases, and lecture
women on proprieties and improprieties; but I must say, I consider
women quite as capable of judging for themselves what is proper and
what is improper for them to do as any man can be; and I think if
our reverends would turn their attention to their own sex, search
out passages and rules of conduct applicable to them, and lecture
them on their duty to their families and society, they would be
much better employed than in trying to subordinate women.
God has implanted in woman’s nature an instinctive knowledge of
what is proper and what improper for her to do, and it needs no
laws of man to teach the one or compel the other.
Our lecturer assumes that ‘God did not design that woman’s sphere
and woman’s work should be identical with that of man, but distinct
and subordinate.’ That ‘woman is happiest in subordination, as well
as more attractive,’ etc. This is, of course, only a picture of
his imagination—only an expression of his own feelings and wishes.
He can find no warrant for it in the Bible; for, as we have shown,
God did not assign her to any particular sphere or work, but made
her an helpmeet to stand side by side and walk hand in hand with
man through the journey of life.
‘When aspiring, insubordinate, overtopping and turbulent woman
loses all the attraction and fascination of her sex.’ Very true!
and so do men of the same character lose all that commands our love
and respect, and there are many more of the latter than of the
former class! I know no such woman, but if there are any, every
advocate of woman’s enfranchisement will do all they can to prevent
her ever becoming so ‘restless, troubled, muddy, and bereft of
beauty.’ So far as she has been admitted to the society of men they
have not yet made her that terrible being they fear and dread. She
has not proved herself coarse, vulgar, turbulent and corrupting
in any society to which she has been admitted; and we would bid
the reverend calm his excited mind, and remember that God made her
woman, and under no change that has come to her has she proved
untrue to the nature He implanted within her. So let him trust that
the good God who is leading her forward into broader fields of
usefulness will take care that she goes not beyond, in any respect,
the limit He has fixed to her sphere.
Having settled the question that the sexes are to move in spheres
distinct from each other to his own satisfaction, and having
dismissed the apostle from the witness stand, we are told what,
in the judgment of the speaker, is the proper and appropriate
sphere of woman. In much of what follows we agree with him; but not
altogether. ‘By analyzing any persons,’ men or women, ‘physically,
mentally and morally, we can ascertain what station they are fitted
to fill—what work they are fitted to do.’ And whatever either man
or woman has capacity for doing, that is right and proper in and
of itself; that thing it is right and proper for both, or either
of them, to do. If God has given them a talent, He has along with
it given them a right to its use, whether it be in the direction
of the home, the workshop, the public assembly, or the Legislative
Hall.
And if woman has hitherto neglected to improve all her God-given
talents, it is because men have only permitted her to get glimpses
of the world ‘from the little elevation in her own garden,’ where
they have fenced her in. But let them invite her to the ‘loftier
eminence’ where they stand, with the world for her sphere, as
it was at the beginning, and then they can better judge of the
qualities of her mind, and her capacity to fill any station.
In talking of man’s strength of body and mind fitting him for
certain places, and woman’s weakness consigning her to other
places, he forgets that intellectually, at least, a great many
women are stronger than a great many men, and therefore better
fitted for places where brains, instead of muscle, are needed. It
is no more true that every woman was made to be a cook and a washer
of dishes and clothes, than that every man was made to be a wood
sawyer and a ditch digger. While some are content, in either case,
to fill those stations, others are not content, and never will be,
and will aspire to something better and higher. To what place the
weak little men are to be consigned our speaker fails to tell us.
The home picture in the sermon is all very beautiful. Would
that all homes were a realization of the picture! Woman is told
great things of her duties, her influence, her glories and her
responsibilities, but not a word have we of man’s duty to the
home, the wife, the children. Woman is told that it is hers to
make her children great and good, as though they were like a blank
sheet of white paper and would take any impress she chose to give;
when, in fact, they are stamped before they see the light of the
world with the gross and vicious natures of their tobacco-chewing
and wine-bibbing fathers, as well as with the weaknesses of the
mothers, and it is often impossible for the best of mothers to
so train their children that they may safely pass the pitfalls
that men have everywhere placed to lead them into temptation and
destruction. We protest against the mothers being held alone
responsible for the children, so long as fathers wholly neglect
their duties and set such examples and such temptations before
their children as to corrupt their young lives and destroy the good
influence the mother might otherwise exert. Not till mothers have
a voice in saying what influences and temptations shall surround
their children when they go beyond the nursery walls, can they
justly be held accountable to society or to God for their conduct.
The woman who only takes a narrow view of life from the little
eminence in her garden can never give to the world very good or
very great children. She must be permitted to take in a wider
range from a loftier eminence, before she can form those great
characters and inscribe upon the immortal mind the great things
that are expected and demanded of her. If we would have great
men, we must first have great women. If we would have noble men,
we must first have noble mothers. A woman whose whole thought is
occupied in cooking a good dinner and mending old clothes—or (a
little more refined) whose thoughts center on a beautiful dress,
elegant embroidery, the fashionable party, the latest novel or the
latest fashion—can never give to the world a Bacon or a Newton,
a Howard or a Wesley, a Buonaparte or a Washington. Our preacher
lays a heavy responsibility on woman, but all his talk about her
influence, her duty and her subordination is not going to give her
that wisdom, strength and moral material out of which to properly
construct the fabric of the Church and the Commonwealth.
We would by no means undervalue the home, or the mother’s duty and
influence; but we would ennoble and purify the one, and enlarge
the duties and extend the influence and power of the other. Our
divine thinks that, because woman is mother, daughter, sister and
wife, it is enough for her and she should desire nothing more. Man
is father, husband, son and brother, and why is he not therefore
content? What can he desire or ask for more? Let men realize that
they, too, have duties to the home beyond merely supplying the
money to satisfy the physical wants of the family; let them throw
down the wall they have built up around the woman’s garden and
invite her to survey with them the wider range from the loftier
eminence, and many homes would be made glad that are now anything
but Gardens of Eden, and many women would be strengthened for the
full and faithful discharge of all their duties.
‘Woman is not a mechanic.’ Yes, she is. All men are not mechanics.
I know women who have more mechanical genius than their husbands;
and I believe there are few of the mechanical arts that women
could not master and perform successfully, if custom permitted and
necessity required. They are naturally ingenious, and fashion many
things as difficult to learn as to saw a board or drive a nail,
to make a watch or a shoe, a saddle or a harness. My next-door
neighbor is a natural mechanic, and has manufactured various
articles in wood, from a foot to two feet in size, such as tables,
chairs, bedsteads, wardrobes, frames, brackets, etc., with only
a penknife and a bit of sandpaper for tools, which are perfect
specimens of workmanship, and are so acknowledged by first-class
cabinetmakers. She has taken premiums on these articles for the
best woodcutting and carving at our agricultural fairs. This work
has only been done for pastime, and the lady is equally ingenious
with the needle, as well as a good housekeeper, wife and mother.
There are many women engaged in various kinds of mechanism.
There are many inventions by women; but how many have been
patented, can only be known by inquiry at the Patent Office. And
even then it would be difficult to ascertain facts, since the
patent is generally obtained in the name of the husband. I have a
lady friend who invented patterns for parlor stoves. Her husband
had them patented in his own name, and entered upon the manufacture
and sale of them.
The ‘natural difference in the turn of mind in the sexes’ is not
so great as is supposed. The seeming difference is more owing to
education and custom, than to nature. It is a very common thing to
hear a young girl wish she was a boy, or a man, that she might be
free to do what she lists in this world of work—to make use of the
powers which she feels burning within her. The girl envies the boy
his freedom and his privileges. In ‘earliest childhood,’ if let
alone, there is little difference between the boy and the girl.
The girl likes to ride the horse and blow the trumpet, as well as
the boy; and the boy loves a doll and a needle and thread, as well
as the girl. It is not the child that selects, but the parent that
selects for him. From the very first (the whip, the horse, the
trumpet) the boy is taught that it is not right or manly for him
to play with dolls, or girls; and the girl, that little girls must
not play with boys, or with boys’ playthings, because it is not
ladylike, and will make a tom-boy of her. And so education does
what nature has not done, and was never intended to do.
‘Those who would curse our race have ever attempted, in imitation
of the great progenitor, to poison all our fountains and wither and
blast all our budding hopes by directing their artful attacks and
deadly shafts against the breast of woman.’
Alas! this is but too true. Ever since Satan, who was a man, struck
the first blow at her happiness, men have directed their deadly
shafts against her, by first subjugating her to their will, and
then using their power to ‘poison the fountain of her happiness
and wither and blast her budding hopes.’ She has been made their
sport and their victim, with no power to avert the evil, or protect
herself, or those entrusted to her care, from their artful and
brutal attacks.
But what have we here? After telling women that home is their
sphere, and that God placed them in it, and they should not go
beyond it, the reverend lecturer turns right about and supposes
a case where a woman is called upon to devote her time, or
her energies, to home duties and family cares, or of one who
voluntarily chooses to do something else; and, strange as it may
seem after all that has gone before, he says ‘she may follow a
trade, teach, lecture, practise law and medicine, and fill a
clerkship.’ This is good woman’s-rights doctrine! The bars are let
down that separated the spheres, and woman is permitted to leave
the ‘distinct and subordinate’ one allotted to her, and enter upon
a sphere and work ‘_identical with that of man_.’ Here we can
join hands with our divine, and be thankful that light has so far
dawned upon him. And he farther ‘demands that all the sources of
learning, all the avenues of business which they are competent to
fill shall be thrown open to the whole sex, and that they shall
be fairly and fully rewarded for all they do’! These good words
go far to atone for all he has said before, and we will not ask
why this change, or concession. Enough that he comes thus far
upon our platform. But can he stop here? After giving her so wide
a sphere, and educating her mind to the fullest extent, can he
again put up the bar and say ‘thus far and no farther shalt thou
go’? Indeed, no! God himself has in these latter days broken down
the bounds that men had set to woman’s sphere, and they cannot,
by opposition or Bible argument, remand her back into the state
of silent subjection whence she came. The ministers of the church
for years set themselves up against the anti-slavery cause, and
proved conclusively, to themselves, from the Bible, that slavery
was right and God-ordained; that the Africans were, and were to
be, a subjugated race, and that to teach differently was in plain
violation of the teachings of the Bible. They held themselves
aloof from that cause, in the days of its weakness, at least, and
cried out against those who were pleading for the emancipation of
the slave. But God proved their mistake by setting that people
free, and endowing them with all the rights of citizenship. So,
too, the Bible is brought forward to prove the subordination of
woman, and to show that because St. Paul told the ignorant women
of his time that they must keep silent in the church the educated,
intelligent women of these times must not only occupy the same
position in the church and the family but must not aspire to the
rights of citizenship. But the same Power that brought the slave
out of bondage will, in His own good time and way, bring about the
emancipation of woman, and make her the equal in power and dominion
that she was at the beginning.
The divine uses the column and a half that remains of the space
allotted to him to show why, in his opinion, women should not
vote—after telling us there is nothing against their voting in the
Bible, and omitting to tell us what the passages quoted at the head
of his discourse have to do with politics or political rights.
One of these reasons is that women will want to hold office; and
in proof of this he tells us that the office of deaconess, which
existed in the church till the middle of the fifth century, was
abolished because the women ‘became troublesome aspirants after
the prerogatives of office.’ It is ever thus. Men are willing
women should be subordinate—do the _drudgery_ in the church and
elsewhere; but let them aspire to something higher and then, if
there is no other way to silence them, abolish the office. _Men_
want all the offices, and it is a crying shame for a woman to think
of taking one from them, thus setting them all aquake with fear!
Men argue as though, if women had the right to vote, they would
all abandon their homes and their babies, and stand at the polls
from year’s end to year’s end and do nothing but vote. When the
fact is men do not vote but twice a year; are detained from their
business but a few minutes to deposit their ballots; and then go
their way, none the worse for the vote. I regret that Rev. Rice
thinks so badly of the advocates of woman’s cause. So far as I
know them, his charges are unfair and sometimes untrue. A better
personal acquaintance would disarm him of much of his prejudice.
The women are all good sisters, wives and mothers, living in love
and harmony with their husbands, to whom they are true helpmeets,
and whom they have no thought of deserting. Not half of them ever
expect to hold office—certainly not, unless the offices are greatly
multiplied—nor to have any part in turning the world upside down.
On the contrary they will continue to care for the babies, cook the
dinners, and sew on the buttons the same as ever.
Another reason why woman should not vote is that he thinks ‘God has
not fitted her for government, that He never made her to manage the
affairs of state, that very few women would make good stateswomen,’
etc. And yet God did at the Creation give her an equal share in the
government of the earth, and our divine imposes upon her all the
government of the family! God called Deborah to manage the affairs
of state, and approved of her management, never once telling her
she was out of her sphere, or neglecting her domestic duties. And
the queens of the Bible are nowhere reproved for being in authority
and ruling over men. Many women have shown a fitness for government
in all ages of the world. There are few able statesmen among men,
and the world is suffering sadly for want of woman’s help and
woman’s counsel in the affairs of state.
But I cannot ask you to allow me space to follow the reverend
gentleman through all that follows on the question of woman
suffrage. His arguments are very stale, and many of them absurd.
I doubt not he is honest in his convictions; but all do not see
with his eyes, or judge with his judgment. As able minds as his own
among men take a different view of the matter, and believe that at
the polls, as elsewhere, woman will have a refining moral influence
upon men, and that she will herself be benefited and ennobled by
the enlarged sphere of action.
I cannot better close than with the words of Bronson Alcott, at a
recent ‘conversation’ in Chicago: ‘There is no friend of woman who
does not believe that, if the ballot were extended to her, not one
would ever vote for an impure man. To give woman the ballot would
purify legislation, plant liberty and purity in our families, our
churches, our institutions, our State.’
AMELIA BLOOMER.
Council Bluffs, Iowa.
MRS. STANTON ON MRS. BLOOMER.
“In the fall of 1850 I met Mrs. Bloomer for the first time, in
Seneca Falls, N. Y. I was happy to find her awake to the wrongs
of women. Mrs. Bloomer was publishing a paper at that time called
the _Lily_; a rather inappropriate name for so aggressive a paper,
advocating as it did all phases of the woman’s-rights question.
In 1849 her husband was appointed postmaster, and she became his
deputy, was duly sworn in, and during the administration of Taylor
and Fillmore served in that capacity. When she assumed her duties,
the improvement in the appearance and conduct of the office was
generally acknowledged. A neat little room adjoining became a kind
of ladies’ exchange, where those coming from different parts of the
town would meet to talk over the contents of the last _Lily_ and
the progress of the woman’s-suffrage movement in general. Those
who enjoyed the brief interregnum of a woman in the post office can
readily testify to the loss to the ladies of the village, and to
the void felt by all, when Mrs. Bloomer and the _Lily_ left for the
West, and men again reigned supreme.
“E. C. S.”
MEMORIAL SERMON.
Preached by the Rev. Eugene J. Babcock, in St. Paul’s Church, Council
Bluffs, January 13, 1895:
ECCL., vii. 1.—“_A good name is better than precious ointment, and
the day of death than the day of one’s birth._”
Wisdom is surveying life, and giving its best retrospect. The
thought which has entered this judgment is the righteous, just,
temperate, and loving care of God.
A life spent in satisfying the pleasures of sense alone leaves
nothing of value to the ‘pilgrims of night,’ for it passes away
like a shadow and is gone. The greatest heritage that can come to
the children of men—an inheritance that they should administer
jealously—is a good name. As to other things we can carry nothing
out of this world, but good character, like the ancient embalming,
forever preserves a good name.
The ‘name’ which wisdom here mentions is that which has acquirement
of reputation. This is suggested by the second member of the text.
The old application would have limited it to one who had won fame.
Evidently, reputation is to be the outcome of character just as
the perfume is associated with the nard. The things in comparison
are the good name which all delight to honor, and the fragrant odor
of the good, i. e. precious, ointment which all enjoy.
But more than this. Names of the great and good have a diffusive
power, subtly and incisively invading our spirits as their golden
deeds are told off and become signs to the world that earth has
souls of heroic mould. Then we are athrill with emotion as our
souls thus catch better insight of humanity. The correspondence is
in opening the box of delicate, pure and costly ointment, the odor
thereof filling the house.
How comes it that the day of death is better than the day of birth?
Solomon may have meant that life’s vexations, toils, temptations
and trials were thus at an end. This is the justifying consolation
that we give when our fellows depart hence and are no more seen.
The passing hence is undoubtedly merciful relief in many instances.
But life’s issues are varied and diverse, and to most of us
life, in its purely temporal aspect, is the sweetest and closest
companion of thought. There are but few to receive Solomon’s words.
Possibly, they are designed for the few. At an earlier stage of
his life he would not have written them. They came out of his
experience. He may have been touched by a gloom of apprehension
which sprung from ignorance, an ignorance that was done away in
Christ our Lord. That life does not cease absolutely is knowledge
which Christ’s religion has fixed in human minds. It is true that
there is as yet no test of experience, save that I point you to
Jesus Christ the Great Exemplar and those recorded cases who were
subjects of his power. In the spirit’s return to God, the ancients
did not know that to die is gain.
In view of acquirements attained from a well ordered and well spent
life, may there not be a sense in which the day of death is better?
As the three score and ten years come on, our minds contrast origin
and decline, infancy and age. What prodigious issues are involved!
The advances of time disclose two pathways, well worn and leading
up to these issues. In moral aspect they bear the names of good and
evil. Yet they are not so absolutely distinct as to be two separate
paths. Rather, to the eye of discernment, the individual walks
in two planes, the subject of two kingdoms. God, in His goodness
and mercy, furnished a guideboard for the journey of life, and
prophetic of the parting of the ways: Reject the evil; choose the
good. Behold the key to the good name that is better than precious
ointment!
Such was the high animating principle that guided Amelia Jenks
Bloomer through her womanhood. Born in Homer, New York, May 27,
1818, she removed from her native place at an early age, and after
a residence in two other villages in the same state, during which
her life passed through girlhood to young womanhood, she finally
came to Seneca County. She was little aware of the destiny that
awaited her, and of the probability that the precincts of her new
dwelling place were to become the theatre of events in which she
would play the part of leading character.
On her mother’s side she inherited a trend toward an earnest and
positive religious bent. This was supplemented by the mother-love
instilling into the child those principles of belief in things
supreme which become a part of moral fibre and the basis for
action. The one avenue of woman’s employment from time immemorial,
the public school, she seems to have eschewed. This may have been
owing to possession of talents for larger and higher educational
function; talents which found successful trial in a happy and
peculiar relation of governess in a family with three children.
This relation was terminated for another and more sacred bond,
she being joined in marriage the twenty-second year of her age.
Her married life began at Seneca Falls, New York, where was Mr.
Bloomer’s home.
In the beginning of the decade of years which are known as the
‘forties,’ there were gathering forces of a distinctively moral
movement which had for its object the regeneration of society.
Re-proclamation of an old truth in new form took aggressive phase
of agitation against the evils of intemperance with a view to
lessen them. The instrument employed was the ever truthful and
laudable agency of moral suasion. In due time there came into the
purview of such as were enlisted heart and soul in this noble
effort, the additional agency of suppression by means of legal
enactment. This first and new demonstration gathered momentum until
1856, when it seems to have spent its force in electing Myron A.
Clark, of Canandaigua, to the governorship of New York.
A glance at the early endeavors which led to the upheaval of
society and had a widespread effect for good, enables us to see the
sway of the agitation in that part of the state where dwelt the
honorable subject of this memorial. The movement had taken form in
the concrete by virtue of an organization named the Washingtonian
Society. To the influences of this society we are indebted,
indirectly at least, for the new firmament which spread above this
land in woman’s emancipation, and for its bright peculiar star,
Amelia Bloomer.
This came about in a simple and matter-of-fact way. Local
societies, of which there was one in Seneca Falls, were doing their
specific work. Mr. Bloomer was already in the newspaper field as
editor of the village press. To his editorial duties he joined
the duties of maintaining a paper called the _Water Bucket_, as
the organ of the local society. Another element came in the shape
of a religious awakening, following the Washingtonian movement,
and growing out of it. While the air was ringing with eloquent
words of precept, there was forced upon the mind that which was
equally eloquent, viz., personal example. Mr. and Mrs. Bloomer were
baptized and confirmed by Bishop Delancey in the parish church of
Seneca Falls in the year 1842. Henceforth, to the _rationale_ of
the movement was added the religious motive.
In response to her husband’s earnest and persuasive appeals to
‘lend a hand,’ she modestly and even reluctantly contributed
articles to the paper. With repeated protestations, she complied
with other demands. She did not desire to reveal her identity as
her contributions became subject to favorable comment and wide
quotation. She hid herself under a round of names, now masculine,
now feminine, in order to avoid publicity. But behind them there
was a personality that could not be hidden long. A keen and
powerful mind, and brimming sentiments of a woman’s heart, intense
and moving, came to the surface. The flashing of a bright pen,
tempered and pointed as a Damascus blade, was probing its way
to the forefront of discussion, and into the vitals of opposing
argument, and lo! a woman stepped forth into the arena, a champion
of woman’s side in the conflicting controversy!
With her lifeboat thus pushed out into the current of this mental
activity, and thrown upon her own resources, latent powers came to
her support. These were reabsorbed, again developed, and carried
on to renewed struggles. It is surprising to note how resolutely
and with what eminent capability she met the varied demands of true
sentiment, sound judgment and business tact.
She had great regard for the principles she advocated; for her
self-respect as an advocate; and for her pledged or promised word.
Thinking that woman was capable of originating an enterprise,
that she had capacity for conducting it, her ruling passion was
to show to the world that woman could do as woman, be accountable
to self, and had the right potential to do what she could. That
she esteemed woman a responsible creature is indicated in the
manner in which her paper _The Lily_ was launched upon society.
A woman’s temperance club had planned the paper, the president
of the society had named it; another was appointed editress,
Mrs. Bloomer to be associate; the first issue to appear January
1, 1849. A woman’s convention which had assembled in 1848 in the
village, and the first on record, may have stimulated the project.
But as the time approached to undertake the issue faintheartedness
dashed the scheme. Not even prospectuses and money received could
stay the retreat. Mrs. Bloomer was left alone. Her own words are:
‘My position was a most embarrassing one. * * * * I could not so
lightly throw off responsibility. There was no alternative but
to follow the example of the others and let the enterprise prove
a miserable failure as had been predicted it would, or to throw
myself into the work, bare my head to the storm of censure and
criticism that would follow, and thereby make good our promises to
the public and save the reputation of the society. It was a sad, a
trying hour, for one all inexperienced in such work, and at a time
when public action in woman was almost unknown. So unprepared was
I for the position I found myself in, so lacking in confidence and
fearful of censure, that I withdrew my name from the paper and left
standing the headline: “Published by a Committee of Ladies.”’ With
such splendid courage, integrity and determination, we can almost
predicate in advance the eminent success which attended this effort
during a period of six years.
The study of woman’s condition incident to aggressive measures
against intemperance and the direct appeal to woman’s sympathies,
without doubt, widened the scope of vision. That woman often stood
in need of independence was enforced cogently. Having succeeded in
a limited temperance work and become useful agents in lifting the
burdens of sisters, the idea of relief in other directions followed
hard apace. Some of these burdens were of woman’s own placing, some
were forced upon her by the inequalities of law, and others were in
deference to a wrong public opinion.
The power of the Press did not suffice for the complete extension
of the aims which the woman’s association had in view. The human
voice, than which there is nothing more potential in moving us,
was now raised to make the battlecry of reform more effective. The
last wonder of the world had come—for woman appeared as her own
advocate. Amelia Bloomer had gathered strength and reliance for a
new phase of her work. She more deeply realized that she had to
cope with other evils than the horrors of intemperance. The rising
questions were still more difficult, from their inherent nature
and there being no public sentiment to support them. As the issue
confronted her the same distrust of self, yet the same unfaltering
courage and devotion to a cause, prepared her for the rostrum as
armed her for the editress’ chair. She had faith in the justice
of men, and believed that God was on her side. She overstepped
mere conventionality, not that she spurned good, but to show that
conventionalism is sometimes a tyrant, and harmful. She could brave
the strictures of public opinion, knowing that it is not always
right. But that she could do this does not indicate that there
was no cost to herself, or that the cruel arrows of ridicule when
proceeding from unkindness did not reach tender sensibilities.
Had she but her own glory to seek, or were it but a vain notoriety
in order to puff up the mind, she could not have ‘bared her head
to the storm’ which a canvass of woman’s rights and woman’s wrongs
brought upon her.
* * * * *
It is for us to learn the lesson of her life: that, conspicuously,
she was unselfish. A conviction had come to her—may it not have
been true inspiration?—that what was wrong in practice might be
righted by promulgation of true principles. She had the courage of
her convictions, if ever any one had. Like a true reformer, she
had to furnish the principles and disclose the facts upon which
they were based, in order that correction might obtain. That which
sent her to the principal cities of her native and adopted states
and to cities far beyond, to legislative halls, to the use of her
trenchant and vigorous pen, was love for her own sex. To win for
one was gain for all. It was a doing for others all along. What
though abstract justice, statue-like, could point the index at
inequalities? There was no voice to awaken and plead!
In this part of her career she was as eminent a success as in the
other. She was mistress of argumentative persuasion, and could turn
the shafts of opponents with consummate skill. The extravagance
of rhetoric into which excited feelings are prone to lead a
controversialist, she met with good-natured repartee. It may be
said that she was advance-courier of ‘temperance literature,’ her
sprightly contributions being original matter, and in turn becoming
texts for other writers and publishers. She had other helpers in
creating a literature of woman’s rights, notably Mrs. Stanton,
who was one of others who accompanied her on a tour of lectures.
Her contention as to woman’s place was that she is created man’s
intellectual, moral and spiritual equal.
It certainly would have been derogatory to the Almighty Creator
to have bestowed on man an inferior partner for life. Genesis
discloses to us that the word for man and woman is the same, save
that a feminine termination is added to the latter. The true rise
of woman is centred in the Incarnation of our Blessed Lord. From
that time the dawn of woman’s elevation has been breaking into a
cloudless sky. Mrs. Bloomer rightly caught the gleaming light in
attributing to that august event a possibility for the broader and
higher sphere of woman’s action. With this she was wont to silence
Old-Testament quotations of opponents, and for that matter the
handlers of New-Testament writings which referred to a condition
closely approximating the old order of ignorance; the enlightenment
of Christianity not then having bathed the nations. She never
countenanced levity respecting the married state, or suffered the
intrusion of degrading theories respecting the domicile of home.
Her interpretation of a ‘help’ meet for man ranged along the high
lines of being a help in all that man does for the good of the
world, self, and actions that bear fruit of moral freedom.
Whenever she was asked to teach about woman’s sphere she complied,
as being a call to duty. Not long ago she related to a me thrilling
adventure which I am now able to see in a more characteristic
light. A certain and constant solidarity of character becomes
apparent at every turn. Duteous devotion, regard for promise, and
personal bravery enter into the exploit. She was to lecture on
‘Woman’s Education’ before, and for the benefit of, the Library
Association of Omaha. I find the story transcribed in her ‘Early
Recollections.’[2]
* * * * *
The reference to home yearnings is a side light which illumines
the whole background of her public career. Ardently devoted to her
mission and responsive to its imperious calls, yet she was not a Mrs.
Jellyby of Bleak House. She cared for others, near to her as well as
remote. Adopted children have taken the Bloomer name, and other young
have found a home beneath the hospitable roof.
A woman engaged in the active enterprises of life was a new thing
under the sun. Beneath the royal occupation of queen-regent, or that
of gifted authorship, or being a ‘Sister of Charity,’ the lines of
woman’s work were few and greatly limited in the world outside of
home. Amelia Bloomer was a pioneer in woman’s emancipation and, as
falls to the lot of the pioneer, she had work to do which succeeding
generations reckon not, and of which successors in the field have
never felt the sting of the deep intensity of the striving. The first
faint, far-off echo has swelled to thunder tone as to-day there goes
over the land a call for the Second Triennial Meeting of the National
Council of Women, which was founded on the fortieth anniversary
of ‘the first organized demand for equal education, industrial,
professional, and political rights for women, made at a meeting in
Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848.’
It is given to but few to realize the effectiveness of consecration
to a work like that Mrs. Bloomer undertook. Rarely does one see
the rich results of a contention so manifoldly difficult. As iron
sharpeneth iron, so has been the clash of minds. Imaginary barriers
have gone, and a rigid conservatism, strong principally by reason of
inherited tendency, is supplanted by a _rationale_ of woman’s sphere
which has made occupation for thousands. She who was both prominent
and eminent in bringing this result ought to be an object of their
everlasting gratitude!”[3]
THE END.
FOOTNOTES:
[2] Here, with slight omissions, is quoted in Mrs. Bloomer’s own
words the narration of the incident of the “Dangers met in crossing
the Missouri,” previously given on pp. 214-216.
[3] The remainder of the sermon has already been given. It will be
found on pp. 327-331.
Transcriber’s Notes
pg 5 swapped Amelia’s and Dexter’s photo location
pg 33 Removed hyphen between Seneca and Falls
pg 40 Removed duplicate word from: women did not not know what
pg 120 Added hyphen between State and Temperance
pg 158 Removed extra quote after: so-called ‘Woman’s Rights’
pg 168 Removed hyphen after: having passed the New
pg 181 Removed hyphen from: AT THE NEW-YORK
pg 183 Removed hyphen from: Of this New-York Convention
pg 197 Removed hyphen from: We came from our New-York home
pg 200 Removed repeated word the from: and again the the cry
pg 206 Removed hyphen between Council and Bluffs
pg 296 Removed hyphen between bushel and basket
pg 322-323 Removed hyphen between Council and Bluffs
pg 337 Removed repeated word is from: but that is is her duty
Many hyphenated and non-hyphenated word combinations left
as written.