It is very instructive to trace the contact of Hawthorne's mind with

Europe, as exhibited in his "English Note-Books" and "French and Italian

Note-Books." But in these records three things are especially

observable. He goes to Europe as unperturbed, with an individual mood as

easily sustained, as he would enter Boston or New York. He carries no

preconception of what may be the most admirable way of looking at it.

There has never been a more complete and charming presentment of a

multitude of ingenuous impressions common to many travellers of widely

differing endowment than here, at the same time that you have always

before you the finished writer and the possible romancer, who suddenly

and without warning flashes over his pages of quiet description a far,

fleeting light of delicious imagination. It is as if two brothers, one a

dreamer, and one a well-developed, intellectual, but slightly stoical

and even shrewd American, dealing exclusively in common-sense, had gone

abroad together, agreeing to write their opinions in the same book and

in a style of perfect homogeneity. Sometimes one has the blank sheet to

himself, sometimes the other; and occasionally they con each other's

paragraphs, and the second modifies the ideas of the first. It is

interesting to note their twofold inspection of Westminster Hall, for

example. The understanding twin examines it methodically, finding its

length to be eighty paces, and its effect "the ideal of an immense

barn." The reasoning and imagining one interposes to this, "be it not

irreverently spoken"; and also conjures up this splendid vision: "I

wonder it does not occur to modern ingenuity to make a scenic

representation, in this very hall, of the ancient trials for life or

death, pomps, feasts, coronations, and every great historic incident ...

that has occurred here. The whole world cannot show another hall such as

this, so tapestried with recollections." But in any case it is always

apparent that the thought is colored by a New World nurture. From this

freshness of view there proceeded one result, the searching,

unembarrassed, yet sympathetic and, as we may say, cordial criticism of

England in "Our Old Home." But it also gave rise to the second notable

quality, that exquisite apprehension of the real meaning of things

European, both institutions and popular manners and the varied products

of art. At times, Hawthorne seems to have been born for the one end of

adding this final grace of definition which he so deftly attaches to the

monuments of that older civilization. He brings a perception so keen and

an innate sympathy so true for everything beautiful or significant, that

the mere flowing out of this fine intellectual atmosphere upon the objects

before him invests them with a quality which we feel to be theirs, even

while we know that it could not have become _ours_ without his aid.

A breath of New England air touches the cathedral windows of the Old World,

and--I had almost said--bedims them with a film of evanescent frost-work;

yet, as that lingers, we suddenly discern through the veil a charm, a

legendary fascination in their deep-gemmed gorgeousness, which, although

we have felt it and read of it before, we never seized till now. I speak,

of course, from the American point of view; though in a great measure the

effect upon foreign readers may be similar. But I fancy a special

appropriateness for us in the peculiar mixture of estimation and

enthusiasm which forms the medium through which Hawthorne looks at the

spectacle of transatlantic life and its surroundings. He visits the

British Museum, and encounters only disappointment at the mutilated

sculptures of the Parthenon; but out of this confession, which is truth,

slowly arises the higher truth of that airy yet profound response with

which he greets the multiform mute company of marble or painted shapes

that form the real population of Rome.

Even there, he has much dissent to make, still; and we may not find

it at all essential or beneficial to follow each of his deviations

ourselves. But however we may differ with him, it is impossible not to

feel sure that within this circle of contradictions, of preference for

new frames and of his friend Thompson's pictures to all but a very few

of the old masters', somewhere within there is a perfectly trustworthy

aesthetic sensibility which grasps the "unwritten rules of taste," the

inmost truth of all art. This inmost secret is, however we may turn it,

a matter of paradox, and the moment it professes to be explained, that

moment are the gates of the penetralia shut upon us. The evasiveness and

the protest, then, with which Hawthorne discourses to himself as he

wanders through the galleries of Europe, are the trembling of the

needle, perfectly steadfast to the polar opposites of truth, yet

quivering as with a fear that it may be unsettled by some artificial

influence from its deep office of inner constancy. And as if, in this

singular world, all truth must turn to paradox at the touch of an index

finger, that almost faulty abstention from assuming the European tone

which has made Hawthorne the traveller appear to certain readers a

little crude,--that very air of being the uncritical and slightly

puzzled American is precisely the source of his most delightful

accuracies of interpretation.

The third greatest distinction of his foreign observation is its entire

freedom from specialism. Perhaps this cannot be made to appear more

clearly than in the contrast presented by his "English Note-Books" and

"Our Old Home" to Emerson's "English Traits," and Taine's "Notes on

England." The latter writer is an acute, alert, industrious, and

picturesque comparer of his own and a neighboring country, and is

accompanied by a light battery of literary and pictorial criticism,

detached from his heavier home armament. Emerson, on the other hand,

gives us probably the most masterly and startling analysis of a people

which has ever been offered in the same slight bulk, unsurpassed, too,

in brilliancy and penetration of statement. But the "English Traits" is

as clear, fixed, and accurate as a machinist's plan, and perhaps a

little too rigidly defined. Hawthorne's review of England, though not

comparable to Emerson's work for analysis, has this advantage, that its

outline is more flexible and leaves room for many individual

discriminations to which it supplies an easily harmonized groundwork.

Emerson and Taine give us their impressions of a foreign land: Hawthorne

causes us to inhale its very atmosphere, and makes the country ours for

the time being, rather than an alien area which we scrutinize in

passing. Yet here and there he partakes of the very qualities that are

dominant with Emerson and Taine. "Every Englishman runs to 'The Times'

with his little grievance, as a child runs to his mother," is as

epigrammatic as anything in "English Traits"; [Footnote: No one, I

think, has so well defined our relation to the English as Hawthorne, in

a casual phrase from one of his printed letters: "We stand in the light

of posterity to them, and have the privileges of posterity." This, on

London, ought to become proverbial: "London is like the grave in one

respect,--any man can make himself at home there; and whenever a man

finds himself homeless elsewhere, he had better die, or go to London."]

and there is a tendency in his pages to present the national character

in a concrete form, as the French writer gives it. But, in addition,

Hawthorne is an artist and a man of humor; and renders human character

with a force and fineness which give it its true value as being, after

all, far weightier and dearer to us than the most important or famous of

congealed _results_ of character. Withal a wide and keen observer

and a hospitable entertainer of opinions, he does not force these upon

us as final. Coming and going at ease, they leave a mysterious sense of

greater wisdom with us, an indefinable residue of refined truth.

It is a natural question, why did not Hawthorne write an English

romance, as well, or rather than an Italian one? More than half his stay

abroad was north of the Channel, and one would infer that there could

have been no lack of suggestion there. "My ancestor left England," he

wrote, "in 1630. I return in 1853. I sometimes feel as if I myself had

been absent these two hundred and twenty-three years, leaving England

just emerging from the feudal system, and finding it, on my return, on

the verge of republicanism." Herein lay a source of romantic

possibilities from which he certainly meant to derive a story. But the

greater part of his four years in England was spent in Liverpool, where

his consular duties suppressed fiction-making. [Footnote: And it was not

till he reached the villa of Montauto at Florence that he could write:--

"It is pleasant to feel at last that I am really away from America,--a

satisfaction that I never enjoyed as long as I stayed in Liverpool,

where it seemed to me that the quintessence of nasal and hand-shaking

Yankee-dom was continually filtered and sublimated through my consulate,

on the way outward and homeward. I first got acquainted with my own

countrymen there. At Rome, too, it was not much better. But here in

Florence, and in the summer-time, and in this secluded villa, I have

escaped out of all my old tracks, and am really remote."]

Hawthorne's genius was extremely susceptible to every influence about

it. One might liken its quality to that of a violin which owes its fine

properties to the tempering of time and atmosphere, and transmits

through its strings the very thrill of sunshine that has sunk into its

wood. His utterances are modulated by the very changes of the air. In

one of his letters from Florence he wrote:--

"Speaking of romances, I have planned two, one or both of which I could

have ready for the press in a few months if I were either in England or

America. But I find this Italian atmosphere not favorable to the close

toil of composition, although it is a very good air to dream in. I must

breathe the fogs of old England or the east-winds of Massachusetts, in

order to put me into working trim."

But though England might be his workshop for books dreamed of in Italy,

yet the aspect of English life seems much more fittingly represented by

his less excursively imaginative side, as in "Our Old Home," than in a

romance. Perhaps this is too ingenious a consolation; but I believe we

may much better spare the possible English romance, than we could have

foregone the actual Italian one.

In "The Marble Faun" Hawthorne's genius took a more daring and

impressive range than ever before, and showed conclusively--what,

without this testimony, would most likely have been questioned, or even

by some denied--that his previous works had given the arc of a circle

which no English or American writer of prose fiction besides himself has

even begun to span. It is not alone that he plucks from a prehistoric

time--"a period when man's affinity with nature was more strict, and his

fellowship with every living thing more intimate and dear"--this

conception of Donatello, the fresh, free, sylvan man untouched by sin or

crime. Donatello must rank with a class of poetic creations which has

nearly become extinct among modern writers: he belongs to the world of

Caliban, Puck, and Ariel. But besides this unique creation, the book

reveals regions of thought wide, ruin-scarred, and verdurously fair as

the Campagna itself, winning the mind back through history to the

primitive purity of man and of Christianity. I recoil from any attempt

at adequate analysis of this marvellous production, for it is one of

those works of art which are also works of nature, and will present to

each thoughtful reader a new set of meanings, according to his

individuality, insight, or experience. The most obvious part of the

theme is that which is represented in the title, the study of the Faun's

nature; and this embraces the whole question of sin and crime, their

origin and distinction. But it is not the case, as has been assumed,

that in this study the author takes the position of advocate to a theory

that sin was requisite to the development of soul in man. For, though he

shows that remorse developed in Donatello "a more definite and nobler

individuality," he also reminds us that "sometimes the instruction comes

without the sorrow, and oftener the sorrow teaches no lesson that abides

with us"; and he illustrates this in the exquisite height of

spirituality to which Hilda has attained through sinlessness. He is not,

I say, the advocate of a theory: this charge has been made by

self-confident critics, who saw only the one idea,--that of a

Beneficence which has so handled sin, that, instead of destroying man,

"it has really become an instrument most effective in the education of

intellect and soul." This idea is several times urged by Miriam and

Kenyon, but quickly rejected each time; first by Kenyon, and then by

Hilda; so that, while it is suggested, it is also shown to be one which

human nature cannot trust itself to dwell upon. But the real function of

the author is that of a profound religious teacher. The "Romance of

Monte Beni" is, as Miriam plainly says, the story of the fall of man

repeated. It takes us with fearless originality to the source of all

religious problems, affirming,--as one interpreter [Footnote: See an

unsigned article, "The Genius of Hawthorne," in the Atlantic Monthly for

September, 1868.] has said,--"the inherent freedom of man," and

illustrating how he may choose the good or the evil. Donatello is the

ideal of the childlike nature on the threshold of history who has lived

without choosing either, up to the time when his love and defence of

Miriam involve him in crime. Father Antonio, "the spectre of the

catacombs," and Miriam's persecutor, is the outcome of a continual

choice of evil and of utter degradation. These two extremes, more widely

asunder than Prospero and Caliban, Hawthorne has linked together in his

immense grasp of the inmost laws of life, and with a miraculous nicety

of artistic skill. Then comes Donatello's fall, illustrating the genesis

of sin from crime, in accordance with the Biblical story of Cain; and

this precipitates an examination, not only of the result upon Donatello

himself, but of the degree in which others, even the most guiltless, are

involved. There is first the reaction upon and inculpation of Miriam,

whose glance had confirmed Donatello's murderous intent; only a glance,

yet enough to involve her in the doom of change and separation--of sin

in short--which falls upon the Faun. And in Hilda's case, it is the

simple consciousness of another's guilt, which is "almost the same as if

she had participated" in it. The mutual relations of these persons, who

are made to represent the whole of society, afford matter for infinite

meditation, the artistic and moral abstract of which the author has

given.

But with this main theme is joined a very marvellous and intricate study

of the psychology of Beatrice Cenci's story, in a new form. Miriam is a

different woman placed in the same circumstances which made the Cenci

tragedy. In the "French and Italian Note-Books," Hawthorne describes the

look he caught sight of in Guido's picture,--that "of a being

unhumanized by some terrible fate, and gazing out of a remote and

inaccessible region, where she was frightened to be alone, but where no

human sympathy could reach her." It was of this single insight that both

Miriam and Hilda were born to his mind. He reproduces this description,

slightly modified, in the romance (Vol. I. Chap. XXIII.): "It was the

intimate consciousness of her father's guilt that threw its shadow over

her, and frightened her into" this region. Now, in the chapter called

"Beatrice," quite early in the story, he brings out between Miriam and

Hilda a discussion of Beatrice and her history. It is evident, from the

emphasis given by the chapter-title, that this subject is very deeply

related to the theme of the romance; and no theory can explain Miriam's

passionate utterances about the copy of Guido's portrait, except that

which supposes her own situation to be that of Beatrice. This chapter is

full of the strongest hints of the fact. Miriam's sudden resemblance to

the picture, at the instant when she so yearns to grasp the secret of

Beatrice's view of her own guilt or innocence; her ardent defence of

Beatrice's course, as "the best virtue possible under the

circumstances," when Hilda condemns it; her suggestion that, after all,

only a woman could have painted the poor girl's thoughts upon her face,

and that _she herself_ has "a great mind to undertake a copy,"

giving it "what it lacks";--all these things point clearly. But there is

a mass of inferential evidence, besides; many veiled allusions and

approaches to a revelation, as well as that very marked description of

the sketches in which Miriam has portrayed in various moods a "woman

acting the part of a revengeful mischief towards man," and the hint, in

the description of her portrait of herself, that "she might ripen to be

what Judith was, when she vanquished Holofernes with her beauty, and

slew him for too much adoring it." There is no need to pursue the proof

further: readers will easily find it on re-examining the book. But what

is most interesting, is to observe how Hawthorne has imagined two women

of natures so widely opposed as Hilda and Miriam under a similar

pressure of questionable blood-guiltiness. With Miriam, it is a guilt

which has for excuse that it was the only resort against an unnatural

depravity in Father Antonio. But as if to emphasize the indelibleness of

blood-stains, however justly inflicted, we have as a foil to Miriam the

white sensitiveness of Hilda's conscience, which makes her--though

perfectly free from even the indirect responsibility of Miriam--believe

herself actually infected. In both cases, it is the shadow of crime

which weighs upon the soul; but Miriam, in exactly the position of

Beatrice Cenci, is a more complex and deep-colored nature than she; and

Hilda, differently affected by the same question of conscience, is a

vastly spiritualized image of the historic sufferer. Miriam, after the

avenging of her nameless wrong, doubts, as Beatrice must have done,

whether there be any guilt in such avengement; but being of so different

a temperament, and having before her eyes the effect of this murder upon

the hitherto sinless Faun, the reality of her responsibility is brought

home to her. The clear conscience of Hilda confirms it. Thus by taking

two extremes on either side of Beatrice,--one, a woman less simply and

ethereally organized, and the other one who is only indirectly connected

with wrong or crime,--Hawthorne seems to extract from the problem of

Beatrice all its most subtle significance. He does not coldly condemn

Beatrice; but by re-combining the elements of her case, he succeeds in

magnifying into startling distinctness the whole awful knot of crime and

its consequence, which lies inextricably tangled up within it. How

different from Shelley's use of the theme! There is certainly nothing in

the "Marble Faun" to equal the impassioned expression of wrong, and the

piercing outcry against the shallow but awful errors of human justice,

which uplift Shelley's drama. But Shelley stops, on the one side, with

this climax:--

"O plead

With famine or wind-walking pestilence,

Blind lightning or the deaf sea, not with man!"

And on the side of the moral question, he leaves us with Beatrice's

characterization of the parricide,

"Which is, or is not, what men call a crime."

Hawthorne, on the contrary, starts from this latter doubt. "The foremost

result of a broken law," he says, "is ever an ecstatic freedom." But

instead of pausing to give this his whole weight, as Shelley does, he

distinctly pronounces the murder of Miriam's degraded father to be

crime, and proceeds to inquire how Miriam and Donatello may work out

their purification. So that if the first part of the romance is the Fall

of Man repeated, the second part is the proem to a new Paradise

Regained; and the seclusion of the sculptor and the Faun, and their

journey together to Perugia, seasoned with Kenyon's noble and

pure-hearted advice, compose a sort of seven-times-refined Pilgrim's

Progress. Apt culmination of a genius whose relations to Milton and

Bunyan we found to be so suggestive! The chief means which Kenyon offers

for regeneration is that Miriam and the Faun shall abandon any hope of

mutual joy, and consecrate themselves to the alleviation of misery in

the world. Having by violence and crime thrust one evil out of life,

they are now by patience and benevolence to endeavor to exorcise others.

At the same time, remarking that Providence has infinitely varied ways

of dealing with any deed, Hawthorne leaves a possibility of happiness

for the two penitents, which may become theirs as "a wayside flower,

springing along a path that leads to higher ends." But he also shows, in

Donatello's final delivering of himself up to justice, the wisdom of

some definite judgment and perhaps punishment bestowed by society. Thus,

avenues of thought are opened to us on every side, which we are at

liberty to follow out; but we are not forced, as a mere theorist would

compel us, to pursue any particular one to the exclusion of the others.

In all we may find our way to some mystic monument of eternal law, or

pluck garlands from some new-budded bough of moral truth. The romance is

like a portal of ebony inlaid with ivory,--another gate of

dreams,--swinging softly open into regions of illimitable wisdom. But

some pause on the threshold, unused to such large liberty; and these cry

out, in the words of a well-known critic, "It begins in mystery, and

ends in mist."

Though the book was very successful, few readers grasped the profounder

portions. It is a vast exemplar of the author's consummate charm as a

simple storyteller, however, that he exercised a brilliant fascination

over all readers, notwithstanding the heavy burden of uncomprehended

truths which they were obliged to carry with them. Some critics complain

of the extent to which Roman scenery and the artistic life in Rome have

been introduced; but, to my mind, there is scarcely a word wasted in the

two volumes. The "vague sense of ponderous remembrances" pressing down

and crowding out the present moment till "our individual affairs are but

half as real here as elsewhere," is essential to the perspective of the

whole; and nothing but this rich picturesqueness and variety could avail

to balance the depth of tragedy which has to be encountered; so that the

nicety of art is unquestionable. It is strange, indeed, that this great

modern religious romance should thus have become also the ideal

representative of ruined Rome--the home of ruined religions--in its

aesthetic aspects. But one instance of appreciation must be recorded

here, as giving the highest pitch of that delightful literary fellowship

which Hawthorne seems constantly to have enjoyed in England. His friend

John Lothrop Motley, the historian, wrote thus of "The Marble Faun,"

from Walton-on-Thames, March 29, 1860:--

"Everything that you have ever written, I believe, I have read many

times, and I am particularly vain of having admired 'Sights from a

Steeple,' when I first read it in the Boston 'Token,' several hundred

years ago, when we were both younger than we are now; of having detected

and cherished, at a later day, an old Apple-Dealer, whom, I believe, you

have unhandsomely thrust out of your presence, now that you are grown so

great. But the 'Romance of Monte Beni' has the additional charm for me,

that it is the first book of yours that I have read since I had the

privilege of making your personal acquaintance. My memory goes back at

once to those walks (alas, not too frequent) we used to take along the

Tiber, or in the Campagna; ... and it is delightful to get hold of the

book now, and know that it is impossible for you any longer, after

waving your wand as you occasionally did then, indicating where the

treasure was hidden, to sink it again beyond plummet's sound.

"I admire the book exceedingly.... It is one which, for the first

reading, at least, I didn't like to hear aloud.... If I were composing

an article for a review, of course, I should feel obliged to show cause

for my admiration; but I am only obeying an impulse. Permit me to say,

however, that your style seems, if possible, more perfect than ever.

Where, O where is the godmother who gave you to talk pearls and

diamonds?... Believe me, I don't say to you half what I say behind your

back; and I have said a dozen times that nobody can write English but

you. With regard to the story, which has been somewhat criticised, I can

only say that to me it is quite satisfactory. I like those shadowy,

weird, fantastic, Hawthornesque shapes flitting through the golden

gloom, which is the atmosphere of the book. I like the misty way in

which the story is indicated rather than revealed; the outlines are

quite definite enough from the beginning to the end to those who have

imagination enough to follow you in your airy flights; and to those who

complain, I suppose that nothing less than an illustrated edition, with

a large gallows on the last page, with Donatello in the most pensile of

attitudes,--his ears revealed through a white nightcap,--would be

satisfactory. I beg your pardon for such profanation, but it really

moves my spleen that people should wish to bring down the volatile

figures of your romance to the level of an every-day romance.... The way

in which the two victims dance through the Carnival on the last day is

very striking. It is like a Greek tragedy in its effect, without being

in the least Greek."

To this Hawthorne replied from Bath (April 1, 1860); and Mr. Motley has

kindly sent me a copy of the letter.

MY DEAR MOTLEY:--You are certainly that Gentle Reader for whom all my

books were exclusively written. Nobody else (my wife excepted, who

speaks so near me that I cannot tell her voice from my own) has ever

said exactly what I loved to hear. It is most satisfactory to be hit

upon the raw, to be shot straight through the heart. It is not the

quantity of your praise that I care so much about (though I gather it

all up most carefully, lavish as you are of it), but the kind, for you

take the book precisely as I meant it; and if your note had come a few

days sooner, I believe I would have printed it in a postscript which I

have added to the second edition, because it explains better than I

found possible to do the way in which my romance ought to be taken....

Now don't suppose that I fancy the book to be a tenth part as good as

you say it is. You work out my imperfect efforts, and half make the book

with your warm imagination; and see what I myself saw, but could only

hint at. Well, the romance is a success, even if it never finds another

reader.

We spent the winter in Leamington, whither we had come from the

sea-coast in October. I am sorry to say that it was another winter of

sorrow and anxiety.... [The allusion here is to illness in the family,

of which there had also been a protracted case in Rome]. I have engaged

our passages for June 16th.... Mrs. Hawthorne and the children will

probably remain in Bath till the eve of our departure; but I intend to

pay one more visit of a week or two to London, and shall certainly come

and see you. I wonder at your lack of recognition of my social

propensities. I take so much delight in my friends, that a little

intercourse goes a great way, and illuminates my life before and

after....

Your friend,

NATH. HAWTHORNE.

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