CHAPTER I

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Studies in the Poetry

of Italy

II. ITALIAN

BY

OSCAR KUHNS

_Wesleyan University_

[Illustration]

=Chautauqua Press=

CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK

MCMXIII

COPYRIGHT, 1901, BY

OSCAR KUHNS

Third Edition, 1913

=The Chautauqua Print Shop=

Chautauqua, New York

PREFACE

In writing this book the author has endeavored to give a connected story

of the development of Italian literature from its origin down to the

present. In so doing, however, he has laid chief stress on those writers

whose fame is world-wide, and thus, owing to lack of space, has been

obliged to treat in the briefest manner those writers who, although

famous in Italy itself, are not generally known to the world at large.

It is hoped that the reader may be led to study more in detail

this literature, which although ranking with the greatest of the

world-literatures, has been to a large degree neglected in England and

America. The translations from Dante's New Life and of the story from

Boccaccio have been made by the author, inasmuch as during the writing

of this book he could not obtain access to the standard translations.

It is to be noted also, that owing to unavoidable delay in the

transmission of the manuscript, the author has not been able to read the

proof.

FLORENCE, Italy.

CONTENTS

BOOK II. ITALIAN

CHAPTER PAGE

I. THE ORIGINS OF ITALIAN LITERATURE 173

II. DANTE: LIFE AND MINOR WORKS 193

III. THE DIVINE COMEDY 214

IV. PETRARCH 263

V. BOCCACCIO 283

VI. THE RENAISSANCE AND ARIOSTO 297

VII. TASSO 316

VIII. THE PERIOD OF DECADENCE AND THE REVIVAL 337

STUDIES IN THE POETRY OF ITALY

CHAPTER I

THE ORIGINS OF ITALIAN LITERATURE

The first thing that strikes the attention of the student of Italian

literature is its comparatively recent origin. In the north and south of

France the Old French and Provencal languages had begun to develop a

literature before the tenth century, which by the end of the twelfth had

risen to a high degree of cultivation; indeed, by that time the

Provencal had attained its highest point, and had already begun to

decline. In Italy, however, we cannot trace the beginning of a

literature, properly so-called, farther back than the thirteenth

century.

Among the various causes which may be assigned for this phenomenon, the

most important undoubtedly is the fact that the Italians have always

looked upon themselves as of one race with the ancient Romans, and the

heirs of all the glorious traditions attached to the names of the

heroes, poets, and artists of the Eternal City. In similar manner they

regarded Latin as their true mother-tongue, of which the vernacular was

a mere corruption. Hence it came to pass that all the literature which

we find in Italy before the thirteenth century, and a large proportion

of that written in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries,

was in Latin and not in Italian, which seemed to the writers of those

days unworthy of forming the medium of poetry and learning.

This feeling of kinship was a natural one for those who lived in the

same cities in which the Romans had lived, surrounded by the imposing

ruins of the ancient world, speaking a language, which although

essentially a modern one, with all its characteristics, was still nearer

to Latin than French, Provencal, or Spanish. For these men the

irruptions of the northern barbarians, the Goths, the Lombards, and

later the Normans, were only a break in the continuity of the historical

development of the Latin race in Italy. This spirit--which explains the

popularity and temporary success of Arnold of Brescia, in the twelfth

century, and of Cola di Rienzi, in the fourteenth, in their efforts to

restore the old forms of the Roman republic--must be kept constantly in

mind by the student, not only of the political history of Italy, but of

its literature and art as well.

Yet this natural feeling does not rest altogether on fact. The Italians

of to-day are not the pure descendants of the ancient Romans, but, like

the other so-called Latin races, are of mixed origin, more nearly

related, it is true, to the Romans, yet in general formed in the same

ethnical way as their neighbors.

With the downfall of Rome, Italy, like France and Spain, was overrun by

the hordes of German tribes, who, leaving the cold and inhospitable

regions of the North sought for more congenial climes in the sunny

South. As the Franks in France, the Visigoths and Vandals in Spain, so

the Ostrogoths in Italy, toward the end of the fifth century, conquered

and colonized the country, and under Theodoric restored for a brief time

an appearance of prosperity. In the sixth century came the Lombards, and

after destroying and devastating city and country as far south as Rome,

and even beyond, finally settled in upper Italy now known from them as

Lombardy. Several centuries later came the Normans from France and

conquered Sicily and the southern extremity of the peninsula. All these

peoples were of German origin, and being gradually merged with the

conquered race, formed what we now call the Italian people.[1]

It goes without saying that the Latin language was profoundly affected

by all these changes. Although the German invaders gradually adopted the

civilization of the conquered land, including the language, yet they

could not help influencing this civilization and impressing it with

their own individual stamp.

With regard to the language, we must bear in mind that even in the time

of Vergil and Cicero, Latin had two forms, one the elegant and

artificial language of literature, and the other the idiom of the common

people, or the vernacular. Many of the peculiar phonetic, grammatical,

and syntactical phenomena which characterize the modern Romance

languages existed in this so-called "vulgar Latin," long before the fall

of Rome, the irruption of the northern barbarians, and the consequent

formation of new nations and new tongues.

All the Romance languages have been derived from this "vulgar Latin,"

each one being specially moulded by its peculiar environments, and by

the various German, Celtic, and other dialects by which it was

influenced. Thus the "vulgar Latin" imported by Roman colonists into

Gaul, and influenced by the Franks, produced the French language: in the

same way "vulgar Latin" plus the various local and foreign influences to

which it was subjected in Italy, produced the various dialects of that

country--Venetian, Tuscan, Neapolitan, and Sicilian. While literary

Latin, although becoming more and more corrupt as the years went by,

continued in Italy to be the language of the church, of the courts of

law, and of what literature there was, the vernacular--_i. e._, the

various dialects--was used in all the operations of daily life.

We have evidence that this popular tongue must have been in existence as

far back as the seventh century, for in Latin public documents dating

from that period on, we find occasional words and fragments of phrases,

especially the names of persons and places, which are marked by the

special characteristics of the Italian language. These expressions,

embedded in the Latin documents, like pebbles in sand, become more and

more numerous as we approach the tenth century, until finally, in the

year 960, we meet for the first time with a complete Italian sentence,

in a legal document concerning the boundaries of a certain piece of

property in Capua; four years later we find almost the same formula in a

similar document. Toward the end of the eleventh century certain

frescoes were painted in the lower church of Saint Clement in Rome,

where they may still be seen, and among them is one beneath which is

found an explanation in Italian.

In spite of the fact, however, that these monuments of early Italian

increase from year to year, they were not numerous before the thirteenth

century. The very scarcity of them shows the tenacity with which the

people clung to the traditions of Rome, since not only literature, but

even public and private documents were written in Latin. This literary

tradition never wholly died out in Italy, even in the darkest days of

her history. It is true that in the terrible disorders that accompanied

the slow agony of dying Rome, a long period of darkness and ignorance

occurred. The empire was split into two parts and the seat of the

emperor was transferred to Constantinople; the Goths and Lombards

conquered Northern Italy, the Saracens and Normans the South. All

through the Dark Ages Italy was the prey of foreign marauders; the

Huns--those scourges of the nations--came as far as Rome; the Arabs

obtained a foothold in Sicily, scoured the seas, and even ravaged the

Campagna up to the very walls of the Eternal City.

Not only did devoted Italy suffer from outsiders, but discord and civil

conflicts rent her very entrails. When Charlemagne was crowned emperor

in 800 by Leo III., as a reward for having defended Rome against the

incursions of the Lombards, it was thought that the reestablishment of

the Roman empire would bring in a new era of peace and glory. With the

death of the great king, however, anarchy once more reigned supreme.

His successors in the empire (for the most part weaklings) were kept

busy with the affairs of Germany, and regarded Italy, "the garden of the

empire," as Dante calls it, with indifference. In Italy itself there was

no such thing as patriotism or feeling of national unity. The people

were oppressed by the nobles, who themselves were in a continual state

of warfare with each other. In the eleventh century a new power arose in

the form of free cities, chief among them being Venice, Genoa, Pisa, and

Florence. These, however, only increased the disorder which already

existed; city fought with city, and even within the same walls the

various families formed parties and feuds, which led to incessant

strife, of which murder, rapine, and arson were the usual concomitants.

No wonder, then, that in the midst of all this anarchy and confusion

Roman civilization almost died out. What the barbarians had spared, the

church itself tried to destroy. Having finally triumphed over pagan

Rome, it fought pagan civilization; the early Christian fathers looked

upon art and literature as the work of demons; the clergy were forbidden

to read the classic writers except for grammatical purposes, the subject

matter being deemed poisonous to the souls of Christians. Even so great

a man as Pope Gregory despised classical antiquity. During the long

period when Italy was the prey of Saracen and Hun, when pestilence and

famine stalked gauntly through the desolated land, civilization sank to

its lowest point. Superstition and asceticism held full sway in

religion; men sought relief from the sufferings of the life that now is

in the contemplation of a new and happier state in the life to come.

Hence arose the widespread conviction that God is best pleased with

those who despise this life, with all its beauty and pleasure, its pride

and glory, its pomp and power.

In spite of this apparent death, however, a spark of life still existed.

Through all this dolorous period, schools could be found, in which a

half-barbarous Latin was rudely taught, as being the language of the

church. There never was a time when Latin authors were not read to some

extent in school and monastery.

With the eleventh century a change for the better began in the

intellectual, as well as in the political life of Italy. The rise of

cities, the crusades, even the unholy contest between pope and emperor

gave new impulse to the minds of all, and led to the beginning of a new

era. The defeat of the German emperors, through papal intrigue, added to

the power of the free cities, which were thus made independent of

trans-Alpine over-lordship, and now began to enter upon that long career

of prosperity and intellectual conquest which is the wonder of the

student of the history of medieval Italy.

This intellectual movement of the eleventh century, which gave a new and

strong impulse to the study of philosophy and theology, resulted in a

rich literature in these departments of learning. Peter Damian, the

right hand of Gregory VII. in his war with the emperors, became a leader

in the study of philosophy and wrote many celebrated works. Other

Italian philosophers and theologians--Lanfranc, Anselm, and Peter

Lombard--taught in foreign schools. In the thirteenth century Italy

produced two of the greatest of the medieval philosophers, St. Thomas

Aquinas and St. Bonaventura. Later the newly founded University of

Bologna became the center of an eager study of law, which resulted in

the writing of many books on jurisprudence.

This late and artificial bloom of Latin literature in theology and

philosophy brought the necessity of a more satisfactory study of the

Latin language itself. Hence arose many new grammars, rhetorics, and

texts. In a similar manner the newly awakened interest in science (such

as it was) brought in a new class of books, corresponding to our modern

encyclopedias. From the twelfth century on, all over Europe, large

numbers of these compendiums were compiled, containing a summary of all

the knowledge of the times; chief among these encyclopedias was the vast

_Speculum Majus_ (the Greater Mirror) of Vincent of Beauvais, containing

82 books and 9,905 chapters. Very popular, also, were the moral and

didactic treatises. Symbolism took possession of all literature. The

phenomena of nature became types of religious life--even the writings of

pagan antiquity were treated symbolically and made to reveal prophecies

of Christian doctrine; Vergil, in a famous passage, was supposed to have

foretold the coming of the Savior, and even the _Ars Amatoria_ of Ovid,

"of the earth earthy," if ever poem was, was interpreted in terms of

Christian mysticism.

All the above-mentioned literature, however, so far as it existed in

Italy before the thirteenth century, was written in Latin; we must

dismiss it, therefore, with this brief mention, and pass on to the true

subject of this book, Italian literature properly so-called, which, as

we have already seen, cannot be said to have existed before the

thirteenth century.

One feature which is largely characteristic of all subsequent periods of

Italian literature marks the formative period thereof, that is, the

comparative lack of invention and originality, and the spirit of

imitation of other literatures, distant either in time or space. In

order to trace its early beginnings to their sources, we must go outside

the borders of Italy. For nearly two hundred years the south of France

had been the home of a large number of elegant lyrical poets, whose fame

and influence had spread over all Europe. These troubadours, as they

were called, were welcomed not only at the courts of princes and nobles

in Provence, but were likewise honored guests in Northern France, in

Spain, and in Italy. The latter country had long been closely connected

with Southern France by means of commerce and politics. Hence it was

natural for the troubadours to seek the rewards of their art in the

brilliant courts of Italy. Toward the end of the twelfth century some of

the best known of them, among them the famous Pierre Vidal and Rambaud

de Vaqueiras, made their way thither. After the terrible crusades

against the Albigenses--which not only cruelly slaughtered tens of

thousands of earnest Christians, but likewise destroyed forever the

independence and prosperity of Provence, and thus, by destroying the

courts of noble families, put a sudden stop to the flourishing

literature--large numbers of the wandering minstrels came to Northern

Italy.

It was not long before their influence began to manifest itself, first

in Northern Italy, and later in the south and center. The north Italian

poets began to imitate the troubadours, and soon a considerable body of

poetry had been composed by native poets, in the manner and--a

phenomenon worthy of note--in the language itself of the Provencal

poets. This is due to the relationship between the dialects of Northern

Italy and the Provencal, and also to the fact that at that time the

latter tongue was far more elegant and cultivated than the other Romance

languages. This north Italian poetry is always included in the Provencal

collections and the writers are known as troubadours in spite of their

Italian nationality. Among the most famous are Bartolomeo Zorzi of

Venice, Bonifaccio Calvo of Genoa, and especially Sordello of Mantua,

praised by Dante in a famous passage of the Purgatory, and the subject

of Browning's well-known poem.

We see, then, that the above poets belong rather to the history of

Provencal than that of Italian literature. To find the first springs of

national poetry in Italy, we must traverse the whole length of the

peninsula and arrive at the court of Frederick II. (1194-1250) in

Sicily, which at this time was far ahead of the rest of the country in

civilization, art, and literature. Frederick himself was a many-sided

man, warrior, statesman, lawyer, and scholar, and stands out among his

contemporaries, especially in matters of religious tolerance. He

welcomed to his court not only the scholars, poets, and artists of

Europe, but likewise Arabs, who were at that time in possession of a

high degree of culture. He caused many Greek and Arab authors to be

translated into Latin, among them Aristotle; he founded the University

of Naples; above all, by his own mighty personality, he made a deep

impression on the times.

Frederick's ministers were, like himself, men of culture and learning.

Chief among them was Pier delle Vigne, statesman and poet, the cause of

whose tragic death by his own hand is told by Dante in the Inferno.

The influence of the troubadours made itself felt in Sicily about the

same time as in Northern Italy, only here the imitation was in the

Italian language and not in Provencal. Among the early Sicilian poets

who wrote after the manner of the troubadours, was the Emperor Frederick

II. himself, his son, Enzio, and Pier delle Vigne. From an aesthetic

point of view, this early indigenous poetry is of little interest, but

as the beginning of a movement which culminated in the New Life and

Divine Comedy of Dante, it is of very great importance.

It had no originality or freshness, but was a slavish imitation of

Provencal models, the conventions of which were transported bodily,

without any change, except to be poorer. Love was the only theme, and

the type always remains the same. The lover is humble, a feudal vassal

of his lady who stands far above him, all beauty and virtue, but a cold

and lifeless abstraction. She usually treats her lover with disdain or

indifference, while he pours forth the protestations of his love, extols

her beauty, and laments her hardness of heart. All these things,

repeated countless times, in almost the same language, became monotonous

in the Provencal poets, and naturally much more so in their Italian

imitators.

This Sicilian school of poetry did not last long; it perished with the

downfall of the Hohenstaufens. It found a continuation, however, in

middle Italy, especially in the province of Tuscany, which, from this

time on, becomes the center of the literary and artistic life of Italy.

The poetry of the court of Frederick had not been written in the

Sicilian dialect, but in a sort of court language not very dissimilar to

the Tuscan. It is probable that among the poets of the Sicilian school

some were Tuscans, and that after the death of Frederick they returned

home, bringing with them the poetical doctrines which they had learned.

However this may be, we find a direct continuation of the movement in

Tuscany. We see the same slavish imitation of the troubadours, the same

ideas, and the same poetical language and tricks of style. In addition

to the influence of the Sicilian school, there was a direct imitation of

the Provencal poets; thus Guittone d'Arezzo, the leader of the early

Tuscan school, wrote and spoke Provencal, and Dante, in his Purgatory,

introduces the Troubadour Arnaut Daniel, speaking in his native tongue.

One phase of Provencal poetry--the political--strangely enough

considering the stormy times, had not been imitated by the poets at the

court of Frederick II. From the first, however, the Tuscans included

politics in their poetry, and one of the strongest of Guittone's poems

is a song on the battle of Montaperti (1260).

Guittone d'Arezzo is the direct literary ancestor of Dante, and the

first original Italian poet. Hence he deserves a word or two even in

this brief sketch. He was born in 1230 near Arezzo in Tuscany, hence

his name; after a youth spent in the pursuit of pleasure, he was

converted, and looking on all things earthly as mere vanities, he left

his wife and family and joined the recently founded military-religious

order of the Knights of Saint Mary. He died at Florence in 1294. In

early life he had been gay and dissipated; his last years he spent in

the exercises of religious asceticism. These two parts of his life

correspond to two phases of his poetry. In the first he was a follower

of the Sicilian school and wrote love poetry; in the second he discarded

this "foolishness" and wrote political, moral, and theological

discussions in verse. His poetry has little esthetic value, but is

important as forming a transition between the early Sicilian school and

the group of poets whose greatest member was Dante. His writings against

earthly love and his praise of heavenly love mark an important change in

the development of Italian poetry and open the path which leads up to

Beatrice and the Divine Comedy.

The next important step in this progress is marked by Guido Guinicelli,

a learned lawyer and judge of Bologna (situated in the province of

Romagna and separated from Tuscany by the Apennines), a city which at

that time was the seat of a flourishing university and the center of a

keen intellectual life.

Guinicelli was born in 1220, was prominent in political as well as in

literary circles, was banished in 1274, and died in 1276. He was a

follower of Guittone, and like him his first poetry was in the manner of

the Sicilian school. He changed later and began a new school, the

_dolce stile nuova_, as Dante calls it. The change shows itself

especially in the new conception of love, and of its origin, growth, and

effects. The troubadours and their Sicilian imitators declared that love

came from seeing, that it entered through the eyes of the beholder, and

thence descended to the heart. Guinicelli says, on the contrary, that

love does not come from without, but dwells, "as a bird in its nest," in

the heart and is an attribute thereof. This is not true, however, of all

men, but only of those who are virtuous and good. Only the gentle heart

can love, and a noble character is not the effect of love, but its

cause. These sentiments are expressed in the following lines, translated

by Rossetti:

"Within the gentle heart Love shelters him,

As birds within the green shade of the grove.

Before the gentle heart, in Nature's scheme,

Love was not, or the gentle heart ere Love.

For with the sun, at once,

So sprang the light immediately, nor was

Its birth before the sun's.

And Love hath its effect in gentleness

Of very self; even as

Within the middle fire the heat's excess."

Whereas the love of the troubadours was romantic and chivalrous, the

love of Guinicelli was intellectual and philosophical. With him earthly

affections become purified and spiritualized. The old repertory of

conventional expressions is gradually discarded, and new forms take

their place, soon to become conventional in their turn. Love and the

poet's Lady remain abstract, but have now a different signification. The

Lady is still treated as a perfect being, but she becomes now a symbol

of something higher. Love for her leads to virtue and to God; poetry now

receives an allegorical character, and its real end becomes the

inculcation of philosophical truth under the veil of earthly love. The

importance of Guinicelli for us is his influence on Dante, for the new

school was not continued in Bologna, but found its chief followers in

Florence. We are thus led naturally up to the works of the great

Florentine poet whom we shall study in the next two chapters.

In the meantime, however, we must cast a brief glance at certain other

early phases of Italian literature, which later developed into important

branches of poetry and prose.

Northern Italy, as we have seen, had no share in beginning an indigenous

lyrical poetry. It did, however, have an early literature of its own, in

the form of religious and didactic poetry, for the most part

translations from Latin and French originals. In Umbria, the home of St.

Francis, and the center of those waves of religious excitement which so

profoundly affected Italy in the thirteenth century, a popular religious

lyric arose. St. Francis himself deserves some mention in literary

history, if only on account of his famous song of praise, which he

instructed his followers to sing as they wandered, like spiritual

troubadours, through the land. St. Francis was no mere ascetic, but

loved the beauty of nature and had a tender love for all creatures.

Quaintly enough he was wont to call birds and animals, and even

inanimate objects, such as the sun and moon, by the name of brother and

sister.[2] Among his followers was Thomas of Celano, who wrote that

most solemn and majestic of all Latin hymns, "Dies Irae."

The astonishing popularity and spread of the new order founded by St.

Francis can only be explained by the terrible sufferings of the times.

All Italy was stirred by deep religious excitement. In 1233, the

movement reached its high-water mark. Old and young, high and low,

leaving their ordinary occupations and business, marched in processions

through the land singing pious songs; the country folk streamed to the

cities to hear the sermons which were given morning, noon, and night.

About the year 1260, a similar movement started, that of the

Flagellants, so called from their custom of carrying whips with which

they lashed themselves in token of repentance. The times were dark and

stormy, the never-ending feuds between the papal and imperial parties

brought in their train murder and rapine, while famine and pestilence

stalked through the land. Suddenly a priest, named Fasani, appeared in

Perugia, who said he had been sent by heaven to prophesy terrible

punishments on a sinful world. Once more the processions began, and the

aroused and penitent multitudes moved through the land, lashing

themselves with whips and singing pious songs.

The literary effect of all this religious excitement was far-reaching,

especially important for us in that it prepared the way for Dante, not

only by creating the proper atmosphere, but by the production of hymns

and visionary journeys into the unseen world. The religious lyrics or

hymns, which the multitudes sang, were known as _Laudi_, or songs of

praise. They were not the artificial imitation of foreign poets, like

the early Sicilian and Tuscan poetry, but the genuine product of the

soil. They were composed for and sung by the great mass of the people

who could not understand Latin. They were spread far and wide and made

popular by the Flagellants, and thus became true folk-songs.

The most famous of the writers of these _Laudi_ in the thirteenth

century was Jacopone da Todi, the story of whose conversion is extremely

touching. He was a rich young lawyer of Florence, full of the pride of

life. At a certain festivity his wife was killed by an accident, and

under her costly garments was found, next to her skin, a hair-shirt,

such as was worn by penitents. The tragic death of his wife and this

evidence of her religious feelings converted the once proud Jacopone,

who joined a religious order and devoted the rest of his life to the

service of God. Besides being the author of a number of _Laudi_ and

religious poems, he probably wrote the famous Latin hymn, _Stabat

Mater_.

The _Laudi_, beginning in the thirteenth century, lasted down to the

sixteenth century. As an example of them we give here the following

stanzas, written by Girolamo Benivieni (1453-1542), and translated by

John Addington Symonds:

Jesus, whoso with thee

Hangs not in pain and loss

Pierced on the cruel cross,

At peace can never be.

Lord, unto me be kind:

Give me that peace of mind

Which in the world so blind

And false, dwells but with thee.

Here in my heart be lit

Thy fire to feed on it,

Till burning bit by bit

It dies to live with thee.

Before we close this chapter we must say a word or two concerning

another branch of early literature, whose influence is not great on

Dante or his immediate successors, but which was destined to bloom forth

later in a new kind of poetry, which has become the peculiar glory of

Italy. The introduction into Italy of the French national heroic epic

(the _chansons de geste_) began about the same time as the introduction

of the Provencal lyric. In Northern Italy these romances were not only

read but imitated, and about the second half of the thirteenth century,

arose a mongrel sort of literature, written in a language, half French,

half Italian. The most popular of these poems were those dealing with

Charlemagne, who, as the protector of the pope and the restorer of the

Roman empire, was looked upon by the Italians as one of their own race.

These old _chansons de geste_, however, in coming to Italy, lost much of

their original significance. The spirit and ideals could scarcely be

understood by the Italians, to whom feudal society was largely unknown.

What they liked in the French romances was not religious or patriotic

sentiments, but adventures and the wonderful deeds of the heroes. The

object, then, of the rude early writers of the Franco-Italian epic was

to interest the hearers and arouse curiosity. Hence these poems became

monopolized by wandering minstrels, who sang in the streets and public

squares to the people who gathered about them, much as their descendants

gather about the Punch and Judy shows and the wandering musicians of

to-day. For nearly two hundred years the French romances existed in

Italy in this humble state, until, as we shall see later, they were

incorporated into regular literature by Pulci, Boiardo, and Ariosto.

SUMMARY AND QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW

Italian literature of comparatively recent origin--Causes

therefor--Italian literature proper does not begin before the

thirteenth century--The poetry of Provence and its influence on

North Italy--The Italian troubadours--The rise of indigenous

poetry in Sicily--Transference of the movement to

Tuscany--Guido Guinicelli of Bologna--The "new school"--How it

differed from the preceding poetry--Character of literature in

North Italy--St. Francis and the religious movements--The

Flagellants--Literary effect of these movements--The

_Laudi_--Jacopone da Todi--French epic romances and their

influence in Italy.

1. Give a brief sketch of the origin of the Italian

people.

2. When does Italian literature proper begin?

3. Name three great Italian philosophers who wrote in

Latin.

4. What country first influenced Italian lyrical poetry?

5. What do you understand by the Sicilian school?

6. Give the chief characteristics of the poetry of this

school.

7. Who was Guittone d'Arezzo?

8. Guido Guinicelli and the "new school"?

9. How did he differ from the Provencal and Sicilian

poets?

10. St. Francis of Assisi,--what was his connection with

literature?

11. Describe the religious movements in Italy in the

thirteenth century.

12. Who was Jacopone da Todi?

13. What was the influence of the French national epic

in Italy?

BIBLIOGRAPHY

It is very important in the study of any literature to have some

knowledge of the history of the country in question. Those who

wish to study more in detail the subject treated in this book,

should read some book on the history of Italy. For the early

period of the literature, the best authority is Gaspary, who

wrote in German,--but the first volume of whose book has just

been translated into English, and published in the Bohn Library.

An indispensable book is Rossetti's "Dante and his Circle,"

which contains many excellent translations from the early poets

of Italy.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In Southern Italy, especially in Sicily, there is a large infusion

of Greek and Saracen blood.

[2] His last words were, "Welcome, sister death."

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