Unto Willm. Hewet for makinge the vices _The mediaeval stage, volume 2 (of 2)

Jerken of borders.

To John Lockyer for making iiij shep hoks and for iron work that Burle

occupied for the hell.

Item paide to Robᵗ Mathews for a pair of wombes.

to Lawrence for watching in the Churche when the temple was a-dryenge.

for carrying of plonk for the stages.

for ... the scaffold.

to M. Browne for the waightes of Bristowe.

for makyng the conysants.

forty Mynstrells meate and drinke.

to William Withers for making the frame for the heaven stage and tymber

for the same.

for writtinge.

to William Withers for makynge the last temple, the waies, and his

paynnes.

to John Wryght for makynge a cotte of lether for Christ.

to Solomon of Hatfild for parchmente.

to Mother Dale and her company for reaping flagges for the scaffold.

to Polter and Rosse for watching in the pightell on the play show.

for fyftie fadam of lyne for the cloudes.

for tenn men to beare the pagiante.

to Browne for keapinge the cornehill on the showe daye.

to Roistone for payntenge the Jeiants, the pagiante, and writing the

plaiers names.

for paper to wright the Bookes.’

There are many other payments to workmen and for refreshments, and

large sums to various people ‘for suinge the play.’ Is this ‘showing,’

‘stage-managing’? One Burles, who was twice paid for ‘suinge,’ was also

boarded with his boy for three weeks.

An inventory of garments made in February, 1564, includes, with many

velvet gowns and jerkins, &c.:—

‘ij vyces coates, and ij scalpes, ij daggers (j dagger wanted).

v prophets cappes (one wantinge).

iij flappes for devils.

iiij shepehoks, iiij whyppes (but one gone).’

I infer that the play was a cyclical one, extending at least from

Creation to Crucifixion. The temple, which required renewing, was

probably rent in twain. There were heaven, hell, _Prophetae_, _Pastores_.

The performance was not in the church, although the temple was put to dry

there, but in a ‘pightell’ or enclosure, upon a scaffold, with stages for

the spectators. It was held in connexion with a ‘showe,’ which was on

Cornhill, and to which I assign the ‘pagiante’ and ‘jeiantes.’ The time

was therefore probably Midsummer.

The accounts seem to cover two years and at least four performances. In

1562, Midsummer day with its show fell on a Saturday. The play was on

Monday. On Tuesday it was repeated at Braintree, and later on at Malden,

and possibly elsewhere. Then in 1563 it was again given in Chelmsford at

Midsummer.

The total expenditure was over £50, although, unless the forty minstrels

acted, nothing was paid to actors. Against this was received ‘at the

seconde play’ £17 11_s._ 3_d._, and ‘at the ij last plaies’ £19 19_s._

4_d._, and £2 19_s._ was realized by letting out the garments to the

men of Sabsford in 1562 and 1563, and 16_s._ more for letting them to

‘Mʳ William Peter, Knyght.’ Nor did this source of income soon close.

A second inventory of 1573 shows that the garments were carefully

preserved. They became a valuable stock. In 1564-6 alone the hire of them

brought in £10 14_s._ 3_d._ They were let to men of Colchester, Walden,

Beleryca, Starford, Little Badow, and to ‘children of Badow.’ Further

loans are noted as follows in later years:—

‘Receipts, June 3, 1566.

Sabsforde men.

Casse of Boreham.

Somers of Lanchire.

Barnaby Riche of Witham.

Willᵐ Monnteyne of Colchester.

Mʳ. Johnston of Brentwoode, the 10th Dec.

Richard More of Nayland.

Frauncis Medcalfe, the iiij of June, 1568.

Wᵐ Crayford of Burnam, the ij of June, 1568.

1570-1572.

High Ester men.

Parker of Writtell.

Mʳˢ Higham of Woodham Walter.

1572.

Parker of Writtell, Aprill.

The Earle of Sussex players.

John Walker of Hanfild.

1573.

Casse of Boreham.

1574.

Players of Boreham, till the mondaye after twelfe day.

In 1574 the ‘playe books’ were valued at £4, and in the same year all

the garments, &c., included in the inventory of 1573 were sold to George

Studley and others for £6 12_s._ 4_d._ In 1575 one Mr. Knott was paid

8_d._ ‘for the makinge of two oblijacyons for the assurance of the

players garments belonginge to the Pyshe[774].’

CHESTER, CHESHIRE.

[_Authorities._—(i) Editions of the plays by Wright and

Deimling, described on p. 408. (ii) Notices in Furnivall,

_Digby Plays_, xviii, from (_a_) _Harl. MSS._ 1944, 1948, which

are versions of a _Breviary of the City of Chester_, compiled

in 1609 by David Rogers from the collections of his father,

Robert Rogers, Archdeacon of Chester, who died in 1595; (_b_)

local _Annales_ in _Harl._ 2125 (Randle Holme’s _Collections_),

and Daniel King’s _Vale-Royall_ (1656). (iii) Notices in R. H.

Morris, _Chester in the Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns_ (1894),

from (_a_) Corporation archives, (_b_) accounts of the Smiths’

Company in _Harl._ 2054, (_c_) a copy in _Harl._ 2150 (cited

in error as _Harl._ 2050) of part or all of the contents

of a record known as the _White Book of the Pentice_. This

was bound with other documents by Randle Holme, and indexed

by him in 1669. I do not find any mention of such a ‘White

Book’ in the calendar of extant Corporation archives by Mr.

J. C. Jeaffreson, in _Hist. MSS._ viii. 1. 355, unless it is

identical with the _Pentice Chartulary_ compiled in 1575-6 on

the basis, partly of an older ‘Black Book,’ ‘translated oute

of Laten and Frenche’ in 1540, and partly of loose ‘sceduls,

papers and books’ in the Treasure House.]

_The Whitsun Plays: The Tradition._

The Chester plays are traditionally ascribed to the mayoralty of one

John Arneway. As ‘John Arneway,’ ‘de Arnewey,’ ‘Hernwey,’ or ‘Harnwey’

served continuously as mayor from 1268 to 1277[775], and as no other of

the great English cycles of municipal plays can claim anything like this

antiquity, it is worth while to examine the evidence pretty closely. I

therefore put the versions of the tradition in chronological order.

(_a_) 1544. The following document is headed ‘The proclamation for the

Plaies, newly made by William Newhall, clarke of the Pentice, the first

yere of his entre.’ It is dated ‘tempore Willi Sneyde, draper, secundo

tempore sui maioritatis’ [Oct. 9, 1543-1544], endorsed as made ‘opon the

rode ee’ [Rood-eye], and stated on an accompanying sheet to be ‘of laten

into Englishe translated and made by the said William Newhall the yere

aforesaid[776].’

‘For as moche as of old tyme, not only for the Augmentacon and increase

of [the holy and catholick] faith of our Savyour, Jhu’ Crist, and to

exort the mynds of the co’mon people to [good devotion and holsome]

doctryne thereof, but also for the co’men Welth and prosperitie of this

Citie a plaie [and declaration—] and diverse stories of the bible,

begynnyng with the creacon and fall of Lucifer, and [ending with the

general] jugement of the World to be declared and plaied in the Witson

wek, was devised [and made by one Sir] Henry Fraunces, somtyme monk of

this dissolved monastery, who obtayned and gate of Clement, then beyng

[bushop of Rome, a thousand] daies of pardon, and of the Busshop of

Chester at that time beyng xlᵗⁱ daies of pardon graunted from thensforth

to every person resortyng in pecible maner with good devocon to here

and se the sayd [piaies] from tyme to tyme as oft as they shalbe plaied

within this Citie [_and that every person disturbing the same piaies in

any manner wise to be accursed by thauctoritie of the said Pope Clement

bulls unto such tyme as he or they be absolved therof_ (_erased_)], which

piaies were devised to the honour of God by John Arneway, then maire of

this Citie of Chester, and his brethren, and holl cominalty therof to

be brought forthe, declared and plead at the cost and charges of the

craftsmen and occupacons of the said Citie, whiche hitherunto have frome

tyme to tyme used and performed the same accordingly.

Wherfore Maister Maire, in the Kynges name, straitly chargeth and

co’mandeth that every person and persons of what estate, degre or

condicion soever he or they be, resortyng to the said piaies, do use

[themselves] pecible without makyng eny assault, affrey, or other

disturbance whereby the same piaies shalbe disturbed, and that no maner

person or persons who soever he or they be do use or weare eny unlaufull

wepons within the precynct of the said Citie duryng the tyme of the said

piaies [_not only upon payn of cursyng by thauctoritie of the said Pope

Clement Bulls, but also_ (_erased_)] opon payn of enprisonment of their

bodies and makyng fyne to the Kyng at Maister Maires pleasure. And God

save the Kyng and Mr. Maire, &c.[777]’

(_b_) †1544-7[778]. The documents concerning the plays copied for Randle

Holme out of the ‘White Book of the Pentice[779]’ are (1) a list of

the plays and the crafts producing them (cf. p. 408); (2) a note that

‘On Corpus Χρi day the colliges and prestys bryng forth a play at the

assentement of the Maire’; (3) a note that all the arrangements detailed

are subject to alteration by the Mayor and his brethren; (4) a version,

without heading, of Newhall’s proclamation which entirely omits the

allusions to Sir Henry Fraunces and the pardons, while retaining that to

Arneway; (5) verses headed ‘The comen bannes to be proclaymed and Ryddon

with the Stewardys of every occupacon.’ These are printed in Morris, 307.

They give a list of the plays (cf. p. 408), and add that there will be

a ‘solempne procession’ with the sacrament on Corpus Christi day from

‘Saynt Maries on the Hill’ to ‘Saynt Johns,’ together with ‘a play sett

forth by the clergye In honor of the fest.’ The passage referring to

Corpus Christi is marked by Randle Holme’s copyist as ‘Erased in the

Booke[780].’ The only historical statement in the Banns is that

‘Sir John Arnway was maire of this citie

When these playes were begon truly.’

(_c_) †1551-1572. The later Banns, given most fully in Rogers’s

_Breauarye of Chester_ (cf. Furnivall, xx), but also more or less

imperfectly in MSS. _h_ and _B_ of the plays (Deimling, i. 2), were

probably written for one or other of the post-Reformation performances,

but not that of 1575, as they contemplate a Whitsun performance, while

that of 1575 was after Midsummer. They state that

‘some tymes there was mayor of this Citie

Sir John Arnway, Knyght, who most worthilye

contented hym selfe to sett out in playe

The devise of one done Rondall, moonke of Chester abbe.’

(_d_) 1609. The _Breauarye_ itself, in an account probably due to the

elder Rogers, who may have himself seen some of the later performances,

says (Furnivall, xviii):—‘Heare note that these playes of Chester called

yᵉ whitson playes weare the woorke of one Rondoll, a monke of yᵉ Abbaye

of Sᵗ Warburge in Chester, who redused yᵉ whole history of the byble

into Englishe storyes in metter, in yᵉ englishe tounge; and this moncke,

in a good desire to doe good, published yᵉ same, then the firste mayor

of Chester, namely Sir Iohn Arneway, Knighte, he caused the same to be

played [“anno domini, 1329”][781].’ In a list of Mayors contained in the

same MS. is given (Furnivall, xxv), under the year 1328 and the mayoralty

of Sir John Arneway, ‘The whitson playes Inuented, in Chester, by one

Rondoll Higden, a monke in Chester abbaye.’

(_e_) 1628. On the cover of MS. _H_ of the plays (_Harl. MS._ 2124) is

this note:—‘The Whitsun playes first made by one Don Randle Heggenet, a

Monke of Chester Abbey, who was thrise at Rome, before he could obtain

leaue of the Pope to haue them in the English tongue.

The Whitsun playes were playd openly in pageants by the Cittizens of

Chester in the Whitsun Weeke.

Nicholas the fift Then was Pope in the year of our Lord 1447.

Ano 1628.

Sir Henry ffrancis, sometyme a Monke of the Monestery of Chester,

obtained of Pope Clemens a thousand daies of pardon, and of the Bishop

of Chester 40 dayes pardon for every person that resorted peaceably to

see the same playes, and that every person that disturbed the same, to

be accursed by the said Pope untill such tyme as they should be absolued

therof.’

(_f_) 1669. Randle Holme made a note upon his copy of the ‘White Book of

the Pentice’ (_Harl._ 2150, f. 86ᵇ), of the ‘Whitson plaies ... being

first presented and putt into English by Rand. Higden, a monck of Chester

Abbey.’

(_g_) _Seventeenth century._ A ‘later hand’ added to the copy of

Newhall’s proclamation on the fly-leaf of MS. _h_ (1600) of the plays:

‘Sir Io Arnway, maior 1327 and 1328, at which tyme these playes were

written by Randall Higgenett, a monk of chester abby, and played openly

in the witson weeke.’

(_h_) _Seventeenth century._ An account of the plays amongst Lord De

Tabley’s MSS.[782] assigns them to ‘Randall Higden, a monk of Chester

Abbey, A. D. 1269.’

Up to a certain point these fragments of tradition are consistent and,

_a priori_, not improbable. About 1328 is just the sort of date to which

one would look for the formation of a craft-cycle. Randall or Randulf

Higden[783], the author of the _Polychronicon_, took the vows at St.

Werburgh’s in 1299 and died in 1364. An accident makes it possible also

to identify Sir Henry Francis, for he is mentioned as senior monk of

Chester Abbey in two documents of May 5, 1377, and April 17, 1382.[784]

The occurrence of the name of this quite obscure person in a tradition

of some 200 years later is, I think, evidence that it is not wholly an

unfounded one. It is true that Newhall’s proclamation states that Francis

‘devised and made’ the plays, whereas the Banns of 1575 and the later

accounts assign the ‘devise’ to ‘done Rondall.’ But this discrepancy

seems to have afforded no difficulty to the writer of 1628, who clearly

thought that Heggenet ‘made’ the plays, and Francis obtained the ‘pardon’

for them. The Pope Clement concerned is probably Clement VI (1342-52),

but might be the Antipope Clement VII (1378-94). The one point which

will not harmonize with the rest is that about which, unfortunately, the

tradition is most uniform, namely, the connexion of the plays with the

mayoralty of Sir John Arneway. For neither Higden nor Francis could have

worked for a mayor whose terms of office extended from 1268 to 1277. But

even this difficulty does not appear to be insoluble. I find from Canon

Morris’s invaluable volume that a later mayor bearing a name very similar

to Arneway’s, one Richard Erneis or Herneys, was in office from 1327

to 1329, precisely at the date to which the tradition, in some of its

forms, ascribes the plays. Is it not then probable that to this Richard

Herneys the establishment of the plays is really due, and that he has

been confused in the memory of Chester with his greater predecessor, the

‘Dick Whittington’ of the city, John Arneway or Hernwey? I am glad to be

the means of restoring to him his long withheld tribute of esteem.

_The Records._

If the plays were actually established in 1327-9, the first hundred

years of their history is a blank. The earliest notice in any record is

in 1462, when the Bakers’ charter refers to their ‘play and light of

Corpus Christi.’ The Saddlers’ charter of 1471 similarly speaks of their

‘paginae luminis et ludi corporis Christi[785].’ It will be observed

that the play is here called a Corpus Christi play. The term ‘Whitson

Playe’ first occurs in a record of 1520[786], but there is no doubt that

during the sixteenth century the regular season for the performances was

Whitsuntide. As the ‘White Book’ (†1544) still speaks of ‘pagyns in play

of Corpus Χρi[787],’ it is possible that a cyclical play was so called,

whether actually given on Corpus Christi day or not. It is also, I think,

possible that the Chester plays may have been transferred from Corpus

Christi to Whitsuntide in order to avoid clashing with the procession,

without quite losing their old name; and this may be what is meant by

the statement on the cover of MS. ‘H’ of the plays that they were ‘playd

openly ... in the Whitsun Weeke’ in 1447. It was in 1426 that a question

as to the clashing of procession and plays arose in York (cf. p. 400).

Nearly all the extant notices of the plays belong to the sixteenth

century. Originally annual, they became occasional at the Reformation.

They can be traced in 1546, 1551, 1554, 1561, 1567 (at Christmas), 1568,

1569, 1572, and 1575. The two last performances aroused considerable

opposition. In 1572 Mayor John Hankey ‘would needs have the playes

go forward, against the wills of the Bishops of Canterbury, York and

Chester.’ Apparently an inhibition was sent by Archbishop Grindal; ‘but

it came too late.’ In 1575, under Mayor Sir John Savage, the plays

were subjected to revision, and such of them as were thought suitable

given ‘at the cost of the inhabitants’ on Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, and

Wednesday after Midsummer. This performance was ‘to the great dislike

of many, because the playe was in on parte of the Citty.’ It was also

in direct contravention of inhibitions from the Archbishop and the

Earl of Huntingdon. As a result both Hankey and Savage were cited

before the Privy Council, but the aldermen and common council took the

responsibility upon themselves, and apparently nothing further came of

the matter[788].

Probably 1575 was the last year in which the plays were given as a whole.

A performance in 1600 has been alleged[789], but this date is probably

taken from the heading of the Banns in MS. ‘h’ of the plays, which runs:—

‘The reading of the banes, 1600.

The banes which are reade Beefore the beginning of the playes

of Chester 1600.

4 June 1600.’

Doubtless 1600 is the date of the transcript, as it is repeated after

the signature to several of the plays. It is quite possible that this

manuscript was made in view of an intended performance. George Bellin,

the scribe, seems to have been of a Chester family. But if so, the

intention was frustrated, for the annalists declare that Henry Hardware,

mayor in 1600 ‘would not suffer any Playes.’ It is to be noted also that

David Rogers, whose _Breauarye_ was completed in 1609 and certainly

contains matter subsequent to the death of his father in 1595, states

that 1575 was the last time the plays were played[790].

_Mode of Performance._

The Banns were proclaimed on St. George’s day by the city crier, with

whom rode the Stewards of each craft. The Mayor’s proclamation against

disturbers of the peace was read upon the Roodee. The plays themselves

lasted through the first three week-days of Whitsuntide. Nine were given

on the Monday, nine on the Tuesday, and seven on the Wednesday. The first

station was at the Abbey gates, the next by the pentice at the high cross

before the Mayor, others in Watergate Street, Bridge Street, and so on

to Eastgate Street. Scaffolds and stages were put up to accommodate the

spectators, and in 1528 a law-suit is recorded about the right to a

‘mansion, Rowme, or Place for the Whydson plaies.’ Rogers describes the

‘pagiente’ or ‘cariage’ as

‘a highe place made like a howse with ij rowmes, being open

on yᵉ tope: the lower rowme they apparrelled & dressed them

selues; and in the higher rowme they played; and they stood

vpon 6 wheeles [_Harl._ 1944. It is “4 wheeles” in _Harl._

1948].’

The term ‘pageant’ is used at Chester both for the vehicle and for the

play performed on it; but, contrary to the custom elsewhere, more usually

for the latter. The vehicle is generally called a ‘carriage.’ It was kept

in a ‘caryadghouse’ and occasionally served two crafts on different days.

The expenses of carriage, porters, refreshments, actors, and rehearsals

fell, as shown by the extant _Accounts_ of the Smiths’ company, on

the crafts. They were met by a levy upon each member and journeyman.

Vestments were hired from the clergy; both minstrels and choristers

were in request for songs and music. The Corporation supervised the

performances, questions as to the incidence of the burden upon this or

that craft coming before the Pentice court. In 1575 the Smiths submitted

two alternative plays for the choice of the aldermen. The authoritative

copy or ‘originall booke’ of the plays seems to have belonged to the

city. The Smiths paid for reading the ‘Regenall,’ ‘an Rygynall’ or

‘orraginall.’ In 1568 one ‘Randall Trevor, gent.’ seems to have lost the

book. There is an interesting allusion to the unprofessional quality of

the actors, in the copy of the later Banns preserved by Rogers. The plays

are not

‘contryued

In such sorte & cunninge, & by such playeres of price,

As at this day good playeres & fine wittes coulde devise,

...

By Craftes men & meane men these Pageauntes are played

And to Commons and Contryemen acustomablye before.

If better men & finer heades now come, what canne be saide?

But of common and contrye playeres take thou the storye;

And if any disdaine, then open is yᵉ doore

That lett him in to heare; packe awaye at his pleasure;

Oure playeinge is not to gett fame or treasure[791].’

_Exceptional Performances._

In 1567 ‘Richard Dutton, mayor, kept a very worthy house for all comers

all the tyme of Christmas with a Lorde of Misrule and other pastymes in

this city as the Whitson Plays.’

Single plays from the cycle were similarly used for purposes of special

entertainment. In 1488 was the _Assumption_ before Lord Strange at the

High Cross; in 1497 the _Assumption_ before Prince Arthur at the Abbey

gates and the High Cross; in 1515 the _Assumption_ again together with

the _Shepherds’_ play in St. John’s churchyard. In 1576, the Smiths had

‘our plas’ (the _Purification_) ‘at Alderman Mountford’s on Midsomer

Eve.’ Finally, in 1578, Thomas Bellin, mayor, caused the Shepherds’ play

‘and other triumphs’ to be played at the high cross on the Roodee before

the Earl of Derby, Lord Strange, and others[792].

_Other plays._

The play by the ‘colliges and prestys’ on Corpus Christi day mentioned in

the ‘White Book’ and in the ‘Banes’ preserved therein has already been

noted.

In 1529 _King Robert of Sicily_ was shown at the High Cross. This is

doubtless the play on the same subject referred to in a fragmentary

letter to some ‘Lordshypp’ among the State Papers as to be played on St.

Peter’s day at the cost of some of the companies. It was said to be ‘not

newe at thys time, but hath bin before shewen, evyn as longe agoe as the

reygne of his highnes most gratious father of blyssyd memorye, and yt was

penned by a godly clerke.’

In 1563 ‘upon the Sunday after Midsommer day, the History of _Eneas_

and Queen _Dido_ was play’d in the _Roods Eye_. And were set out by one

_William Croston_, gent. and one Mr. _Man_, on which Triumph there was

made two Forts, and shipping on the Water, besides many horsemen well

armed and appointed.’

The entertainment of Lords Derby and Strange by Thomas Bellin in 1578

included a ‘comedy’ by the ‘scollers of the freescole’ at the mayor’s

house. Was this theatrical mayor a relative of George Bellin, the scribe

of MSS. ‘W’ and ‘h’ of the Chester plays?

In 1589 _King Ebranke with all his Sons_ was shown before the Earl of

Derby at the High Cross[793].

_The Midsummer Show._

This was doubtless in its origin a folk procession. Traditionally, it

was founded in 1498 and only went in years when there were no Whitsun

plays. The crafts were represented by personages out of their plays,

‘the Doctors and little God’ riding for the Smiths, the Devil for the

Butchers, Abraham and Isaac for the Barbers, Balaam and his Ass for the

Bricklayers, and so forth. It does not appear that the ‘carriages’ were

had out. Other features of the ‘Show’ were four giants, an elephant and

castle, an unicorn, a camel, a luce, an antelope, a dragon with six

naked boys beating at it, morris-dancers, the ‘Mayor’s Mount’ and the

‘Merchants’ Mount,’ the latter being of the nature of a hobby-ship. In

1600, Mayor Henry Hardware, a ‘godly zealous man,’ would not let the

‘Graull’ go at Midsummer Watch, but instead a man in white armour. He

suppressed also ‘the divill in his fethers,’ a man in woman’s clothes

with another devil called ‘cuppes and cans,’ ‘god in stringes,’ the

dragon and the naked boys, and had the giants broken up. But next year

the old customs were restored. The Midsummer Show again suffered eclipse

under the Commonwealth, but was revived at the Restoration and endured

until 1678[794].

COGGESHALL, ESSEX.

Lord Howard rewarded the players of ‘Kokesale’ or ‘Coksale’ on Dec. 26,

1481, and Dec. 25, 1482 (Appendix E, vii).

COLCHESTER, ESSEX.

The Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe was twice hired by Colchester men during

1564-6; also by William Monnteyne of Colchester in 1566.

COLESHILL, WARWICKSHIRE.

The ‘lusores de Coleshille’ played at Maxstoke Priory between 1422 and

1461 (Appendix E, ii).

COVENTRY, WARWICKSHIRE.

[_Authorities._—The facts are taken, where no other reference

is given, from T. Sharp, _A Dissertation on the Pageants or

Dramatic Mysteries Anciently Performed at Coventry_ (1825), and

J. B. Gracie, _The Weavers’ Pageant_ (1836: Abbotsford Club).

The latter accounts of J. O. Halliwell-Phillipps, _Outlines of

the Life of Shakespeare_ (ninth edition, 1890), i. 335, ii.

289, and M. D. Harris, _Life in an Old English Town_, 319, add

a little. The _Leet-Book_ and other municipal archives used

by Sharp are described by Harris, 377; his private collection

passed into that of Mr. Staunton at Longbridge House, and

thence into the Shakespeare Memorial Library at Birmingham,

where it was burnt in 1879. It included two craft-plays, the

account-books of the Smiths, Cappers, Drapers, and Weavers, and

one or two MSS. (one of which is referred to as ‘Codex Hales’)

of a set of brief local seventeenth-century _Annales_, of which

other texts are printed by Dugdale, _Hist. of Warwickshire_, i.

147, and Hearne, _Fordun’s Scotichronicon_, v. 1438. Several

versions of these _Annales_ are amongst the manuscripts of the

Coventry Corporation (cf. E. S. Hartland, _Science of Fairy

Tales_, 75). On their nature, cf. C. Gross, _Bibl. of Municipal

History_, xviii.]

_Corpus Christi Craft-Plays._

The earliest notice is a mention of the ‘domum pro le pagent pannarum’ in

a deed of 1392. There must therefore be an error, so far as the pageants

go, in the statement of the _Annals_, under the mayoral year 1416-7,

‘The pageants and Hox tuesday invented, wherein the king and nobles took

great delight[795].’ Henry V was more than once at Coventry as prince,

in 1404 for example, and in 1411. His only recorded visit as king was in

1421, too early for Corpus Christi or even Hox Tuesday[796]. There is

frequent reference to the plays in corporation and craft documents of

the fifteenth century. In 1457 they were seen by Queen Margaret, who

‘lodged at Richard Wodes, the grocer,’ whither the corporation sent an

elegant collation, including ‘ij cofyns of counfetys and a pot of grene

gynger.’ With her were the Duke and Duchess of Buckingham, Lord and Lady

Rivers, the elder and younger Lady of Shrewsbury, and ‘other mony moo

lordes and ladyes.’ They were seen also by Richard III in 1485 and twice

by Henry VII. The first occasion was on St. Peter’s day (June 29) in

1486, and the second in 1493, when say the _Annals_, rather oddly (cf.

p. 420), ‘This yeare the King came to se the playes acted by the Gray

Friers, and much commended them.’ In 1520 the _Annals_ record ‘New playes

at Corpus Christi tyde, which were greatly commended.’ In 1539 the mayor

of Coventry, writing to Cromwell, told him that the poor commoners were

at such expense with their plays and pageants that they fared the worse

all the year after[797]. In the sixteenth century the Coventry plays

were probably the most famous in England. The _C. Mery Talys_ (1526)

has a story of a preacher, who wound up a sermon on the Creed with ‘Yf

you beleue not me then for a more suerte & suffycyent auctoryte go your

way to Couentre and there ye shall se them all playd in Corpus Cristi

playe[798].’ And John Heywood, in his _Foure PP_, speaks of one who

‘Oft in the play of Corpus Cristi

He had played the deuyll at Couentry[799].’

Foxe, the martyrologist, records that in 1553 John Careless, in Coventry

gaol for conscience sake, was let out to play in the pageant about the

city. There is some confusion here, as Careless was only in gaol in

Coventry for a short time in November before he was sent to London[800].

When the _Annals_ say that in 1575-6 ‘the Pageants on Hox Tuesday that

had been laid down eight years were played again,’ there is probably some

confusion between ‘Hox Tuesday’ and ‘the Pageants,’ for the account-books

show that the latter were played regularly, except in 1575, until 1580,

when the _Annals_ report them as ‘again laid down.’ In 1584 a different

play was given (cf. _infra_), and possibly also in 1591, although the

fact that the songs of the Taylors and Shearmen’s pageant are dated 1591

rather suggests that after all the regular plays may have been revived

that year. Some of the pageants were sold in 1586 and 1587, but the

Cappers preserved the properties of their play in 1597, and the Weavers

had still players’ apparel to lend in 1607. According to the _Annals_, by

1628 the pageants had ‘bine put downe many yeares since.’

The plays were given annually and in one day at the feast of Corpus

Christi. Contrary to the custom of the northern towns, there were only

some ten or twelve pageants, each covering a fairly wide range of

incident (cf. p. 423). Nor can the performances be shown to have been

repeated at more than three or four stations. ‘Gosford Street,’ ‘Mikel’

or ‘Much Park Street end’ and ‘Newgate’ are recorded, and in one of these

may have been the house of Richard Wodes, where Queen Margaret lay. The

Drapers only provided three ‘worlds’ for their pageant, and probably

one was burnt at each station. According to the _Annals_, part of the

charges of the plays was met by the enclosure of a piece of common land

(possibly to build pageant houses upon). Otherwise they fell wholly upon

the crafts, to some one of which every artisan in the town was bound to

become contributory for the purpose. The principal crafts were appointed

by the Leet to produce the pageants, and with each were grouped minor

bodies liable only for fixed sums, varying from 3_s._ 4_d._ to 16_s._

8_d._ In 1501 an outside craft, the Tilemakers of Stoke, is found

contributing 5_s._ to a pageant. These combinations of crafts varied

considerably from time to time. Within the craft the necessary funds were

raised, in part at least, by special levies. Strangers taking out their

freedom were sometimes called upon for a contribution. Every member of

the craft paid his ‘pagent pencys.’ In several crafts the levy was 1_s._

Amongst the Smiths it must have been less, as they only got from 2_s._

2_d._ to 3_s._ 4_d._ in this way, whereas the Cappers in 1562 collected

22_s._ 4_d._ In 1517 William Pisford left a scarlet and a crimson gown to

the Tanners for their play, together with 3_s._ 4_d._ to each craft that

found a pageant. The total cost of the Smiths’ play in 1490 was £3 7_s._

5½_d._ In 1453 we find the Smiths contracting with one Thomas Colclow

to have ‘the rewle of the pajaunt’ for twelve years, and to produce the

play for a payment of 46_s._ 8_d._ A similar contract was made in 1481.

But as a rule, the crafts undertook the management themselves, and the

account-books studied by Sharp afford more detailed information as to

the mode of production than happens to be available for any other of the

great cycles.

It is therefore worth while to give some account of the chief objects of

expenditure. First of all there was the pageant itself. The name appears

in every possible variety of spelling in Coventry documents. Dugdale,

on the authority of eye-witnesses, describes the pageants as ‘Theaters

for the severall Scenes, very large and high, placed upon wheels.’

Painted cloths were used ‘to lap aboubt the pajent,’ and there was a

carved and painted top, adorned with a crest, with vanes, pencils, or

streamers. On the platform of the pageant such simple scenic apparatus

as a seat for Pilate, a pillar for the scourging, a ‘sepulchre,’ and the

like, was fixed. The Weavers’ pageant seems to have had an ‘upper part’

representing the Temple; also divisions described in the stage directions

as ‘the for pagand’ and ‘the tempull warde.’ The Cappers’ pageant was

fitted up with a ‘hell-mouth.’ The Drapers also had a ‘hell-mouth,’ with

a windlass, and fire at the mouth, and a barrel for the earthquake, and

three worlds to be set afire. ‘Scaffolds,’ distinct from the pageant

itself, were drawn round with it. These, according to Sharp, were for

spectators, but they may have been supplementary stages, made necessary

by the number of episodes in each play at Coventry. Certainly the action

was not wholly confined to the pageant, for in the Shearmen and Taylors’

play, ‘Here Erode ragis in the pagond & in the strete also’; and again,

‘the iij Kyngis speykyth in the strete.’ The pageant was constantly in

need of repairs. A pageant-house had to be built or hired for it. On

the day of the feast it was cleaned, strewn with rushes; and the axle

was greased with soap. Men were paid to ‘drive’ or ‘horse’ it, and the

Cappers expected their journeymen to undertake this job.

The players received payments varying with the importance of their parts.

The sums allowed by the Weavers in 1525 ranged from 10_d._ to 2_s._ 4_d._

Minstrels, both vocalists and instrumentalists, were also hired, and in

1573 one Fawston, evidently an artist of exceptional talent, received

from the Smiths, besides 4_d._ ‘for hangyng Judas,’ another 4_d._ ‘for

Coc croyng.’ The Drapers paid as much as 3_s._ 4_d._ ‘for pleayng God,’

and 5_s._ ‘to iij whyte sollys’ or ‘savyd sowles,’ 5_s._ ‘to iij blake

sollys,’ or ‘dampnyd sowles,’ 16_d._ ‘to ij wormes of conscyence,’ and

the like. Payments also occur for speaking the prologue, preface, or

‘protestacyon.’

The corporation exercised control over the players, and in 1440 ordered

under a penalty of 20_s._ ‘quod Robertus Gñe et omnes alii qui ludunt

in festo Corporis Christi bene et sufficienter ludant ita quod nulla

impedicio fiat in aliquo ioco.’ In 1443, an order forbade members of

certain crafts to play in any pageant except their own without the

mayor’s licence.

The players required refreshment at intervals during the day, and

probably the craftsmen who attended the pageant took their share. Further

expenses, both for refreshment, and for the hire of a room or hall, were

incurred at rehearsals. The Smiths in 1490 had their first ‘reherse’ in

Easter week, and their second in Whitsun week.

Each craft had its own ‘orygynall’ or ‘play-boke,’ and paid for making

the necessary copies, for setting or ‘pricking’ songs, for ‘beryng of ye

Orygynall’ or prompting, and occasionally for bringing the text up to

date. Thus the Smiths had a ‘new rygenale’ in 1491, and in 1573 a ‘new

play,’ by which is apparently meant an additional scene to their existing

play (cf. p. 423). The Drapers added ‘the matter of the castell of

Emaus’ in 1540. The Weavers paid 5_s._ ‘for makyng of the play boke’ in

1535, and the colophon of their extant text shows it to have been ‘newly

translate’ in that year by Robert Croo. This was a regular theatrical

man of all work. The matter of the Shearmen and Taylors’ play was ‘nevly

correcte’ by him in the same year. In 1557 he got 20_s._ from the Drapers

‘for makyng of the boke for the paggen.’ The Smiths paid him in 1563 ‘for

ij leves of our pley boke.’ And between 1556 and 1562 he further assisted

the Drapers, by playing God, mending the ‘devells cottes,’ supplying a

hat for the Pharisee, and manufacturing the requisite ‘iij worldys.’

Finally, there was the not inconsiderable cost of costumes and

properties, including the gloves for the performers which figure so

invariably in mediaeval balance sheets. Further details as to these and

all other objects of expenditure than I have here room for will be found

in the invaluable volumes of Mr. Sharp.

_The Destruction of Jerusalem._

In 1584, four years after the ordinary Corpus Christi plays were laid

down, the _Annals_ record ‘This year the new Play of the Destruction of

Jerusalem was first played.’ This is confirmed by the accounts of the

corporation, which include a sum of £13 6_s._ 8_d._ ‘paid to Mr. Smythe

of Oxford the xvᵗʰ daye of Aprill 1584 for hys paynes for writing of

the tragedye.’ This was one John Smythe, a scholar of the Free School

in Coventry and afterwards of St. John’s College, Oxford. The play was

produced at considerable expense upon the pageants of the crafts, but

the day of performance is not stated. From the detailed accounts of the

Smiths and the Cappers, Mr. Sharp infers that it was based upon the

narrative of Josephus.

In 1591, the old Corpus Christi plays seem to have been proposed for

exhibition, as the MS. of the Shearmen and Taylors’ songs bears the date

of May 13 in that year. But on May 19 the corporation resolved ‘that the

destruction of Jerusalem, the Conquest of the Danes, or the historie of

K[ing] E[dward] the X [Confessor], at the request of the Comons of this

Cittie shal be plaied on the pagens on Midsomer daye & St. Peters daye

next in this Cittie & non other playes.’ The two last-named plays may

have been inspired by the traditional interpretations of the Hox Tuesday

custom (cf. vol. i. p. 154). Which was chosen does not appear; but some

performance or other was given. Several of the crafts had by this time

sold their pageants. Those who had not lent them; and all compounded for

the production of a scene by the payment of a sum down. This appears to

have gone to one Thomas Massey, who contracted for the production. He

had already supplied properties in 1584. In 1603 he quarrelled with the

corporation about certain devices shown on the visit of the Princess

Elizabeth to Coventry. In 1606 he hired some acting-apparel from the

Weavers’ company[801].

_Miscellaneous Plays._

The _Annals_ record:—

1490-1. ‘This year was the play of St. Katherine in the little

Park.’

1504-5. ‘This yeare they played the play of St. Crytyan in the

little parke[802].’

In 1511, one of the pageants at the entry of Henry VIII had a

‘goodly Stage Play’ upon it[803].

The Dyers in 1478, the Cappers in 1525, and the Drapers in 1556, 1566,

and 1568 appear to have had plays at their dinners. Probably ‘the Golden

Fleece,’ for which the Cappers paid the inevitable Robert Crowe and two

others, was a play[804].

The ‘lusores de Coventry’ played at Maxstoke Priory between 1422 and 1461

(Appendix E, ii). ‘Certain Players of Coventrye’ were at court in 1530

(Appendix E, viii).

Towards the end of the sixteenth century occur notices of travelling

‘players of Coventrie.’ They were at Bristol and Abingdon in 1570, and

at Leicester in 1569 and 1571. At Abingdon they are described as ‘Mr.

Smythes players of Coventree.’ John Smythe, the writer of the Destruction

of Jerusalem, was only seven years old in 1570. Mr. Halliwell-Phillipps

would read ‘_the_ Smythes’ players[805].’

_The Corpus Christi Procession._

The procession or ‘Ridyng’ on Corpus Christi day is first mentioned in

the _Leet Book_ in 1444, and in 1446 is an order ‘quod le Ruydyng in

festo Corporis Christi fiat prout ex antiquo tempore consueverint.’ It

took place early in the day after a ‘breakfast.’ The craft-guilds rode in

it, and provided minstrels and torchbearers. The Trinity Guild seems to

have borne a crucifix, and the Guild of Corpus Christi and St. Nicholas

the host under a canopy. The accounts of the Smiths include the following

items:—

‘1476. Item ffor hors hyre to Herod, iijᵈ.

1489. Item payd for Aroddes garment peynttyng that he went a

prossasyon in, xxᵈ.’

The other extant guild accounts throw no light on the presence of

representatives of the plays in the procession; but the Corpus Christi

guild itself provided dramatic personages.

‘1501. payd for a Crown of sylver & gyld for the Mare on Corpus Christi

day, xliijˢ ixᵈ.

1539. peny bred for the appostells, vjᵈ.

beiff for the appostles, viijᵈ.

to the Marie for hir gloves and wages, ijˢ.

the Marie to offer, jᵈ.

Kateryne & Margaret, iiijᵈ.

viij virgyns, viijᵈ.

to Gabriell for beryng the lilly, iiijᵈ.

to James & Thomas of Inde, viijᵈ.

to x other apostells, xxᵈ.

1540. for makyng the lilly, iijˢ iiijᵈ.

1541. to Gabryel for beryng the light [lilly?] iiijᵈ.

xij torches of wax for the apostles.

1544. a new coat & a peir of hoes for Gabriell, iijˢ. iiij.[806]’

CROXTON, NORFOLK(?).

See s.v. _Texts_ (i), _Croxton Play_, _The Sacrament_.

DAVENTRY, NORTHAMPTONSHIRE.

The ‘lusores de Daventry’ played at Maxstoke Priory between 1422 and 1461

(Appendix E, ii).

DUBLIN, IRELAND.

The version of the _Quem quaeritis_ used at the Church of St. John the

Evangelist in the fourteenth century is printed in Appendix R.

The Chain Book of the City contains the following memorandum, apparently

entered in 1498.

Corpus Christi day a pagentis:—

‘The pagentis of Corpus Christi day, made by an olde law and confermed

by a semble befor Thomas Collier, Maire of the Citte of Divelin, and

Juries, Baliffes and commones, the iiiith Friday next after midsomer, the

xiii. yere of the reign of King Henri the VIIth [1498]:

‘Glovers: Adam and Eve, with an angill followyng berryng a swerde. Peyn,

xl._s._

‘Corvisers: Caym and Abell, with an auter and the ofference. Peyn, xl._s._

‘Maryners, Vynters, Shipcarpynderis, and Samountakers: Noe, with his

shipp, apparalid acordyng. Peyn, xl._s._

‘Wevers: Abraham [and] Ysack, with ther auter and a lambe and ther

offerance. Peyn, xl._s._

‘Smythis, Shermen, Bakers, Sclateris, Cokis and Masonys: Pharo, with his

hoste. Peyn, xl._s._

‘Skynners, House-Carpynders, and Tanners, and Browders: for the body of

the camell, and Oure Lady and hir chil[d]e well aperelid, with Joseph to

lede the camell, and Moyses with the children of Israell, and the Portors

to berr the camell. Peyn, xl._s._ and Steyners and Peyntors to peynte the

hede of the camell. [Peyn,] xl._s._

‘[Goldsmy]this: The three kynges of Collynn, ridyng worshupfully, with

the offerance, with a sterr afor them. Peyn, xl._s._

‘[Hoopers]: The shep[er]dis, with an Angill syngyng Gloria in excelsis

Deo. Peyn, xl._s._

‘Corpus Christi yild: Criste in his Passioun, with three Maries, and

angilis berring serges of wex in ther hands. [Peyn,] xl._s._

‘Taylors: Pilate, with his fellaship, and his lady and his knyghtes, well

beseyne. Peyn, xl._s._

‘Barbors: An[nas] and Caiphas, well araied acordyng. [Peyn,] xl._s._

‘Courteours: Arthure, with [his] knightes. Peyn, xl._s._

‘Fisshers: The Twelve Apostelis. Peyn, xl._s._

‘Marchauntes: The Prophetis. Peyn, xl._s._

‘Bouchers: tormentours, with ther garmentis well and clenly peynted.

[Peyn,] xl._s._

‘The Maire of the Bulring and bachelers of the same: The Nine Worthies

ridyng worshupfully, with ther followers accordyng. Peyn, xl._s._

‘The Hagardmen and the husbandmen to berr the dragoun and to repaire the

dragoun a Seint Georges day and Corpus Christi day. Peyn, xl._s._’

This list is immediately followed by a second, practically identical with

it, of ‘The Pagentys of Corpus Christi Processioun.’

These pageants, though the subjects are drawn from the usual Corpus

Christi play-cycle (with the addition of King Arthur and the nine

Worthies), appear, from their irregular order, to be only dumb-show

accompaniments of a procession. In 1569 the crafts were directed to keep

the same order in the Shrove Tuesday ball riding (cf. vol. i. p. 150),

‘as they are appointed to go with their pageants on Corpus Christi daye

by the Chayne Boke[807].’

The same intermixture of profane and sacred elements marks the late and

scanty records of actual plays in Dublin.

‘Tho. Fitzgerald, Earl of Kildare and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the

year 1528, was invited to a new play every day in Christmas, Arland Usher

being then mayor, and Francis Herbert and John Squire bayliffs, wherein

the taylors acted the part of Adam and Eve; the shoemakers represented

the story of Crispin and Crispinianus; the vintners acted Bacchus and his

story; the Carpenters that of Joseph and Mary; Vulcan, and what related

to him, was acted by the Smiths; and the comedy of Ceres, the goddess of

corn, by the Bakers. Their stage was erected on Hoggin Green (now called

College Green), and on it the priors of St. John of Jerusalem, of the

blessed Trinity, and All Hallows caused two plays to be acted, the one

representing the passion of our Saviour, and the other the several deaths

which the apostles suffered[808].’ In 1541 there were ‘epulae, comoediae,

et certamina ludicra’ when Henry VIII was proclaimed King of Ireland.

These included ‘the nine Worthies.’ On the return of Lord Sussex from an

expedition against James MacConnell in 1557, ‘the Six Worthies was played

by the city[809].’

A seventeenth-century transcript of a lost leaf of the Chain Book has the

following order for the St. George’s day procession:—

‘The Pageant of St. George’s day, to be ordered and kept as hereafter

followeth:

‘The Mayor of the yeare before to finde the Emperour and Empress with

their followers, well apparelled, that is to say, the Emperor, with two

Doctors, and the Empress, with two knights, and two maydens to beare the

traynes of their gownes, well apparelled, and [the Guild of] St. George

to pay their wages.

‘Item: Mr. Mayor for the time being to find St. George a-horseback, and

the wardens to pay three shillings and four pence for his wages that

day. And the Bailives for the time being to find four horses, with men

upon them, well apparelled, to beare the pole-axe, the standard, and the

Emperor and St. George’s sword.

‘Item: The elder master of the yeald to find a mayd well aparelled to

lead the dragon; and the Clerk of the Market to find a good line for the

dragon.

‘Item: The elder warden to find St. George, with four trumpettors, and

St. George’s [Guild] to pay their wages.

‘Item: the yonger warden to finde the king of Dele and the queene of

Dele, and two knightes to lead the queene of Dele, with two maydens to

beare the trayne of her goune, all wholy in black apparell, and to have

St. George’s chappell well hanged and apparelled to every purpose with

cushins ... russhes and other necessaries belonging for said St. George’s

day[810].’

DUNSTABLE, BEDFORDSHIRE.

One Geoffrey, a Norman, was ‘apud Dunestapliam, expectans scholam S.

Albani sibi repromissam; ubi quendam ludum de S. Katerina (quem Miracula

vulgariter appellamus) fecit; ad quae decoranda petiit a Sacrista

S. Albani, ut sibi capae chorales accommodarentur, et obtinuit.’

Unfortunately the ‘capae’ were burnt. This must have been early in the

twelfth century, as Geoffrey in grief became a monk, and was Abbot of St.

Albans by 1119[811].

EDINBURGH, SCOTLAND.

The civic records show traces of municipal plays in 1554, but it is not

clear that they were miracle-plays proper or of long standing. Sir David

Lyndsay’s _Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis_ was played in the Greenside

between 1550 and 1559 (cf. p. 442). On June 15, 1554, a payment was made

to Sir William Makdougall, ‘maister of werk,’ for those ‘that furneist

the grayth to the convoy of the moris to the Abbay and of the play maid

that samyn day the tent day of Junii instant.’ Makdougall was to deliver

to the dean of guild the handscenye [ensign] and canves specifiit in the

said tikkit to be kepit to the behuif of the town.’ Sums were also paid

this summer for ‘the playing place’ or ‘the play field now biggand in the

Grenesid.’

On Oct. 12 Walter Bynnyng was paid for ‘the making of the play graith’

and for painting the ‘handsenye’ and ‘playariss facis.’ He was to ‘mak

the play geir vnderwrittin furthcumand to the town, quhen thai haif ado

thairwith, quhilkis he has now ressauit; viz. viij play hattis, ane

kingis crown, ane myter, ane fulis hude, ane septour, ane pair angell

wingis, twa angell hair, ane chaplet of tryvmphe.’

On Dec. 28 ‘the prouest, baillies and counsale findis it necessar and

expedient that the litill farsche and play maid be William Lauder be

playit afoir the Quenis grace[812].’ I trace a note of regret for the

doubtful morals and certain expense of the entertainments which the

presence in Edinburgh of the newly-made Regent, Mary of Lorraine, imposed

upon the burghers.

EASTERFORD, ESSEX.

Lord Howard rewarded the players of ‘Esterforde’ on Jan. 7, 1482

(Appendix E, vii). This place is now known as Kelvedon.

FOLKESTONE, KENT.

Folkestone players were at New Romney in 1474, and at Lydd in 1479.

FOSTON, LEICESTERSHIRE.

In 1561 the players of ‘Fosson’ borrowed ‘serten stufe’ from the

churchwardens of St. Martin’s, Leicester[813].

FYFIELD, OXFORDSHIRE.

See s.v. SHIPTON.

GARBOLDISHAM, NORFOLK.

‘Garblesham game’ was at Harling (q.v.) in 1457.

GREAT CHART, KENT.

‘Chart’ players were at New Romney in 1489.

HADLEIGH, ESSEX.

Lord Howard rewarded the ‘Plaiers of Hadley’ on Dec. 27, 1481 (Appendix

E, vii).

HALSTEAD, ESSEX.

There was a play in the church in 1529[814].

HAM STREET, KENT.

Ham players were at Lydd in 1454.

HANNINGFIELD, ESSEX.

‘John Walker of Hanfild’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1572.

HARLING, NORFOLK.

In 1452 the wardens paid for the ‘original of an Interlude pleyed

at the Cherch gate.’ In 1457 payments were made for ‘Lopham game,’

and ‘Garblesham game,’ in 1463 for ‘Kenningale game,’ in 1467 to the

‘Kenyngale players[815].’

HASCOMBE, SURREY.

Amongst the _Loseley MSS._ is a deposition of 1578/9:

‘Coram me Henr. Goringe, ar. xijᵒ die Januar. 1578. George Longherst and

John Mill exᵈ sayeth, that on Sondaye last they were together at widow

Michelles house, in the parish of Hascombe, and there delyvered their

mares to kepe till they came agayne, and sayde that they wold goo to

Hascombe Churche, to a kynge playe wᶜʰ then was there. And sayeth yᵗ they

went thither and there contynued about an houre, at which tyme the sonne

was then downe[816].’

The date suggests a performance on Jan. 6. Evidently a May ‘kynge playe’

is out of the question; but a Twelfth Night King, or a ‘Stella’ belated

in the afternoon, are both possible.

HEREFORD, HEREFORDSHIRE.

On April 30, 1440, John Hauler and John Pewte sued Thomas Sporyour in

the city court ‘de placito detencionis unius libri de lusionibus, prec.

ii_s._ iiij_d._[817]’

The Register of the Corporation for 1503 contains a list of

‘The paiants for the procession of Corpus Christi:

Furst, Glovers. Adam, Eve, _Cayne and Abell_ (erased).

Eldest seriant. Cayne, Abell, and Moysey, Aron.

Carpenters. Noye ship.

Chaundelers. Abram, Isack, Moysey cum iiiiᵒʳ pueris.

Skynners. Jesse.

Flacchers. Salutac̄on of our Lady.

Vynteners. Nativite of our Lord.

Taillours. The iii Kings of Colen.

The belman. The purificac̄on of our Lady, with Symyon.

Drapers. The ... (_blank_) deitours, goyng with the good Lord.

Sadlers. Fleme Jordan.

Cardeners. The castell of Israell.

Walkers. The good Lord ridyng on an asse (“judging at an assize,” in

Johnson!) with xii Appostelles.

The tanners. The story of Shore Thursday.

Bochours. The takyng of our Lord.

The eldest seriant. The tormentyng of our Lord with iiii tormentoures,

with the lamentac̄on of our Lady [and Seynt John the evaungelist:

_faintly added by another hand_].

[Cappers. Portacio crucis usque montem Oilverii: _added_.]

Dyers. Iesus pendens in cruce [_altered by the second hand from_ Portacio

crucis et Iohanne evangelista portante Mariam].

Smythes. Longys with his knyghtes.

The eldest seriant. Maria and Iohannes evangelista (_interlined_).

Barbours. Joseth Abarmathia.

Dyers. Sepultura Christi.

The eldest seriant. Tres Mariae.

Porters. Milites armati custodes sepulcri.

Mercers. Pilate, Cayfes, Annas, and Mahounde. [_This last name has been

partly erased._]

Bakers. Knyghtes in harnes.

Journeymen cappers. Seynt Keterina with tres(?) tormentors[818].’

At a law day held on Dec. 10, 1548, it was agreed that the crafts who

were ‘bound by the grantes of their corporacions yerely to bring forthe

and set forward dyvers pageaunttes of ancient history in the processions

of the cytey upon the day and fest of Corpus Χρi, which now is and are

omitted and surceased’ should instead make an annual payment towards the

expense of repairing walls, causeways, &c.[819] The 1503 list seems to

concern a dumb-show only, and it cannot be positively assumed that the

_lusiones_ of 1440 were a Corpus Christi play.

In 1706 a labourer went through the city in the week before Easter, being

Passion week, clothed in a long coat with a large periwig, with a great

multitude following him, sitting upon an ass, to the derision of our

Saviour Jesus Christ’s riding into Jerusalem, to the great scandal of the

Christian religion, to the contempt of our Lord and his doctrine, and to

the ill and pernicious example of others[820].

HERNE, KENT.

Herne players were at New Romney in 1429.

HEYBRIDGE, ESSEX.

The churchwardens’ accounts for 1532 show a play, with ‘a fool’ and

‘pagent players,’ apparently in the church[821].

HIGH EASTER, ESSEX.

High Easter men hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1570-2.

HIGH HALDEN, KENT.

‘Haldene’ players were at New Romney in 1499.

HOLBEACH, LINCOLNSHIRE.

In 1548 the churchwardens paid vˢ viijᵈ for the ‘costs of the iij kyngs

of Coloyne[822].’

HULL, YORKSHIRE.

The accounts of the Trinity House, a guild of master mariners and pilots,

contain entries concerning a play of Noah.

‘1483. To the minstrels, vjᵈ.

To Noah and his wife, jˢ vjᵈ.

To Robert Brown playing God, vjᵈ.

To the Ship-child, jᵈ.

To a shipwright for clinking Noah’s ship, one day, vijᵈ.

22 kids for shoring Noah’s ship, ijᵈ.

To a man clearing away the snow, jᵈ.

Straw, for Noah and his children, ijᵈ.

Mass, bellman, torches, minstrels, garland, &c., vjˢ.

For mending the ship, ijᵈ.

To Noah for playing, jˢ.

To straw and grease for wheels, ¼ᵈ.

To the waits for going about with the ship, vjᵈ.

1494. To Thomas Sawyr playing God, xᵈ.

To Jenkin Smith playing Noah, jˢ.

To Noah’s wife, viijᵈ.

The clerk and his children, jˢ vjᵈ.

To the players of Barton, viijᵈ.

For a gallon of wine, viijᵈ.

For three skins for Noah’s coat, making it, and a rope to hang

the ship in the kirk, vijˢ.

To dighting and gilding St. John’s head, painting two tabernacles,

beautifying the boat and over the table, vijˢ ijᵈ.

Making Noah’s ship, vˡⁱ viijˢ.

Two wrights a day and a half, jˢ vjᵈ.

A halfer (rope) 4 stone weight, iiijˢ viijᵈ.

Rigging Noah’s ship, viijᵈ.’

Hadley, the historian of Hull, extracts these items ‘from the expences on

Plough-day,’ and says, ‘This being a maritime society, it was celebrated

by a procession adapted to the circumstance[823].’ There are continental

parallels for ship-processions at spring feasts (vol. i. p. 121); but

evidently that at Hull had been assimilated, perhaps under the influence

of Beverley, to a miracle-play or pageant. A recent writer, apparently

from some source other than Hadley, says that the entries in the accounts

run from before 1421 to 1529. Amongst his additional extracts are:—

‘A payr of new mytens to Noye, iiijᵈ.

Amending Noye Pyleh, iiijᵈ.

Nicholas Helpby for wrytᵍ the pley, vijᵈ.

A rope to hyng the shipp in ye kyrk, ijᵈ.

Takyng down shype and hyngyng up agayn, ijˢ.

Wyn when the shype went about, ijᵈ.

1421. New shype, vˡⁱ viijˢ iiijᵈ[824].’

HYTHE, KENT.

Hythe players were at New Romney in 1399 and at Lydd in 1467.

IDBURY, OXFORDSHIRE.

See s.v. SHIPTON.

IPSWICH, SUFFOLK.

In 1325 the former Guild Merchant was reconstituted as a Guild of Corpus

Christi. The Constitution provides for a procession, on Corpus Christi

day, unless it is hindered ‘pro qualitate temporis[825].’

The notices in the seventeenth-century Annals of the town point to a play

as well as a procession[826]. The Guild included all the burgesses; each

paying 16_d._ a year and attending the dinner on Corpus Christi day.

In 1443 the common marsh was devised ‘to maintaine and repaire the

pageants of the Guilde.’

In 1445 J. Causton was admitted burgess on condition of maintaining for

seven years ‘the ornaments belonging to Corpus Χⁱ pageant and the stages,

receiving the Charges thereof from the farmers of the Common Marshe and

the Portmen’s medow, as the Bayliffs for the time being shall think

meete.’ Arrears were paid to J. Caldwell for his charge of ‘Corpus Chr.

pageant.’

In 1491 an order was made, laying down, ‘Howe euery occupacion of

craftsmen schuld order themselves in the goyng with their pageantes in

the procession of Corpus Christi.’ The list closes with the ‘Friers

Carmelites,’ ‘Friers Minors,’ and ‘Friers Prechors.’ The subjects of the

pageants are unfortunately not given. The pageant cost 45_s._ 1_d._

In 1492 ‘areres of yᵉ Pageant’ were paid, and ‘kepers of the Ornaments

and utensiles of Corpus Christi appointed.’

In 1493, 1494, 1495, 1496 orders were made for the provision of the

‘pageant.’ In 1495 there was a grant of £3 11. 0 for it. In 1496 it was

‘at the charge of such as have been used.’

In 1502 ‘Corpus Christi pageant shall hereafter be observed, and a

convenient artificer shall be intertained to that end, and shall have

40_s._’ Each Portman was to pay 1_s._ 4_d._, each of the ‘twenty-four’

8_d._; the other 6_s._ 8_d._ to be levied. ‘Noe Bayliff shall interrupt

or hinder the pageant, unless by order of the great court or uppon

special cause.’ Collectors for the pageant were chosen.

In 1504 the ‘collectors for the play of Corpus Christi’ were ‘to make a

free burgess for their expences at Corpus Christi play.’ These collectors

are again mentioned in 1505 and 1506, and in the latter year ‘ornaments’

and ‘stageing for Corpus Christi play.’

In 1509 all inhabitants are to have ‘their Tabernas and attendance at the

ffeast of Corpus Christi’ and ‘everyone shall hold by the order of their

procession, according to the Constitutions.’

In 1511 a contribution is ordered to a pageant of St. George, and the

Corpus Christi dinner and pageant are laid aside.

From 1513 to 1519 the play is ordered to be laid aside in every year

except 1517. In 1520 it ‘shall hold this yere,’ and the pageant is

ordered to be ready. It is laid aside in 1521 until further order, and

the master of the pageant called ‘the shipp’ is to have the same ready

under forfeiture of £10. It is ‘deferred’ in 1522 and ‘laid aside for

ever’ in 1531.

Probably it was never revived. But there is an order for the procession

with the Sacrament in 1540, and in 1542 this had its ‘pageants’ to which

each householder was rated at 1_d._

In 1552 the guild is held on the Sunday after Trinity Sunday, and similar

meetings continue until 1644.

On a possible performance of Bale’s _King John_ at the visit of Elizabeth

to Ipswich in 1561 see _Texts_ (iii), s.v. _Bale_.

IXWORTH, SUFFOLK.

Thetford Priory made a payment ‘in regard to Ixworth play,’ in 1507-8

(Appendix E, iii).

KELVEDON, ESSEX.

See s.v. EASTERFORD.

KENDAL, WESTMORELAND.

The ‘Boke of Record,’ a municipal register begun at the incorporation in

1575, refers to the Corpus Christi play by the crafts as established at

that date. On Feb. 14, 1575, the corporation forbade feasts of more than

twelve guests;

‘Such lyke ... as have bene comonlye used at ... metyings of men off

Occupacyons aboute orders for their severall pagiands off Corpus xpi

playe ... exceptyd and reserved.’

An order ‘ffor the playe’ of Sept. 22, 1586, forbade the alderman to give

permission for the acting of the play in any year without the consent of

his brethren[827].’

The plays lasted into the seventeenth century. Thomas Heywood says in

1612, that, ‘to this day,’ Kendall holds the privilege of its fairs and

other charters by yearly stage-plays[828]. And Weever, about 1631, speaks

of—

‘Corpus Christi play in my countrey, which I have seene acted at Preston,

and Lancaster, and last of all at Kendall, in the beginning of the raigne

of King James; for which the Townesmen were sore troubled; and upon good

reasons the Play finally supprest, not onely there, but in all other

Townes of the Kingdome[829].’

In the MS. life of the Puritan vicar of Rotherham, John Shaw, is a

description of how he spoke to an old man at Cartmel of salvation by

Christ:—

‘Oh Sir,’ said he, ‘I think I heard of that man you speak of once in a

play at Kendall, called Corpus Christ’s play, where there was a man on

a tree, and blood ran down, &c. And afterwards he professed he could not

remember that he ever heard of salvation by Jesus, but in that play[830].’

KENNINGHALL, NORFOLK.

‘Kenningale game’ was at Harling (q.v.) in 1463, and the ‘Kenyngale

players’ in 1467.

KILKENNY, IRELAND.

John Bale, in his description of his brief episcopate of Ossory, gives

an account of the proclamation of Queen Mary, at Kilkenny, on August

20, 1553, ‘The yonge men, in the Forenone, played a Tragedye of God’s

Promyses in the olde Lawe, at the Market Crosse, with Organe, Plainges,

and Songes very aptely. In the Afternone agayne they played a Commedie

of Sanct Johan Baptistes Preachinges, of Christes Baptisynge, and of his

Temptacion in the Wildernesse, to the small contentacion of the Prestes

and other Papistes there[831].’

These plays are extant; cf. _Texts_ (iii), s.v. _Bale_.

KING’S LYNN, NORFOLK.

There was a Corpus Christi guild as early as 1400, and the Tailors’

_Ordinances_ of 1449 require them to take part in the Corpus Christi

procession; but I do not find evidence of regular annual plays. The

Chamberlains’ Accounts for 1385, however, include:—

‘iijˢ iiijᵈ to certain players, playing an interlude on Corpus Christi

day.’

‘iijˢ iiijᵈ paid by the Mayor’s gift to persons playing the interlude of

St. Thomas the Martyr.’

And those for 1462—

‘iijˢ paid for two flagons of red wine, spent in the house of Arnulph

Tixonye, by the Mayor and most of his brethren, being there to see a

certain play at the Feast of Corpus Christi.’ In the same year the

Skinners and Sailors ‘of the town’ received rewards ‘for their labour

about the procession of Corpus Christi this year[832].’

In 1409-10 Lady de Beaufort came to see a play[833].

Unto Willm. Hewet for makinge the vices coote, a fornet of borders, and a