_The Pict and the Northman._
The present counties of Caithness and Sutherland A together made up
the old Province of Cait or Cat, so called after the name of one
of the seven legendary sons of _Cruithne_, the eponymous hero who
represented the Picts of Alban, as the whole mainland north of the
Forth was then called, and whose seven sons' names were said to stand
for its seven main divisions,[1] _Cait_ for Caithness and Sutherland,
_Ce_ for Keith or Mar, _Cirig_ for Magh-Circinn or Mearns, _Fib_ for
Fife, _Fidach_ (Woody) for Moray, _Fotla_ for Ath-Fodla or Athol, and
_Fortrenn_ for Menteith.
Immediately to the south of Cat lay the great province of Moray
including Ross, and, in the extreme west, a part of north Argyll; and
the boundary between Cat and Ross was approximately the tidal River
Oykel, called by the Norse Ekkjal, the northern and perhaps also the
southern bank of which probably formed the ranges of hills known in
the time of the earliest Norse jarls as Ekkjals-bakki. Everywhere
else Cat was bounded by the open sea, of which the Norse soon became
masters, namely on the west by the Minch, on the north by the North
Atlantic and Pentland Firth, and on the east and south by the North
Sea; and the great valley of the Oykel and the Dornoch Firth made Cat
almost into an island.
Like Cæsar's Gaul, Cat was "divided into three parts"; first, _Ness_,
which was co-extensive with the modern county of Caithness, a treeless
land, excellent in crops and highly cultivated in the north-east, but
elsewhere mainly made up of peat mosses, flagstones and flatness, save
in its western and south-western borderland of hills; secondly, to
the west of Ness, _Strathnavern_, a land of dales and hills, and,
especially in its western parts, of peaks; and, thirdly, to the south
of Strathnavern, _Sudrland_, or the Southland, a riviera of pastoral
links and fertile ploughland, sheltered on the north by its own
forests and hills, and sloping, throughout its whole length from
the Oykel to the Ord of Caithness, towards the _Breithisjorthr_,
Broadfjord, or Moray Firth, its southern sea.[2]
Save in north-east Ness, and in favoured spots elsewhere, also below
the 500 feet level, the land of Cat was a land of heath and woods[3]
and rocks, studded, especially in the west, with lochs abounding in
trout, a vast area of rolling moors, intersected by spacious straths,
each with its salmon river, a land of solitary silences, where red
deer and elk abounded, and in which the wild boar and wolf ranged
freely, the last wolf being killed in Glen Loth within twelve miles
of Dunrobin at a date between 1690 and 1700.[4] No race of hunters or
fishermen ever surpassed the Picts in their craft as such.
The land, especially Sutherland, is still a happy hunting-ground not
only for the sportsman but also for the antiquary. For the modern
County of Sutherland is outwardly much the same now as it was in
Pictish times, save for road and rail, two castles, and a sprinkling
of shooting lodges, inns, and good cottages, which, however, in so
vast a territory are, as the Irishman put it, "mere fleabites on the
ocean." Much of the west of the land of Cat was scarcely inhabited at
all in Pictish or Viking days, because as is clearly the case in the
Kerrow-Garrow or Rough Quarter of Eddrachilles, it would not carry
one sheep or feed one human being per hundred acres in many parts. The
rest of it also remains practically unchanged in appearance from the
earliest days till the present time, as it has been little disturbed
by the plough save in the north-east of Ness and at Lairg and
Kinbrace, and in its lower levels along the coast. But Loch Fleet no
longer reaches to Pittentrail, and the crooked bay at Crakaig has been
drained and the Water of Loth sent straight to the sea.
The only buildings or structures existing in Cat in Pictish and early
Norse times were a few vitrified forts, some underground erde-houses,
hut-circles innumerable, and perhaps a hundred and fifty brochs, or
Pictish towers as they are popularly called, which had been erected at
various dates from the first century onwards, long before the advent
of the Norse Vikings is on record, as defences against wolves and
raiders both by land and sea, and especially by sea. Notwithstanding
agricultural operations, foundations of 145 brochs can still be traced
in Ness and 67 in Strathnavern and Sudrland, but they were not all in
use at the same time, and they are mostly on sites taken over later
on by the Norse,[5] because they were already cultivated and
agriculturally the best.
A well-known authority on such subjects, the late Dr. Munro, in his
_Prehistoric Scotland_ p. 389 writes of the brochs as follows:--"Some
four hundred might have been seen conspicuously dotting the more
fertile lands along the shores and straths of the counties of
Caithness, Sutherland, Ross, Inverness, Argyll, the islands of
Orkney, Shetland, Bute, and some of the Hebrides. Two are found
in Forfarshire, and one each in the counties of Perth, Stirling,
Midlothian, Selkirk and Berwick."
If one may venture to hazard a conjecture as to their date, they
probably came into general use in these parts of Caledonia as nearly
as possible contemporaneously with the date of the Roman occupation
of South Britain, which they outlasted for many centuries. But their
erection was not due to the fear of attack by the armies of Rome. For
their remains are found where the Romans never came, and where the
Romans came almost none are found. Their construction is more probably
to be ascribed to very early unrecorded maritime raids of pirates of
unknown race both on regions far north of the eastern coast protected
later by the Count of the Saxon shore, and on the northern and western
islands and coasts, where also many ruins of them survive.
In Cat dwelt the Pecht or Pict, the Brugaidh or farmer in his dun or
broch, erected always on or near well selected fertile land on the
seaboard, on the sides of straths, or on the shores of lochs, or
less frequently on islands near their shores and then approached by
causeways;[6] and the rest of the people lived in huts whose circular
foundations still remain, and are found in large numbers at much
higher elevations than the sites of any brochs. The brochs near the
sea-coast were often so placed as to communicate with each other for
long distances up the valleys, by signal by day, and beacon fire at
night, and so far as they are traceable, the positions of most of them
in Sutherland and Caithness are indicated on the map by circles.
Built invariably solely of stone and without mortar, in form the
brochs were circular, and have been described as truncated cones
with the apex cut off,[7] and their general plan and elevation were
everywhere almost uniform. The ground floor was solid masonry, but
contained small chambers in its thickness of about 15 feet. Above the
ground floor the broch consisted of two concentric walls about three
feet apart, the whole rising to a height in the larger towers of 45
feet or more, with slabs of stone laid horizontally across the gap
between and within the two walls, at intervals of, say, five or six
feet up to the top, and thus forming a series of galleries inside
the concentric walls, in which large numbers of human beings could be
temporarily sheltered and supplies in great quantities could be stored
for a siege. These galleries were approached from within the broch by
a staircase which rose from the court and passed round between the two
concentric walls above the ground floor, till it reached their highest
point, and probably ended immediately above the only entrance, the
outside of which was thus peculiarly exposed to missiles from the end
of the staircase at the top of the broch. The only aperture in the
outer wall was the entrance from the outside, about 5 feet high by 3
feet wide, fitted with a stone door, and protected by guard-chambers
immediately within it, and it afforded the sole means of ingress to
and egress from the interior court, for man and beast and goods and
chattels alike. The circular court, which was formed inside, varied
from 20 to 36 feet in diameter, and was not roofed over; and the
galleries and stairs were lighted only by slits, all looking into the
court, in which, being without a roof, fires could be lit. In some few
there were wells, but water-supply, save when the broch was in a loch,
must have been a difficulty in most cases during a prolonged siege.
In these brochs the farmer lived, and his women-kind span and wove and
plied their querns or hand-mills, and, in raids, they shut themselves
up, and possibly some of their poorer neighbours took refuge in the
brochs, deserting their huts and crowding into the broch; but of this
practice there is no evidence, and the nearest hut-circles are often
far from the remains of any broch.
For defence the broch was as nearly as possible perfect against any
engines or weapons then available for attacking it; and we may note
that it existed in Scotland and mainly in the north and west of it,
and nowhere else in the world.[8] It was a roofless block-house, aptly
described by Dr. Joseph Anderson as a "safe." It could not be battered
down or set on fire, and if an enemy got inside it, he would find
himself in a sort of trap surrounded by the defenders of the broch,
and a mark for their missiles. The broch, too, was quite distinct from
the lofty, narrow ecclesiastical round tower, of which examples still
are found in Ireland, and in Scotland at Brechin and Abernethy.
To resist invasion the Picts would be armed with spears, short swords
and dirks, but, save perhaps a targe, were without defensive body
armour, which they scorned to use in battle, preferring to fight
stripped. They belonged to septs and clans, and each sept would have
its Maor, and each clan or province its Maormor[9] or big chief,
succession being derived through females, a custom which no doubt
originated in remote pre-Christian ages when the paternity of children
was uncertain.
Being Celts, the Picts would shun the open sea. They feared it, for
they had no chance on it, as their vessels were often merely hides
stretched on wattles, resembling enlarged coracles. Yet with such
rude ships as they had, they reached Orkney, Shetland, the Faroes and
Iceland as hermits or missionaries.[10] In Norse times they never
had the mastery of the sea, and the Pictish navy is a myth of earlier
days.[11]
Lastly, as we have seen, the Picts of Cat had never been conquered,
nor had their land ever been occupied by the legions of Rome, which
had stopped at the furthest in Moray; and the sole traces of Rome in
Cat are, as stated, two plates of hammered brass found in a Sutherland
broch, and some Samian ware. Further, Christian though he had been
long before Viking times, the Pict of Cat derived his Christianity
at first and chiefly from the Pictish missions, and later from
the Columban Church, both without reference to Papal Rome; and his
missionaries not only settled on islands off his coasts, but later on
worshipped in his small churches on the mainland; and many a Pictish
saint of holy life was held in reverence there.
About the eighth century and probably earlier, immigrants from the
southern shores of the Baltic pressed the Norse westwards in Norway,
and later on over-population in the sterile lands which lie along
Norway's western shores, drove its inhabitants forth from its western
fjords north of Stavanger and from The Vik or great bay of the
Christiania Fjord, whence they may have derived their name of Vikings,
across the North Sea to the opposite coasts of Shetland, Orkney and
Cat, where they found oxen and sheep to slaughter on the nesses or
headlands, and stores of grain, and some silver and even gold in the
shrines and on the persons of those whom they attacked, and in
still later days they sought new lands over the sea and permanent
settlements, where they would have no scat to pay to any overlord or
feudal superior.
When the Vikings landed, superior discipline, instilled into them by
their training on board ship, superior arms, the long two-handed sword
and the spear and battle-axe and their deadly bows and arrows, and
superior defensive armour, the long shield, the helmet and chain-mail,
would make them more than a match for their adversaries.[12] Above
all, the greater ferocity of these Northmen, ruthlessly directed to
its object by brains of the highest order, would render the Pictish
farmer, who had wife and children, and home and cattle and crops to
save, an easy prey to the Viking warrior bands, and the security of
his broch would of itself tend to a passive and inactive, rather than
an offensive, and therefore successful defence.
After long continued raids, the Vikings no doubt saw that much of the
land along the shore was fair and fertile compared with their own, and
finally they came not merely to plunder and depart, but to settle and
stay. When they did so, they came in large numbers and with organised
forces[13] and carefully prepared plans of campaign, and with great
reserves of weapons on board their ships; and having the ocean as
their highway, they could select their points of attack. They then, as
we know from the localities which bear their place-names, cleared out
the Pict from most of his brochs and from the best land in Cat, shown
on the map by dark green colour, that is, from all cultivated land
below the 500 feet level save the upper parts of the valleys; or they
slew or enslaved the Pict who remained. Lastly, on settling, they
would seize his women-kind and wed them; for the women of their own
race were not allowed on Viking ships, and were probably less amenable
and less charming to boot. But the Pictish women thus seized had their
revenge. The darker race prevailed, and, the supply of fathers of
pure Norse blood being renewed only at intervals, the children of
such unions soon came to be mainly of Celtic strain, and their mothers
doubtless taught them to speak the Gaelic, which had then for at least
a century superseded the Pictish tongue. The result was a mixed race
of Gall-gaels or Gaelic strangers, far more Celtic than Norse, who
soon spoke chiefly Gaelic, save in north-east Ness. Their Gaelic, too,
like the English of Shetland at the present time, would not only be
full of old Norse words, especially for things relating to the sea,
but be spoken with a slight foreign accent. How numerous those foreign
words still are in Sutherland Gaelic, the late Mr. George Henderson
has ably and elaborately proved in his scholarly book on "Norse
Influence on Celtic Scotland." We find traces of Norse words and the
Norse accent and inflexions also on the Moray seaboard, on which
the Norse gained a hold. The same would be true of the people on the
western lands and islands of the Hebrides.
As time went on, the Gaelic strain predominated more and more,
especially on the mainland of Scotland, over the Gall, or foreign,
strain, which was not maintained. Mr. A.W. Johnston, in his "_Orkney
and Shetland Folk--850 to 1350_,"[14] has worked out the quarterings
of the Norse jarls, of whom only the first three were pure Norsemen,
and he has thus shown conclusively how very Celtic they had become
long before their male line failed. The same process was at work,
probably to a greater extent, among those of lower rank, who could
not find or import Norse wives, if they would, as the jarls frequently
did.
One or two other introductory points remain to be noted and borne in
mind throughout.
We must beware of thinking that all the land in an earldom such as Cat
was the absolute property of the chief, as in the nineteenth century,
or the latter half of it, was practically true in the modern county
of Sutherland. The fact was very much otherwise. The Maormor and
afterwards the earl doubtless had demesne lands, but he was in early
times, _ex officio_, mainly a superior and receiver of dues for his
king;[15] and this possibly shows why very early Scottish earldoms, as
for instance that of Sutherland, in the absence of male heirs, often
descended to females, unless the grant or custom excluded them. It
was quite different with later feudal baronies or tenancies, where
military service, which only males could render, was due, and which
with rare exceptions it was, after about 1130, the policy of the
Scottish kings to create; and in the case of baronies or lordships the
land itself was often described and given to the grantee and his heirs
by metes and bounds, in return for specified military service, and his
heirs male were exhausted before any female could inherit.
In Ness and in the rest of Cat there were many Norse and native
holders of land within the earldom, and much tribal ownership. Duncan
of Duncansby or Dungall of Dungallsby, as he is variously called,
allowed part at least of his dominions to pass by marriage to the
Norse jarls; but both Moddan and Earl Ottar, whose heir was Earl
Erlend Haraldson, who left no heir, owned land extensively in Ness and
elsewhere, while Moddan "in Dale" had daughters also owning land, one
of whom, Frakark, widow of Liot Nidingr, had many homesteads in upper
Kildonan in Sudrland and elsewhere, and possibly it is her sister
Helga's name that lingers in a place-name lower down that strath near
Helmsdale, at Helgarie.
What is worthy of notice is that it is clear from the place-names that
after the Norse conquest the Norse held and named most of the lower or
seaward parts of the valleys and nearly all the coast lands of Cat and
Ross as far south as the Beauly Firth, and the Picts occupied and were
never dispossessed of the upper parts of the valleys or the hills all
through the Norse occupation. In other words, as conquerors coming
from the sea, the Norsemen seized and held the better Pictish lands
near the coast, which had been cultivated for centuries, and on which
crops would ripen with regularity and certainty year after year. But
as time went on the Pictish Maormor pressed the Norse Jarl more and
more outwards and eastwards in Cat.
We must also remember the enormous power of the Scottish Crown through
its right of granting wardships, especially in the case of a female
heir. Under such grants the grantee, usually some very powerful noble,
took over during minority the title of his ward and all his revenues
absolutely, in return for a payment, correspondingly large, to the
Crown. If the ward was a female, the grantee disposed of her hand in
marriage as well.
After these preliminary notes, we may now again glance at the Scots,
who were destined, from small beginnings, by a series of strange turns
of fortune and superior state-craft, in time to conquer and dominate
all modern Scotland north of the Forth, then known as Alban.
The Scots, as already stated, had come over from Ulster and settled in
Cantyre about the end of the fifth century, and for long they had only
the small Dalriadic territory of Argyll, and even this they all but
lost more than once. At the same time, after 563, they had a most
valuable asset in Columba, their soldier missionary prince, and his
_milites Christi_, or soldiers of Christ, who gradually carried their
Christianity and Irish culture even up to Orkney itself, with many a
school of the Erse or Gaelic tongue, and thus paved the way for
the consolidation of the whole of Alban into one political unit by
providing its people with a common language.
But in order to live the Scots had been forced to defeat many foes,
such as the Britons of Strathclyde, whose capital was at Alcluyd
or Dunbarton,[16] the Northumbrians on the south, and the Picts of
Atholl, Forfar, Fife and Kincardine, which comprised most of the
fertile land south of the Grampians. The great Pictish province of
Moray on the north of the Grampians, however, remained unsubdued, and
it took the Scots several centuries more to reduce it.
It was when the Scottish conquests above referred to were thus far
completed that the new factor, with which we are mainly concerned,
was introduced into the problem. This factor was, as stated, _the
Northmen_.