At the moment that this advance began, there were some sixty Canadian

artillery men and one Company “B” sergeant with seven men and a Lewis

gun. Due to the heroism and coolness of this handful of men, who at

once opened fire with their Lewis guns, forcing the advancing infantry

to pause momentarily. This brief halt gave the Canadians a chance to

reverse their gun positions, swing them around and open up with muzzle

bursts upon the first wave of the assault, scarcely fifty yards away.

It was but a moment until the hurricane of shrapnel was bursting among

solid masses of advancing infantry, and under such murderous fire, the

best disciplined troops and the most foolhardly could not long

withstand. Certain it was that the advancing Bolo could not continue

his advance. The Bolos were on our front, our right flank and our rear,

we were entirely cut off from communication, and there were no

reinforcements available. About 4:00 p. m. we launched a small counter

attack under Lt. Dennis, which rolled up a line of snipers which had

given us considerable annoyance. We then shelled the rear villages

occupied by the Bolos, and they decamped. Meanwhile the Royal Scots,

who had been formed for the counter attack, went forward also under the

cover of the artillery, and the Bolo, or at least those few remaining,

were driven back into the forests.

The enemy losses during this attack were enormous. His estimated dead

and wounded were approximately four hundred, but it will never be known

as to how many of them later died in the surrounding forests from

wounds and exposure. This engagement was not [only] disastrous from the

loss of men, but was even more disastrous from the fact that some of

the leading Bolshevik leaders on this front were killed during this

engagement. One of the leading commanders was an extremely powerful

giant of a man, named Melochofski, who first led his troops into the

village hospital in the rear of the gun positions. He strode into the

hospital, wearing a huge black fur hat, which accentuated his

extraordinary height, and singled out all the wounded American and

English troops for immediate execution, and this would undoubtedly have

been their fate, had it not been for the interference of a most

remarkable woman, who was christened by the soldiers “Lady Olga.”

This woman, a striking and intelligent appearing person, had formerly

been a member of the famous Battalion of Death, and afterwards informed

one of our interpreters that she had joined the Soviets out of pure

love of adventure, wholly indifferent to the cause for which she

exposed her life. She had fallen in love with Melochofski and had

accompanied him with his troops through the trackless woods, sharing

the lot of the common soldiers and enduring hardships that would have

shaken the most vigorous man. With all her hardihood, however, there

was still a touch of the eternal feminine, and when Melochofski issued

orders for the slaughter of the invalided soldiers, she rushed forward

and in no uncertain tones demanded that the order be countermanded and

threatened to shoot the first Bolo who entered the hospital. She

herself remained in the hospital while Melochofski with the balance of

his troops went forward with the attack and where he himself was so

mortally wounded that he lived only a few minutes after reaching her

side. She eventually was sent to the hospital at the base and nursed

there. Capt. Boyd states that he saw a letter which she wrote,

unsolicited, to her former comrades, telling them that they should not

believe the lies which their commissars told them, and that the Allies

were fighting for the good of Russia.

At daybreak the following day, five gun boats appeared around the bend

of the river, just out of range of our three inch artillery, and all

day long their ten long ranged guns pounded away at our positions,

crashing great explosives upon our blockhouse, which guarded the bridge

connecting the upper and middle village, while in the forests

surrounding this position the Bolo infantry were lying in wait awaiting

for a direct hit upon this strong point in order that they could rush

the bridge and overwhelm us. Time after time exploding shells threw

huge mounds of earth and debris into the loop holes of this blockhouse

and all but demolished it.

Here Sergeant Wallace performed a particularly brave act. The

blockhouse of which he was in command was near a large straw pile. A

shell hit near the straw and threw it in front of the loop holes.

Wallace went out under machine gun fire from close range, about

seventy-five yards, and under heavy shelling, and removed the straw.

The same thing happened a little later, and this time he was severely

wounded. He was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal by the British.

Private Bell was in this blockhouse when it was hit and all the

occupants killed or badly wounded. Bell was badly gashed in the face,

but stuck with his Lewis gun until dark when he could be relieved,

being the only one in the shattered blockhouse which held the bridge

across the small stream separating us from the Bolos.

For three days the gun boats pounded away and all night long there was

the rattle and crack of the machine guns. No one slept. The little

garrison was fast becoming exhausted. Men were hollow-eyed from

weariness and so utterly tired that they were indifferent to the

shrieking shells and all else. At this point of the siege, it was

decided that our only salvation was a counter attack. In the forests

near the upper village were a number of log huts, which the natives had

used for charcoal kilns, but which had been converted by the enemy into

observation posts and storehouses for machine guns and ammunition. His

troops were lying in and about the woods surrounding these buildings.

We decided to surprise this detachment in the woods, capture it if

possible and make a great demonstration of an attack so as to give the

enemy in the upper village the impression that we were receiving

reinforcements and still fresh and ready for fighting. This maneuver

succeeded far beyond our wildest expectations.

Company “B,” under command of Lt. John Cudahy, and one platoon of

Company “D” under Lt. Derham, made the counter attack on the Bolo

trenches. Just before dawn that morning the Americans filed through the

forests and crept upon the enemy’s observation posts before they were

aware of any movement on our part. We then proceeded without any

warning upon their main position. Taken as they were, completely by

surprise, it was but a moment before they were in full rout, running

panic-stricken in all directions, thinking that a regiment or division

had followed upon them. We immediately set fire to these huts

containing their ammunition, cartridges, etc., and the subsequent

explosion that followed probably gave the enemy the impression that a

terrific attack was pending. As we emerged from the woods and commenced

the attack upon upper Toulgas we were fully expecting stiff resistance,

for we knew that many of these houses concealed enemy guns. Our plans

had succeeded so well, however, that no supporting fire from the upper

village came and the snipers in the forward part of the village seeing

themselves abandoned, threw their guns and came rushing forward

shouting _“tovarish, tovarish,”_ meaning the same as the German

“_kamerad._” As a matter of fact, in this motley crew of prisoners were

a number of Germans and Austrians, who could scarcely speak a word of

German and who were probably more than thankful to be taken prisoners

and thus be relieved from active warfare.

During this maneuver one of their bravest and ablest commanders, by the

name of Foukes, was killed, which was an irreparable loss to the enemy.

Foukes was without question one of the most competent and aggressive of

the Bolo leaders. He was a very powerful man physically and had long

years of service as a private in the old Russian Army, and was without

question a most able leader of men. During this four days’ attack and

counter attack he had led his men by a circuitous route through the

forests, wading in swamps waist deep, carrying machine guns and

rations. The nights were of course miserably cold and considerable snow

had fallen, but Foukes would risk no fire of any kind for fear of

discovery. It was not due to any lack of ability or strategy on his

part that this well planned attack failed of accomplishment. On his

body we found a dramatic message, written on the second day of the

battle after the assault on the guns had failed. He was with the rear

forces at that time and dispatched or had intended to dispatch the

following to the command in charge of the forward forces:

“We are in the two lowest villages—one steamer coming up river—perhaps

reinforcements. Attack more vigorously—Melochofski and Murafski are

killed. If you do not attack, I cannot hold on and retreat is

impossible. (Signed) FOUKES.”

Out of our force of about six hundred Scots and Americans we had about

a hundred casualties, the Scots suffering worse than we. Our casualties

were mostly sustained in the blockhouses, from the shelling. It was

here that we lost Corporal Sabada and Sergeant Marriott, both of whom

were fine soldiers and their loss was very keenly felt. Sabada’s dying

words were instructions to his squad to hold their position in the rear

of their blockhouse which had been destroyed.

It was reported that Trotsky, the idol of the Red crowd, was present at

the battle of Toulgas, but if he was there, he had little influence in

checking the riotous retreat of his followers when they thought

themselves flanked from the woods. They fled in wild disorder from the

upper village of Toulgas and for days thereafter in villages far to our

rear, various members of this force straggled in, half crazed by

starvation and exposure and more than willing to abandon the Soviet

cause. For weeks the enemy left the Americans severely alone. Toulgas

was held.

But it was decided to burn Upper Toulgas, which was a constant menace

to our security, as we had no men to occupy it with sufficient numbers

to make a defense and the small outposts there were tempting morsels

for the enemy to devour. Many were reluctant to stay there, and it was

nervous work on the black nights when the wind, dismal and weird,

moaned through the encompassing forest, every shadow a crouching

Bolshevik. Often the order came through to the main village to “stand

to,” because some fidgety sentinel in Upper Toulgas had seen

battalions, conjured by the black night. So it was determined to burn

the upper village and a guard was thrown around it, for we feared word

would be passed and the Bolos would try to prevent us from

accomplishing our purpose. The inhabitants were given three hours to

vacate. It was a pitiful sight to see them turned out of the dwellings

where most of them had spent their whole simple, not unhappy lives,

their meagre possessions scattered awry upon the ground.

The first snow floated down from a dark foreboding sky, dread announcer

of a cruel Arctic winter. Soon the houses were roaring flames. The

women sat upon hand-fashioned crates wherein were all their most prized

household goods, and abandoned themselves to a paroxysm of weeping

despair, while the children shrieked stridently, victim of all the

realistic horrors that only childhood can conjure. Most of the men

looked on in silence, uncomprehending resignation on their faces, mute,

pathetic figures. Poor moujiks! They didn’t understand, but they took

all uncomplainingly. _Nitchevoo_, fate had decreed that they should

suffer this burden, and so they accepted it without question.

But when we thought of the brave chaps whose lives had been taken from

those flaming homes, for our casualties had been very heavy, nearly one

hundred men killed and wounded, we stifled our compassion and looked on

the blazing scene as a jubilant bonfire. All night long the burning

village was red against the black sky, and in the morning where had

stood Upper Toulgas was now a smoking, dirty smudge upon the plain.

We took many prisoners in this second fight of Toulgas. It was a trick

of the Bolos to sham death until a searching party, bent on examining

the bodies for information, would approach them, when suddenly they

would spring to life and deliver themselves up. These said that only by

this method could they escape the tyranny of the Bolsheviki. They

declared that never had they any sympathy with the Soviet cause. They

didn’t understand it. They had been forced into the Red Army at the

point of a gun, and were kept in it by the same persuasive argument.

Others said they had joined the Bolshevik military forces to escape

starvation.

There was only one of the thirty prisoners who admitted being an ardent

follower of the cause, and a believer in the Soviet articles of

political doctrine, and this was an admission that took a great deal of

courage, for it was instilled universally in the Bolos that we showed

no mercy, and if they fell into the hands of the cruel Angliskis and

Americanskis there was nothing but a hideous death for them.

Of course our High Command had tried to feed our troops the same kind

of propaganda. Lenine, himself, said that of every one hundred

Bolsheviks fifty were knaves, forty were fools, and probably one in the

hundred a sincere believer. Once a Bolshevik commander who gave himself

up to us said that the great majority of officers in the Soviet forces

had been conscripted from the Imperial Army and were kept in order by

threats to massacre their families if they showed the slightest

tendency towards desertion. The same officer told me the Bolshevik

party was hopelessly in the minority, that its adherents numbered only

about three and a half in every hundred Russians, that it had gained

ascendancy and held power only because Lenine and Trotsky inaugurated

their revolution by seizing every machine gun in Russia and steadfastly

holding on to them. He said that every respectable person looked upon

the Bolsheviks as a gang of cutthroats and ruffians, but all were

bullied into passive submission.

We heard him wonderingly. We tried to fancy America ever being

brow-beaten and cowed by an insignificant minority, her commercial life

prostrated, her industries ravished, and we gave the speculation up as

an unworthy reflection upon our country. But this was Russia, Russia

who inspired the world by her courage and fortitude in the great war,

and while it was at its most critical stage, fresh with the memories of

millions slain on Gallician fields, concluded the shameful treaty of

Brest Litovsk, betraying everything for which those millions had died.

Russia, following the visionary Kerensky from disorder to chaos, and

eventually wallowing in the mire of Bolshevism. Yes, one can expect

anything in Russia.

They were a hardboiled looking lot, those Bolo prisoners. They wore no

regulation uniform, but were clad in much the same attire as an

ordinary moujik—knee leather boots and high hats of gray and black

curled fur. No one could distinguish them from a distance, and every

peasant could be Bolshevik. Who knew? In fact, we had reason to believe

that many of them were Bolshevik in sympathy. The Bolos had an uncanny

knowledge of our strength and the state of our defenses, and although

no one except soldiers were allowed beyond the village we knew that

despite the closest vigilance there was working unceasingly a system of

enemy espionage with which we could never hope to cope.

Some of the prisoners were mere boys seventeen and eighteen years old.

Others men of advanced years. Nearly all of them were hopelessly

ignorant, likely material for a fiery tongued orator and plausible

propagandist. They thought the Americans were supporting the British in

an invasion of Russia to suppress all democratic government, and to

return a Romanoff to the throne.

That was the story that was given out to the moujiks, and, of course,

they firmly believed it, and after all why should they not, judging by

appearances? We quote here from an American officer who fought at

Toulgas:

“If we had not come to restore the Tsar, why had we come, invading

Russia, and burning Russian homes? We spoke conciliatingly of ‘friendly

intervention,’ of bringing peace and order to this distracted country,

to the poor moujik, when what he saw were his villages a torn battle

ground of two contending armies, while the one had forced itself upon

him, requisitioned his shaggy pony, burned the roof over his head, and

did whatever military necessity dictated. It was small concern to Ivan

whether the Allies or the Bolsheviks won this strange war. He did not

know what it was all about, and in that he was like the rest of us. But

he asked only to be left alone, in peace to lead his simple life,

gathering his scanty crops in the hot brief months of summer and

dreaming away the long dreary winter on top of his great oven-like

stove, an unworrying fatalistic disciple of the philosophy of

nitchevoo.”

After the fierce battle to hold Toulgas, the only contact with the

enemy was by patrols. “D” Company came up from Chamova and relieved “B”

Company for a month. Work was constantly expended upon the winter

defenses. The detachment of 310th Engineers was to our men an

invaluable aid. And when “B” went up to Toulgas again late in January,

they found the fortifications in fine shape. But meanwhile rumors were

coming in persistently of an impending attack.

The Bolo made his long expected night attack January 29, in conjunction

with his drive on the Vaga, and was easily repulsed. Another similar

attack was made a little later in February, which met with a similar

result. It was reported to us that the Bolo soldiers held a meeting in

which they declared that it was impossible to take Toulgas, and that

they would shoot any officer who ordered another attack there.

It was during one of the fracases that Lt. Dressing captured his

prisoner. With a sergeant he was inspecting the wire, shortly after the

Bolo had been driven back, and came upon a Bolo who threw up his hands.

Dressing drew his revolver, and the sergeant brought his rifle down to

a threatening position, the Bolo became frightened and seized the

bayonet. Dressing wishing to take the prisoner alive grabbed his

revolver by the barrel and aimed a mighty swing. Unfortunately he

forgot that the British revolver is fastened to a lanyard, and that the

lanyard was around his shoulder. As a result his swing was stopped in

midair, nearly breaking his arm, the Bolo dropped the bayonet and took

it on the run, getting away safely, leaving Dressing with nothing to

bring in but a report.

March 1st we met with a disaster, one of our patrols being ambushed,

and a platoon sent out to recover the wounded meeting a largely

superior force, which was finally dispersed by artillery. We lost eight

killed and more wounded. Sergeant Bowman, one of the finest men it has

been my privilege to know, was killed in this action and his death was

a blow personally to every man in the company.

Corporal Prince was in command of the first patrol, which was ambushed.

In trying to assist the point, who was wounded, Prince was hit. When we

finally reached the place of this encounter the snow showed that Prince

had crawled about forty yards after he was wounded and fired his rifle

several times. He had been taken prisoner.

From this time on the fighting in the Upper Dvina was limited to the

mere patrol activities. There to be sure was always a strain on the

men. Remembering their comrades who had been ambushed before, it took

the sturdiest brand of courage for small parties to go out day and

night on the hard packed trails, to pass like deer along a marked

runway with hunter ready with cocked rifle. The odds were hopelessly

against them. The vigilance of their patrols, however, may account for

the fact that even after his great success on the Vaga, the commander

of Bolshevik Northern Army did not send his forces against the

formidably guarded Toulgas.

One day we were ordered by British headquarters to patrol many miles

across the river where it had been reported small parties of Bolos were

raiding a village. We had seventeen sleighs drawn by little shaggy

ponies, which we left standing in their harnesses and attached to the

sleighs while we slept among the trees beside a great roaring blaze

that our Russian drivers piled high with big logs the whole night

through; and the next morning, in the phantom gloom we were off again,

gliding noiselessly through the forest, charged with the unutterable

stillness of infinite ethereal space; but, as the shadows paled, there

was unfolded a fairyland of enchanted wonders that I shall always

remember. Invisible hands of artistry had draped the countless pines

with garlands and wreaths of white with filmy aigrettes and huge,

ponderous globes and festoons woven by the frost in an exquisite and

fantastic handiwork; and when the sun came out, as it did for a few

moments, every ornament on those decorated Christmas trees glittered

and twinkled with the magic of ten thousand candles. It was enchanted

toyland spread before us and we were held spell bound by a profusion of

airy wonders that unfolded without end as we threaded our way through

the forest flanked by the straight, towering trunks.

After a few miles the ponies could go no further through the high

drifts, so we left them and made our way on snowshoes a long distance

to a group of log houses the reported rendezvous of the Bolsheviks, but

there were no Bolos there, nor any signs of recent occupancy, so we

burned the huts and very wearily dragged our snow shoes the long way

back to the ponies. They were wet with sweat when we left them belly

deep in the snow; but there they were, waiting with an attitude of

patient resignation truly Russian and they made the journey homeward

with more speed and in higher spirits than when they came. There is

only one thing tougher than the Russian pony and that is his driver,

for the worthies who conducted us on this lengthy journey walked most

of the way through the snow and in the intense cold, eating a little

black bread, washed down with hot tea, and sleeping not at all.

[Illustration: WAGNER

_Something Like a Selective Draft._]

[Illustration: WAGNER

_Canadian Artillery, Kurgomin._]

[Illustration: U. S. OFFICIAL

_Watch-Tower, Verst 455._]

[Illustration: U. S. OFFICIAL

_Toulgas Outpost._]

[Illustration: U. S. OFFICIAL

_One of a Bolo Patrol._]

[Illustration: U. S. OFFICIAL

_Patrolling._]

Those long weeks of patrol and sentry duty were wearing on the men.

Sentinels were continually seeing things at night that were not. Once

we were hurried out into the cold darkness by the report of a great

multitude of muttering voices approaching from the forest, but not a

shot answered our challenge and the next morning there in the snow were

the fresh tracks of timber wolves—a pack had come to the end of the

woods—no wonder the Detroit fruit salesman on guard thought the Bolos

were upon us.

But not long afterwards the Bolos did come and more cunningly and

stealthily than the wolf pack, for in the black night they crept up and

were engaged in the act of cutting the barbed wire between the

blockhouses, when a sentinel felt—there was no sound—something

suspicious, and sped a series of machine gun bullets in the direction

he suspected. There was a fight lasting for hours, and in the morning

many dead Bolos were lying in the deep snow beyond the wire defenses.

They wore white smocks which, at any distance, in the dim daylight,

blended distinctly with the snow and at night were perfectly invisible.

We were grateful to the sentinel with the intuitive sense of impending

danger. Some soldiers have this intuition. It is beyond explanation but

it exists. You have only to ask a soldier who has been in battle combat

to verify the truth of this assertion.

Still we decided not to rely entirely upon this remarkable faculty of

intuition, some man might be on watch not so gifted; and so we tramped

down a path inside the wire encompassing the center village. During the

long periods between the light we kept up an ever vigilant patrol.

The History of the American Expedition Fighting the Bolsheviki Campaigning in North Russia 1918-1919 · 第 12 / 35 段