Written by Dr. David Ramsay, member of the Continental Congress
and of the South Carolina State Convention which ratified the
Constitution.
_Friends, Countrymen, and Fellow Citizens_:
You have, at this time a new federal constitution proposed for your
consideration. The great importance of the subject demands your most
serious attention. To assist you in forming a right judgment on this
matter, it will be proper to consider,
1st. It is the manifest interest of these states to be united.
Internal wars among ourselves, would most probably be the consequence
of disunion. Our local weakness particularly proves it to be for the
advantage of South Carolina to strengthen the federal government; for
we are inadequate to secure ourselves from more powerful neighbours. [4]
2d. If the thirteen states are to be united in reality, as well as in
name, the obvious principle of the union will be, that the congress, or
general government, should have power to regulate all general concerns.
In a state of nature, each man is free, and may do what he pleases:
but in society, every individual must sacrifice a part of his natural
rights; the minority must yield to the majority, and the collective
interest must control particular interests. When thirteen persons
constitute a family, each should forego everything that is injurious to
the other twelve. When several families constitute a parish, or county,
each may adopt what regulations it pleases with regard to its domestic
affairs, but must be abridged of that liberty in other cases, where the
good of the whole is concerned.
When several parishes, counties, or districts, form a state, the
separate interests of each must yield to the collective interest of
the whole. When several states combine in one government, the same
principles must be observed. These relinquishments of natural rights,
are not real sacrifices: each person, county, or state, gains more than
it loses, for it only gives up a right of injuring others, and obtains
in return aid and strength to secure itself in the peaceable enjoyment
of all remaining rights. If then we are to be an united people, and
the obvious ground of union must be, that all continental concerns
should be managed by Congress—let us by those principles examine the
new constitution. Look over the 8th section, which enumerates the
powers of Congress, and point out one that is not essential on the
before recited principles of union. The first is a power to lay and
collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and
provide for the [5] common defence and general welfare of the United
States.
When you authorised Congress to borrow money, and to contract debts,
for carrying on the late war, you could not intend to abridge them of
the means of paying their engagements, made on your account. You may
observe that their future power is confined to provide _common defence
and general welfare_ of the United States. If they apply money to any
other purposes, they exceed their powers. The people of the United
States who pay, are to be judges how far their money is properly
applied. It would be tedious to go over all the powers of Congress,
but it would be easy to show that they all may be referred to this
single principle, “that the general concerns of the union ought to be
managed by the general government.” The opposers of the constitution
cannot show a single power delegated to Congress, that could be spared
consistently with the welfare of the whole, nor a single one taken
from the states, but such as can be more advantageously lodged in the
general government, than in that of the separate states.
For instance, the states cannot emit money: This is not intended to
prevent the emission of paper money, but only of state paper money. Is
not this an advantage? To have thirteen paper currencies in thirteen
states is embarrassing to commerce, and eminently so to travellers.
It is _therefore_, obviously our interest, either to have no paper,
or such as will circulate from Georgia to New Hampshire. Take another
instance—the Congress are authorized to provide and maintain a
navy.—Our sea-coast, in its whole extent needs the protection
thereof; but if this was to be done [6] by the states, they who build
ships, would be more secure than they who do not. Again, if the local
legislatures might build ships of war at pleasure, the Eastern would
have a manifest superiority over the Southern states. Observe, how
much better this business is referred to the regulations of Congress.
A common navy, paid out of the common treasury, and to be disposed
of by the united voice of a majority for the common defence of the
weaker as well as of the stronger states, is promised, and will result
from the federal constitution. Suffer not yourselves to be imposed
on by declamation. Ask the man who objects to the powers of Congress
two questions, _is_ it not necessary that the supposed dangerous
power should be lodged somewhere? And secondly, where can it be
lodged, consistently with the general good, so well as in the general
government? Decide for yourselves on these obvious principles of union.
It has been objected, that the eastern states have an advantage in
their representation in Congress. Let us examine this objection—the
four eastern states send seventeen members to the house of
representatives, but Georgia, South-Carolina, North-Carolina and
Virginia, send twenty-three. The six northern states send twenty-seven,
the six southern thirty. In both cases, we have a superiority;—but,
say the objectors, add Pennsylvania to the northern states, and there
is a majority against us. It is obvious to reply, add Pennsylvania to
the southern states, and they have a majority. The objection amounts to
no more than that seven are more than six. It must be known to many of
you, that the Southern states, from their vast extent of uncultivated
country, are daily receiving new settlers; but in New England their
country is [7] so small, and their land so poor, that their inhabitants
are constantly emigrating. As the rule of representation in Congress
is to vary with the number of inhabitants, our influence in the
general government will be constantly increasing. In fifty years, it
is probable that the Southern states will have a great ascendancy
over the Eastern. It has been said that thirty-five men, not elected
by yourselves, may make laws to bind you. This objection, if it has
any force, tends to the destruction of your state government. By our
constitution, sixty-nine make a quorum; of course, thirty-five members
may make a law to bind all the people of South-Carolina.—Charleston,
and any one of the neighboring parishes send collectively thirty-six
members; it is therefore possible, in the absence of all others, that
three of the lower parishes might legislate for the whole country.
Would this be a valid objection against your own constitution? It
certainly would not—neither is it against the proposed federal plan.
Learn from it this useful lesson—insist on the constant attendance of
your members, both in the state assembly, and Continental Congress;
your representation in the latter, is as numerous in a relative
proportion with the other states as it ought to be. You have a
thirteenth part in both houses; and you are not, on principles of
equality, entitled to more.
It has been objected, that the president, and two-thirds of the senate,
though not of your election, may make treaties binding on the state.
Ask these objectors—do you wish to have any treaties? They will say
yes. Ask then who can be more properly trusted with the power of making
them, than they to whom the convention have referred it? Can the state
legislature? They would con- [8] sult their local interests.—Can the
Continental House of Representatives? When sixty-five men can keep a
secret, they may.—Observe the cautious guards which are placed round
your interests. Neither the senate nor president can make treaties by
their separate authority.—They must both concur.—This is more in
your favour than the footing on which you now stand. The delegates in
Congress of nine states, without your consent, can now bind you; by the
new constitution there must be two-thirds of the members present, and
also the president, in whose election you have a vote. Two-thirds are
to the whole, nearly as nine to thirteen. If you are not wanting to
yourselves by neglecting to keep up the state’s compliment of senators,
your situation with regard to preventing the controul of your local
interests by the Northern states, will be better under the proposed
constitution than it is now under the existing confederation.
It has been said, we will have a navigation act, and be restricted to
American bottoms, and that high freight will be the consequence. We
certainly ought to have a navigation act, and we assuredly ought to
give a preference, though not a monopoly, to our own shipping.
If this state is invaded by a maritime force, to whom can we apply for
immediate aid?—To Virginia and North-Carolina? Before they can march
by land to our assistance, the country may be overrun. The Eastern
states, abounding in men and in ships, can sooner relieve us, than
our next door neighbours. It is therefore not only our duty, but our
interest to encourage their shipping. They have sufficient resources on
a few months notice, to furnish tonnage enough to carry off all your
exports; and they can afford, and doubtless will undertake [9] to be
your carriers on as easy terms as you now pay for freight in foreign
bottoms.
On this subject, let us consider what we have gained, also what they
have lost, by the revolution. We have gained a free trade with all the
world, and consequently a higher price for our commodities; it may be
said, and so have they. But they who reply in this manner, ought to
know, that there is an amazing difference in our favour; their country
affords no valuable exports, and of course the privilege of a free
trade is to them of little value, while our staple commodity commands
a higher price than was usual before the war. We have also gained
an exemption from quit-rents, to which the eastern states were not
subjected. Connecticut and Rhode Island were nearly as free before the
revolution as since. They had no royal governor or councils to controul
them, or to legislate for them. Massachusetts and New Hampshire were
much nearer independence in their late constitution than we were. The
eastern states, by the revolution, have been deprived of a market for
their fish, of their carrying trade, their ship-building, and almost of
every thing but their liberties.
As the war has turned out so much in our favour, and so much against
them, ought we to grudge them the carrying of our produce, especially
when it is considered, that by encouraging their shipping, we increase
the means of our own defence? Let us examine also the federal
constitution, by the principles of reciprocal concession. We have
laid a foundation for a navigation act. This will be a general good;
but particularly so to our northern brethren. On the other hand,
they have agreed to change the federal rule of paying the continental
debt, according to the value of land, as laid down in the confede- [10]
ration, for a new principle of apportionment, to be founded on the
numbers of inhabitants in the several states respectively. This is
an immense concession in our favour. Their land is poor; our’s rich;
their numbers great; our’s small; labour with them is done by white
men, for whom they pay an equal share; while five of our negroes only
count as equal to three of their whites. This will make a difference of
many thousands of pounds in settling our continental accounts. It is
farther objected, that they have stipulated for a right to prohibit the
importation of negroes after 21 years. On this subject observe, as they
are bound to protect us from domestic violence, they think we ought
not to increase our exposure to that evil, by an unlimited importation
of slaves. Though Congress may forbid the importation of negroes after
21 years, it does not follow that they will. On the other hand, it is
probable that they will not. The more rice we make, the more business
will be for their shipping; their interest will therefore coincide with
our’s. Besides, we have other sources of supply—the importation of the
ensuing 20 years, added to the natural increase of those we already
have, and the influx from our northern neighbours, who are desirous
of getting rid of their slaves, will afford a sufficient number for
cultivating all the lands in this state.
Let us suppose the union to be dissolved by the rejection of the new
constitution, what would be our case? The united states owe several
millions of dollars to France, Spain, and Holland. If an efficient
government is not adopted, which will provide for the payment of our
debt, especially of that which is due to foreigners—who will be the
losers? Most certainly the southern states. Our ex- [11] ports, as
being the most valuable, would be the first objects of capture on
the high seas, or descents would be made on our defenceless coasts,
till the creditors of the United States had paid themselves at the
expense of this weaker part of the union. Let us also compare the
present confederation with the proposed constitution. The former can
neither protect us at home, nor gain us respect abroad; it cannot
secure the payment of our debts, nor command the resources of our
country, in case of danger. Without money, without a navy, or the means
of even supporting an army of our own citizens in the field, we lie
at the mercy of every invader; our seaport towns may be laid under
contribution, and our country ravaged.
By the new constitution, you will be protected with the force of the
union, against domestic violence and foreign invasion. You will have a
navy to defend your coast.—The respectable figure you will make among
the nations, will so far command the attention of foreign powers, that
it is probable you will soon obtain such commercial treaties, as will
open to your vessels the West-India islands, and give life to your
expiring commerce.
In a country like our’s, abounding with free men all of one rank,
where property is equally diffused, where estates are held in fee
simple, the press free, and the means of information common, tyranny
cannot reasonably find admission under any form of government; but
its admission is next to impossible under one where the people
are the source of all power, and elect either mediately by their
representatives, or immediately by themselves the whole of their rulers.
Examine the new constitution with candor and liberality. Indulge no
narrow prejudices to the disadvantage of your brethren of the [12]
other states; consider the people of all the thirteen states, as a
band of brethren, speaking the same language, professing the same
religion, inhabiting one undivided country, and designed by heaven
to be one people. Content that what regards all the states should be
managed by that body which represents all of them; be on your guard
against the misrepresentations of men who are involved in debt; such
may wish to see the constitution rejected, because of the following
clause, “no state shall emit bills of credit, make any thing but
gold and silver coin, a tender in payment of debts, pass any _expost
facto_ law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts.” This will
doubtless bear hard on debtors who wish to defraud their creditors,
but it will be real service to the honest part of the community.
Examine well the characters and circumstances of men who are averse
to the new constitution. Perhaps you will find that the above recited
clause is the real ground of the opposition of some of them, though
they may artfully cover it with a splendid profession of zeal for state
privileges and general liberty.
On the whole, if the proposed constitution be not calculated to better
your country, and to secure to you the blessings for which you have
so successfully contended, reject it: but if it be an improvement on
the present confederation, and contains within itself the principles
of farther improvement suited to future circumstances, join the mighty
current of federalism, and give it your hearty support. You were among
the first states that formed an independent constitution; be not among
the last in accepting and ratifying the proposed plan of federal
government; it is your sheet anchor; and without it independence may
prove a curse.