Not as a Tribute to the Worth, which no Acknowledgement, or
Distinctions, can reward; but to do himself an Honour, which, by
labouring in the same Common Cause, he flatters himself, in some
Degree, he hath deserved; the Author begs Leave to inscribe the
following imperfect Essay.
It is my intention, with all possible plainness, to examine the
proposed plan of a Federal Government. Its enemies and its advocates
have laid particular stress on the names, wherewith it is subscribed.
As one side would obtain your implicit assent, by a reference to
characters, and as the other would defeat measures by exciting your
jealousy of men, permit me, in the first place, to make some general
observations on the persons who composed the late memorable convention.
In general, they had been distinguished by their talents and services.
They were not principally the men to whom the idea of the convention
first suggested itself, and it is notorious that, in general, they
accepted their appointments with reluctance. It would seem, however,
according to some vague insinuations, that, no sooner did they find
themselves convened, than their natures changed; and fatally have they
combined for the destruction of your liberties. Now this altogether
shocks my faith. I should sooner imagine that the sacredness of the
trust, the unparalleled grandeur of the occasion, and the fellowship of
the great and good, might have elevated the soul of the most abandoned
wretch, had it been possible for such to obtain a seat in that
illustrious assemblage.
If those, who would inspire suspicion and distrust, can suggest any
precise idea, it must be this, that the members of the convention will
be elected into the first federal congress, and there combining again
will compose a body capable of bearing down all opposition to their own
aggrandisement.
By their scheme, however, thus deeply concerted, the house of
representatives is to be chosen by the people once in [6] two years;
and if they have acted so as to warrant any reasonable apprehension of
their designs, it will be easy at any time, to prevent their election.
The truth is, that very few of them either wish to be elected, or
would consent to serve, either in that house, or in the senate. I have
exercised my imagination to devise in what manner they or any other
men, supposing them to bear full sway in both houses, could erect
this imaginary fabric of power. I request any person to point out any
law, or system of laws, that could be possibly contrived for that
purpose, obtain the final assent of each branch, and be carried into
effect, contrary to the interests and wishes of a free, intelligent,
prying people, accustomed to the most unbounded freedom of inquiry. To
begin by an attempt to restrain the press, instead of promoting their
designs, would be the most effectual thing to prevent them.
I am apprized of the _almost_ universal disposition for the increase
and abuse of authority. But if we are to withhold power because there
is a possibility of its perversion, we must abolish government, and
submit to those evils, which it was intended to prevent. The perfection
of political science consists chiefly in _providing mutual checks
amongst the several departments of power, preserving at the same time,
the dependance of the greatest on the people_. I speak with reference
to a single government. The necessity of another species of government,
for the mutual defence and protection of these American states, no man
of sense and honesty, that I know of, has ever yet denied.
The convention had the above principle constantly in their view. They
have contrived, that it shall be extremely difficult, if not altogether
impracticable, for any person to exceed or abuse his lawful authority.
There is nothing in their plan like the cloathing of individuals
with power, for their own gratification. Every delegation, and every
advantage that may be derived to individuals, has a strict reference to
the general good.
To examine their constitution, by article and section, would be a
painful and needless undertaking. I shall endeavor to answer such
objections, as I have already heard, to anticipate others; to point out
some advantages not generally [7] known; and to correct certain errors,
with respect to construction. When the convention was appointed, I much
feared that the numerous seeds, and principles of discord amongst the
states, would, for ever, prevent them from agreeing to any efficient
system whatever. I apprehended, in particular, that the dispute about
representation would be the rock, on which the vessel containing all
our hopes would be dashed. When, therefore, I discerned that equitable
compromise between the larger and lesser states, my anxiety was
instantly removed, and my soul enlightened by a sudden ray.
How then was I, some months after, disgusted at the repetition, of the
arguments respecting the inequality of representatives in the first
branch. We were told, that the minority in convention reasoned on
first principles, that, as all men, in a state of nature, are equal
with respect to rights, so also are equal all separate and distinct
states;—that, when individuals form a free government, they must
all have equal suffrage, either in framing laws by themselves, or in
choosing representatives, although one man be ten times stronger,
richer, or wiser than another; so also, when several states unite,
for common convenience, they must meet on terms of perfect equality,
although one be ten times more wealthy, expensive and populous than
another;—that, under our present compact, the states are equal, and
that no injury has resulted from the equality.
To these arguments, we may imagine, was opposed something like the
following: “You talk of first principles, and, at the same time, would
let 180,000 free inhabitants of Maryland have no more to do in the
choice of representatives than only 30,000 inhabitants of Delaware. Do
you propose, that these 30,000 shall bear an equal part of burthens and
impositions? As to no injury having resulted from the equality, as you
call it, under the articles of confederation, we think the reverse; and
that this pretended(61) equality was a poison, which pervaded all our
affairs.” [8]
The anticipation of arguments like these had raised those apprehensions
of an irreconcilable difference. It were needless to repeat more. Had
an angel been the umpire, he could propose no expedient more equitable
and more politic, not only as a compromise, but to establish such a
decided difference between the two branches of congress, as will make
them, indeed, two distinct bodies, operating by way of mutual balance
and check.
By this expedient, is safety secured to the lesser states, as
completely as if the senate were the only legislative body. It is
possible (_if such a thing can be devised_) that, from the inequality
in the first branch, propositions will be made to give the larger
states some advantage over the lesser; but the equality in the senate
will, for ever, preclude its adoption. It is well worthy of remark,
that not more than three of the thirteen are, at present, deemed larger
states, in the peculiar sense of the word. There is no reason for
supposing, in the federal, like a state, legislature, the senate will
be intimidated or overawed, by the more numerous branch. A demagogue
may declaim, rave, menace and foam, with as little impression as the
roaring billows produce upon the solid [9] beach. Were it not for this
equality in one, and inequality in the other, a jealousy might be
entertained of too perfect a coincidence of sentiment.
The convention has been censured for an excess of its authority. But
with no other power was it invested, than is possessed by every free
citizen of the states. Its office was to advise, and no further has
it proceeded. Had it been even invested with full powers to amend the
present compact, their proposed plan would not have exceeded their
trust. Amendment, in parliamentary language, means either addition,
or diminution, or striking out the whole, and substituting something
in its room. The convention were not limited. The states did not tell
them, this article must stand, this must be struck out, and this may
be altered. The avowed object of a convention was to consult on the
additional power necessary to be vested in congress. But the members
of this convention perceiving, from the experience of these states,
from the history of ancient and modern states, and, I may add, from
the principles of human nature, that the same body of men ought not
to make and execute laws; and that one body alone ought not to do
the first, have separated the executive, so far as was proper, from
the legislative; and this last they have divided into two branches,
composed of different materials, distinct from, and totally independent
of, each other.
The house of representatives(62) is to be the immediate choice of the
people, and one man is to represent 30,000 souls. In an affair of so
much importance, and in districts containing so many suffrages, it is
not to be supposed, that a worthless character will succeed by those
arts, which have, sometimes, prevailed in county elections. It is to
be expected, that, in general, the people will choose men of talents
and character. Were they even so inclined, they can choose none but
of ripe age, who have been, at least, seven [10] years citizens of
the United States, and, at the time of election, residents of the
respective state. Whatever laws shall be proposed, or assented to
by these men, are to bind themselves, their children, and their
connections. If a single man, or a party, shall propose a measure,
calculated to promote private interest, at the expense of public good,
is it conceivable, that the whole house will be brought into the
measure? Suppose it should. The measure cannot be adopted into a law,
without the concurrence of another house, consisting of men still more
select, possessing superior qualifications of residence and age, and
equally bound by the laws. After gaining the assent of the senate, the
bill must be submitted to the objections of the president. He is not
in any manner dependent on the legislature, which can, in no manner,
punish him, except for some crime known to the laws. He is elected by
persons chosen for that special purpose. He receives a compensation,
which cannot be diminished or increased, during his continuance in
office. The term of his commission is limited to four years, unless
he shall have acted so as to merit the people’s favour. From the mode
of his election, it is impossible he can intrigue to advantage; and,
from the nature of other things, he will never succeed by bribery and
corruption. Like any other individual, he is liable to punishment.
Finally, at the expiration of his office, he returns into the mass of
the people.
In spite of all these circumstances, an idea is gone forth amongst
the enemies of the plan, and they labour to impress it on your minds,
that whatever power may be exercised by these delegates of the people,
will be used contrary to the interests of their constituents. This is
a supposition, so repulsive to my mind, that I wonder any man of the
least generosity, or reflection, can possibly adopt it. The assembly of
Maryland, with respect to internal regulations, is almost omnipotent.
And yet, is there a man who supposes the assembly would, intentionally,
pass laws injurious to the people? Why then should we distrust the
federal assembly, chosen for a short term, bound by the same ties, and
selected on account of their talents and patriotism?
But, say the objectors, although we might probably confide with safety
in congress, it is not consistent with prudence [11], without a
manifest necessity, to empower any men to do us an injury.
Whenever the proposed plan delegates authority, which you imagine might
safely be denied, be assured, that a little reflection will suggest
abundant reason for granting it. At the same time you may be convinced,
that, as some powers were not intended to be exercised, so they never
will be exercised, without absolute necessity.
I have been amused by the writings of an avowed friend to the plan.
“Let no man,” says he, “think of proposing amendments. Should each
person object, and should his objections prevail, not a title of the
system will be left. You are to accept the whole, or reject the whole.”
After speaking in this very sensible way, he advises the states to
reject, with unanimity and firmness, the following provision.
“Art. I, sect. 4. The times, places, and manner of holding elections
for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each state, by
the legislature thereof; _but the congress may, at any time, by law,
make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing
senators_.”
Can this writer imagine, that congress will presume to use this
power, without the occurrence of some one or more of the cases, the
contemplation whereof induced the convention to create it. These are
the cases of invasion by a foreign power; of neglect, or obstinate
refusal, in a state legislature; of the prevalance of a party,
prescribing so as to suit a sinister purpose, or injure the general
government. Others might perhaps occur in the convention. But these may
suffice to evince the propriety of such a power in the federal head. It
was never meant, that congress should at any time interfere, unless on
the failure of a state lagislature, or to alter such regulations as may
be obviously improper. The exercise of this power must at all times be
so very invidious, that congress, will not venture upon it without some
very cogent and substantial reason. Let congress, even officiously,
exert every power given by this clause, the representatives must still
be chosen by the people, and the senate by the state legislatures. The
provision cannot by any possibility admit of a different construction.
[12]
Should the bare appointment to congress have the magic to pervert
the tempers and principles of men, I perceive not the temptation
for abusing this, or any other of their powers. There are bad men
to be found at times, in every numerous assembly. But, under all
circumstances, I predict, that, in congress, their party will be small.
Should there be thither sent the most prostituted character, that
ever acted, like a pest, to his own state; should he possess talents
superior to the rest, I should have little dread of his influence,
unless I could suppose, that a majority of like characters may be
chosen. Even then, I repeat it—they will be under no temptation
sufficient to influence a sensible mind; and no man of ripe age was
ever yet wicked for the sake of wickedness alone.
You have heard, that, by the privilege of nominating persons to office,
the president will find the congress obsequious enough to pass any
laws, he shall think fit to propose. It is incumbent on the authors
of this suggestion to show some interest in the president, inducing
him to propose prejudicial measures. I have remarked, that under the
constitution, his salary can be neither augmented nor curtailed,
during his commission; and, to change the constitution, is not in
the power of congress. Should he, however, devise, and endeavour to
procure, some dangerous act of the body, can we conceive, that this
lure will be powerful enough to corrupt a majority in each house. No
member can be appointed to an office, created, or of which the profits
shall be increased, during the time for which he was elected. And the
expectation of such, as may fall vacant, within four years, will hardly
corrupt even the smallest number, that can, in any possible case,
be a majority, in the two houses. To make the members of each house
ineligible to any other office whatever, would be even impolitic, on
account of its precluding these states from the services perhaps of
its best men. And it would be unjust to deny men the possibility of
benefits, which might be attained by others less deserving.
In ascertaining and defining this obvious principle, the convention
evidently pursued this obvious principle, that all [13] things, which
concern the union in general, should be regulated by the federal head;
and that each state legislature should regulate those things, which
concern only its own internal government, together with the separate
interests of its citizens. The enemies of the proposed constitution
have deemed it material to shew, that such a one never existed before.
It does not indeed agree with definitions in books, taken from the
Amphyctyonic council, the United Netherlands, or the Helvetic body.
They would therefore infer, that it is wrong. This mode of reasoning
deserves not a serious refutation. The convention examined those
several constitutions, if such a thing they can be called. It found
them either woefully defective, as to their own particular object, or
inapplicable to ours. Peradventure, our own articles of confederation,
in theory, appear more perfect than any of them. These articles were
made according to rule; the legislative and executive authorities being
vested in one assembly. The extreme caution of its framers to secure
the independence of the several states, on account of its principle,
was much to be commended. But experience having fully demonstrated
this constitution to be inadequate to the purposes for which it was
framed, and a general conviction of its defects having occasioned the
convention, it is astonishing, that attempts are now made to prefer
still a theory, not founded on the nature of things, but derived merely
from a few deplorable examples. If two branches in a state legislature
be proper, why, in the name of common sense, are they not so in a
confederate legislature?—Many instances of hasty unadvised proceedings
of congress, as a legislature, have by other writers been adduced;
and so long as mankind shall remain under the influence of passion or
interest, there will be such proceedings in every numerous assembly of
men.
It is universally, by good writers, agreed, that where any one
political body possesses _full_ powers, legislative and executive,
whether it be a single man, or a select few, or a numerous assembly, it
matters not;—the government must, in a short time, become despotic.
That in a free government, therefore, the legislative and executive
ought to be ever distinct and separate, is a position in the Maryland
de- [14] claration of rights. This hackneyed principle, has been urged,
with great confidence, against constituting the senate a council to the
president. It has been urged too, even by the men who would have the
whole power of the federal government centred in a single assembly. I
mean the men who insist that the convention ought to have done no more
than advise in what manner the powers of the present congress should
be increased. Let us understand the principle in its proper extent. It
does not follow, that a body, whose assent is required, in making laws,
but who cannot, by themselves, do any legislative act, may not be a fit
council to the supreme executive magistrate, deriving his authority,
like them, from the people, in no manner dependent on them, or the
immediate of the people, for any private advantage, and possessed of no
share in legislation, except that of offering his advice.
The objection to this part of the constitution, I confess, at first,
appeared formidable. The reasons which I now conjecture to have
influenced the convention, did not then occur. But I have long adhered
to a maxim, which I warmly recommend to others—never to condemn,
absolutely, even within myself, any one kind, until I can hit upon
some other kind which I _conceive_ better. As no human institution can
possess absolute perfection, it is an easy matter to espy some fault
or defect in almost everything, which the wit of man can contrive, or
at least, to reason plausibly against it. But this faculty of finding
faults is by no means sufficient to constitute the politician or
statesman. I deliberated what kind of council might be preferable,
under all circumstances, to the senate. The plainest thing in nature!
Exclaims he, who solves all difficulties at once. Why not appoint a
body to act as council and nothing else?
One reason, and that not very unpopular, is the great additional
expence. However, this reason I deem the lightest of all; and the
general proposition involves a great variety of other considerations.
It is essential to a council, that the members be free, as possible,
from all bias, or improper influence. This separate and distinct
council must be elected by the people, or [15] by special electors; by
the legislature, or by one of its branches; or by some department; or
by the president.
That the people should either make laws to bind themselves, or elect
persons, without whose consent, no laws shall be made, is essential
to their freedom. But universal experience forbids, that they should
immediately choose persons for the execution of the laws. Shall the
legislature then, or the senate, or the house of representatives,
have this appointment? A council thus chosen would be dependent on
its electors; and it would be the same thing in many respects, as if
the legislature should execute its own laws. Can you believe, that a
council, chosen annually, or once in two or three years, would dare to
pursue, in all cases, the dictates of its own judgment, contrary to
the known will of those, who will soon have an opportunity of removing
them? Would they not be emulous to please leading men; and there not
be opened, at every period of election, a fine field for intrigue and
cabal? There would be one way only of rendering a council, thus chosen,
independent of their electors; and that is, the choosing them for life,
with salaries, not to be augmented or diminished.
Against choosing an executive for life the reasons are weighty indeed.
Should they then hold their commissions during good behaviour, there
must be some tribunal to determine on that good behaviour; and what
body it can be, except the congress, would be difficult to decide.
Besides good behaviour in a member of council is not determinable, like
that of a judge, which has relation to the laws, and things universally
known. In the office of the former, there is much left to discretion,
that I cannot conceive with what propriety he can hold it on the
condition of good behaviour. There can be no sure criterion, and the
decision must therefore unavoidably depend on the discretion or mere
opinion of his judges, founded on no established principles whatever.
A council, chosen by the president himself, would probably consist
of creatures devoted to his will. I can discern no reason, wherefore
any officer of the government [16] should make the appointment. There
remains then only the people’s choosing electors, and placing the
council of the president on the same footing with himself. Here occurs
the objection of expence; and here again would arise the controversy
respecting equality of representation.
The senate, will, in all human likelihood, consist of the most
important characters, men of enlightened minds, mature in judgment,
independent in their circumstances, and not deriving their principal
subsistence from their pay, as probably would the members of a board,
distinct and separate from all other public employments.
I am not, therefore, barely reconciled to the article in question. It
commands my warmest admiration, and entire applause.
Is there any power improperly trusted to that select assembly, in which
all the states have equal interest, and to which they will assuredly
make a determined point of sending their best men? It is this
equality, almost as much as any other circumstance, which recommends it
as an executive council. The senate are to try impeachments. By their
advice only, may the president make treaties, appoint ambassadors,
ministers, counsels, judges of the supreme court, and officers, not
otherwise provided for in the constitution. Let us reflect, whether
these things could be better done, by any other body, and whether it be
proper for any one man (suppose even the saviour of his country to be
immortal) to have the appointment of all those important officers. It
has always appeared to me, that neither one man, nor many men, should
possess this transcendent authority, in a republic. A single man, in
high power, if he always means right, can with difficulty discern the
true characters of men. Continual efforts are made to impose on his
judgment. But, indeed, a single man _generally_ confers by favour.
In a large assembly there is perhaps equal partiality; and elections
are conducted by intrigue and cabal. A select assembly is open to
direct application; and although each may be supposed to entertain his
partialities, he cannot recommend his favourites, without pointing
out their essential qualifications and becoming, in some measure,
responsible for their conduct. It is here, that characters are most
fairly [17] investigated, and appointments are most deliberately made.
I appeal to universal experience, whether these remarks be not founded
on fact, and whether the most judicious appointments have not been made
by small select assemblies. I confess, that the number of the senators
for this purpose only is excessive. But I can confidently rely on the
extraordinary selection to compensate for the excess.
The power of the president is alarming peculiarly to that class, who
cannot bear to view others in possession of that fancied blessing, to
which, alas! they must themselves aspire in vain. They tell you, this
supreme magistrate, although he be called the modest name of president,
and elected for only four years, will, in every essential, be an
emperor, king, or stadt-holder at least; and that his dignity in a few
years, will become hereditary. Let us examine the foundation of this
alarming prediction.
Before this appointment can be _entailed_, and before even the term
can be enlarged, the constitution must be changed, by consent of
the people. By what method, then, shall the president effect this
alteration? Every citizen in the union will be a censor on his conduct.
Not even his person is particularly protected; and the means of
oppression are little in his power. Let the jealousy of the people once
take the alarm, and, at the expiration of his term, he is dismissed, as
inevitably as light succeeds to darkness. The election of a president
is not carried on in a single assembly, where the several arts of
corruption may be essayed. He is elected by persons chosen on the same
day, in thirteen different assemblies, in thirteen different states.
An elective monarchy has long been severely reprobated. But had the
countries, where it prevailed, enjoyed regulations like these, they
would perhaps, at this time, be preferred to the rules of hereditary
succession, which have so often placed fools and tyrants on the throne.
It seems, however, that the president may possibly be continued for
life. He may so, provided he deserve it. If [18] not, he retires to
obscurity, without even the consolation of having produced any of the
convulsions, attendant usually on grand revolutions. Should he be
wicked or frantic enough to make the attempt, he atones for it, with
the certain loss of wealth, liberty or life.
I return to the powers of congress. They are almost universally
admitted to be proper for a federal head, except only the _sweeping
clause_, and the power of raising fleets and armies, without any stint
or limitation, in time of peace. The clause runs thus:—
ART. I, sec. 8, par. the last. “To make all laws, which shall be
necessary and be proper for carrying into execution the foregoing
powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution, in the
government of the United States, or in any department or officer
thereof.”
It is apprehended, that this _sweeping clause_ will afford pretext, for
freeing congress from all constitutional restraints.
I will not here again insist on the pledge we enjoy, in the common
interest, and sure attachment of the representatives and senate;
setting aside the little probability of a majority in each branch lying
under the same temptation. Consider the import of the words.
I take the construction of these words to be precisely the same, as
if the clause had preceded further and said, “No act of congress
shall be valid, unless it have relation to the foregoing powers, and
be necessary and proper for carrying them into execution.” But say
the objectors, “The congress, being itself to judge of the necessity
and propriety, may pass any act, which it may deem _expedient_, for
any other purpose.” This objection applies with equal force to each
particular power, defined by the constitution; and, if there were a
bill of rights, congress might be said to be the judge of that also.
They may reflect however, that every judge in the union, whether of
federal or state appointment, (and some persons would say every jury)
will have a right to reject any act, handed to him as a law, which he
may conceive repugnant to the constitution.
It may nevertheless strike you at first view, that a provision, so
obviously apt to excite distrust, might have well [19] been omitted.
So indeed it might, were there a possibility of providing every thing,
necessary and proper, for carrying into effect the various powers,
intended to be conferred. Without this general clause, it were easy to
suppose cases, wherein a particular clause might be incompetent to its
own purpose.
For want of some plain and obvious distinctions, there has been vented
so much senseless clamour against standing armies, that they are become
a political bugbear. A limited monarch, with the means of maintaining,
at all times, an army devoted to his will, might soon trample on the
natural and civil rights of his subjects. Could the present congress
find means of augmenting the force, which it now maintains, which of
you, on that account, would experience the slightest anxiety? Which of
all the European powers is destitute of an army? Which of them if they
were free, could be secure of remaining so without a standing force?
I might go further, and demand, whether any of them have lost their
liberties, by means of a _standing_ army? The troops, continually
kept up in Great Britain, are formidable to its neighbors, and yet no
rational Englishman apprehends the destruction of his rights. It is
true, that he knows, these troops cannot be maintained, without the
consent of his representatives, annually obtained. But the necessity
of an army he readily conceives; and the number he leaves to the
discretion of parliament. Ought then an American to have greater fears
of a president, than an Englishman has of his king? Or may he not trust
his representatives and the senate, with as much confidence, as the
Englishman reposes in the commons and lords?
Let the federal head be constituted as it may, there can be no perfect
security, without both a land force, and naval armament. It is
impossible to say how much will, at all times of peace, be sufficient.
We have the same security against the abuse of this, as of any other
authority. The expenses of an army might indeed raise fears of a
different kind,—that we shall not be able to maintain force enough for
the most proper occasion.
Suppose a limitation in time of peace. What then is to be done on
the prospect of a war? Should you make the [20] distinction between
profound peace and a _threatened_ war, who is there, but congress, to
determine on the exigency? If you make no distinction, then it will be
expedient to declare war, at the instant in which the danger shall be
conceived, in order that it may be lawful to prepare for only a just
defence. In fine, I consider this grand objection, as a mere pretext
for terrifying you, like children, with spectres and hobgoblins. It may
be material here to remark, that although a well regulated militia has
ever been considered as the true defence of a free republic, there are
always honest purposes, which are not to be answered by a militia. If
they were, the burthen of the militia would be so great, that a free
people would, by no means, be willing to sustain it. If indeed it be
possible in the nature of things, that congress shall, at any future
period, alarm us by an improper augmentation of troops, could we not,
in that case, depend on the militia, which is ourselves. In such a
case it would be ridiculous to urge that the federal government, is
invested with a power over the whole militia of the union. Even when
congress shall exercise this power, on the most proper occasions, it is
provided in the constitution, that each state shall officer and train
its own militia.
The objections against the judiciary are probably more sincere. The
article has been generally misconceived, or misrepresented; and after
bestowing much attention, I am not certain that I fully comprehend
it. I am, however, at length satisfied, that no rational construction
can be given to this part of the proposed plan, either to warrant a
rejection of the whole, or to place matters on a worse footing, than
they are at present.
The judiciary power is to be vested in one supreme court, fixed at the
seat of government, with the ease and convenience of the people, the
congress may hereafter appoint inferior courts in each of the states.
The jurisdiction of this supreme court is to be partly original, and
partly appellate. With respect to the extent of either, there can be no
possible doubt, as there is neither ambiguity nor uncertainty in the
relative expressions. [21].