[72] LETTER IX.
When the sentiments of some objectors, concerning the British
constitution, are considered, it is surprising, that they should
apprehend so much danger to United America, as, they say, will attend
the ratification of the plan proposed to us, by the late federal
convention.
These gentlemen will acknowledge, that Britain has sustained many
internal convulsions, and many foreign wars, with a gradual advancement
in freedom, power, and prosperity. They will acknowledge, that no
nation has existed that ever so perfectly united those distant
extremes, private security of life, liberty, and property, with
exertion of public force—so advantageously combined the various
powers of militia, troops, and fleets—or so happily blended together
arms, arts, science, commerce, and agriculture. From what spring has
flowed this stream of happiness? The gentlemen will acknowledge, that
these advantages are derived from a single democratical branch in her
legislature. They will also acknowledge, that in this branch, called
the house of commons, only one hundred and thirty-one are members for
counties: that nearly one half of the whole house is chosen by about
five thousand seven hundred persons, mostly of no property; that
fifty-six members are elected by about three hundred and seventy [73]
persons, and the rest in an enormous disproportion(58) to the numbers
of inhabitants who ought to vote.(59)
Thus are all the millions of people in that kingdom, said to be
represented in the house of commons.
Let the gentlemen be so good, on a subject so familiar to them, as to
make a comparison between the British constitution, and that proposed
to us. Questions like these will then probably present themselves:
Is there more danger to our liberty, from such a president as we are
to have, than to that of Britons from an hereditary monarch with a
vast revenue—absolute in the erection and disposal of offices, and
in the exercise of the whole executive power—in the command of the
militia, fleets, and armies, and the direction of their operations—in
the establishments of fairs and markets, the regulation of weights
and measures, and coining of money—who can call parliaments with a
breath, and dissolve them with a nod—who can, at his will, make war,
peace, and treaties irrevocably binding the nation—and who can [74]
grant pardons and titles of nobility, as it pleases him? Is there more
danger to us, from twenty-six senators, or double the number, than
to Britons, from an hereditary aristocratic body, consisting of many
hundreds, possessed of enormous wealth in lands and money—strengthened
by a host of dependants—and who, availing themselves of defects in the
constitution, send many of these into the house of commons—who hold a
third part of the legislative power in their own hands—and who form
the highest court of judicature in the nation? Is there more danger to
us, from a house of representatives, to be chosen by all the freemen
of the union, every two years, than to Britons, from such a sort of
representation as they have in the house of commons, the members of
which, too, are chosen but every seven years? Is there more danger to
us, from the intended federal officers, than to Britons, from such a
monarch, aristocracy, and house of commons together? _What bodies_
are there in Britain, vested with such capacities for enquiring into,
checking, and regulating the conduct of national affairs, _as our
sovereign states_? What proportion does the number of _free holders_
in Britain bear to the number of people? And what is the proportion in
United America?
If any person, after considering such questions, shall say, there will
be more danger to our freedom under the proposed plan, than to that of
Britons under their constitution, he must mean, that Americans are,
or will be, beyond all comparison, inferior to Britons in under- [75]
standing and virtue; otherwise, with a constitution and government,
every branch of which is so extremely popular, they certainly might
guard their rights, at least at well, as Britons can guard theirs,
under such political institutions as they have; unless the person has
some inclination to an opinion, that monarchy and aristocracy are
favourable to the preservation of their rights. If he has, he cannot
too soon recover himself. If ever monarchy or aristocracy appears in
this country, in must be in the hideous form of despotism.
What an infatuated, depraved people must Americans become, if, with
such unequalled advantages, committed to their trust in a manner
almost miraculous, they lose their liberty? Through a single organ of
representation, in the legislature only, of the kingdom just mentioned,
though that organ is diseased, such portions of popular sense and
integrity have been conveyed into the national councils, as have
purified other parts, and preserved the whole in its present state of
healthfulness. To their own vigour and attention, therefore, is that
people, under providence, indebted for the blessings they enjoy. They
have held, and now hold _the true balance_ in their government. While
they retain their enlightened spirit, they will continue to hold it;
and _if they regard what they owe to others_, as well as what they owe
to themselves, they will, most probably, continue to be happy.(60)
[76] They know, that there are powers that cannot be expressly limited,
without injury to themselves; and their magnanimity scorns any fear of
such powers. This magnanimity taught Charles the first, that he was but
a royal servant; and this magnanimity caused James the second’s army,
raised, paid, and kept up by himself, to confound him with huzzas for
liberty.
They ask not for compacts, of which the national welfare, and, in
some cases, its existence, may demand violations. They despise such
dangerous provisions against danger.
They know, that all powers whatever, even those that, according to the
forms of the constitution [77], are irresistible and absolute, of which
there are many, ought to be exercised for the public good; and that
when they are used to the public detriment, they are unconstitutionally
exerted.
This plain text, commented upon by their experienced intelligence, has
led them safe through hazards of every kind: and they now are, what we
see them. Upon the review, one is almost tempted to believe, that their
insular situation, soil, climate, and some other circumstances, have
compounded a peculiarity of temperature, uncommonly favourable to the
union of reason and passion.
Certainly, ’tis very memorable, with what life, impartiality, and
prudence, they have interposed on great occasions; have by their
patriotism communicated temporary soundness to their disordered
representation; and have bid public confusions to cease. Two instances
out of many may suffice. The excellent William the third was distressed
by a house of commons. He dissolved the parliament, and appealed to the
people. They relieved him. His successor, the present king, in the like
distress, made the same appeal; and received equal relief.
Thus they have acted: but Americans, who have the same blood in their
veins, have, it seems, very different heads and hearts. We shall be
enslaved by a president, senators, and representatives, chosen by
ourselves, and continually rotating within the period of time assigned
for the continuance in office of members in the house of commons?
’Tis strange: but, we are told, ’tis true. It may be so. As we [78]
have our all at stake, let us enquire, in what way this event is to
be brought about. Is it to be before or after a general corruption of
manners? If after, it is not worth attention. The loss of happiness
then follows of course. If before, how is it to be accomplished? Will
a virtuous and sensible people choose villains or fools for their
officers? Or, if they should choose men of wisdom and integrity, will
these lose both or either, by taking their seats? If they should,
will not their places be quickly supplied by another choice? Is the
like derangement again, and again, and again, to be expected? Can any
man believe, that such astonishing phaænomena are to be looked for?
Was there ever an instance, where rulers, thus selected by the people
from their own body, have, in the manner apprehended, outraged their
own tender connexions, and the interests, feelings, and sentiments
of their affectionate and confiding countrymen? Is such a conduct
more likely to prevail in this age of mankind, than in the darker
periods that have preceded? Are men more disposed now than formerly,
to prefer uncertainties to certainties, things perilous and infamous
to those that are safe and honorable? Can all the mysteries of such
iniquity, be so wonderfully managed by treacherous rulers, that none
of their enlightened constituents, nor any of their honest associates,
acting with them in public bodies, shall ever be able to discover the
conspiracy, till at last it shall burst with destruction to the whole
federal constitution? Is it not ten thousand times less probable,
that such [79] transactions will happen, than it is, that we shall be
exposed to innumerable calamities, by rejecting the plan proposed, or
even by delaying to accept it?
Let us consider our affairs in another light. Our difference of
government, participation in commerce, improvement in policy, and
magnitude of power, can be no favourite objects of attention to
the Monarchies and Sovereignties of Europe. Our loss will be their
gain—our fall, their rise—our shame, their triumph. Divided, they may
distract, dictate, and destroy. United, their efforts will be waves
dashing themselves into foam against a rock. May our national character
be—an animated moderation, that seeks only its own, and will not be
satisfied with less.
To his beloved fellow-citizens of United America, the writer dedicates
this imperfect testimony of his affection, with fervent prayers, for a
perpetuity of freedom, virtue, piety, and felicity, to them and their
posterity.