[37] It has been considered, what are the rights to be contributed,
and how they are to be managed; and it has been said, that republican
tranquility and prosperity have commonly been promoted, in proportion
to the strength of government for protecting the worthy against the
licentious.
The protection herein mentioned, refers to cases between citizens and
citizens, or states and states: But there is also a protection to be
afforded to all the citizens, or states, against foreigners. It has
been asserted, that this protection never can be afforded, but under
an appropriation, collection, and application, of the general force,
by the will of the whole combination. This protection is in a degree
dependent on the former, as it may be weakened by internal discords
and especially where the worst party prevails. Hence it is evident,
that such establishments as tend most to protect the worthy against
the licentious, tends most to protect all against foreigners. This
position is found to be verified by indisputable facts, from which it
appears, that when nations have been, as it were, condemned for their
crimes, unless they first became suicides, foreigners have acted as
executioners.
This is not all. As government is intended for the happiness of
the people, the protection of the worthy against those of contrary
characters, is calculated to promote the end of legitimate government,
that is the general welfare; [38] for _the government will partake of
the qualities of those whose authority is prevalent_. If it be asked,
who are the worthy, we may be informed by a heathen poet—
“Vir bonus est quis?
“Qui consulta patrum, qui leges juraque servat.”(52)
The best foundations of this protection, that can be laid by man, are
a constitution and government secured, as well as can be, from the
undue influence of passions either in the people or their servants.
Then in a contest between citizens and citizens, or states and states,
the standard of laws may be displayed, explained and strengthened by
the well-remembered sentiments and examples of our fore-fathers,
which will give it a sanctity far superior to that of their eagles so
venerated by the former masters of the world. This circumstance will
carry powerful aids to the true friends of their country, and unless
counteracted by the follies of Pharsalia, or the accidents of Philippi,
may secure the blessings of freedom to succeeding ages.
It has been contended that the plan proposed to us, adequately secures
us against the influence of passions in the federal servants. Whether
it as adequately secures us against the influence of passions in the
people, or in particular states, time will determine, and _may the
determination be propituous_.
[39] Let us now consider the tragical play of the passions in similar
cases; or, in other words, the consequences of their irregularities.
Duly governed, they produce happiness.
Here the reader, is respectfully requested, to assist the intentions
of the writer, by keeping in mind, the ideas of a single republic with
one democratic branch in its government, and of a confederation of
republics with one or several democratic branches in the government of
the confederation, or in the government of its parts, so that as he
proceeds, a comparison may easily run along, between any of these and
the proposed plan.
History is entertaining and instructive; but if admired chiefly for
amusement, it may yield little profit. If read for improvement, it is
apprehended, a slight attention only will be paid to the vast variety
of particular incidents, unless they be such as may meliorate the
heart. A knowledge of the distinguishing features of nations, the
principles of their governments, the advantages and disadvantages
of their situations, the methods employed to avail themselves of
the first, and to alleviate the last, their manners, customs, and
institutions, the sources of events, their progresses, and determining
causes, may be eminently useful, tho’ obscurity may rest upon a
multitude of attending circumstances. Thus one nation may become
prudent and happy, not only by the wisdom and success, but even by the
errors and misfortunes of another.
[40] In Carthage and Rome, there was a very numerous senate,
strengthened by prodigious attachments, and in a great degree
independent of the people. In Athens, there was a senate strongly
supported by the powerful court of Areopagus. In each of these
republics, their affairs at length became convulsed, and their liberty
was subverted. What cause produced these effects? Encroachments of the
senate upon the authority of the people? No! but directly the reverse,
according so the unanimous voice of historians; that is, encroachments
of the people upon the authority of the senate. The people of these
republics absolutely _laboured_ for their own destruction; and never
thought themselves so free, as when they were promoting their own
subjugation. Though even after these encroachments had been made, and
ruin was spreading around, yet the remnants of senatorial authority
delayed the final catastrophe.(53)
[41] In more modern times, the Florentines exhibited a memorable
example. They were divided into violent parties; and the prevailing one
vested exorbitant powers in the house of Medici, then possessed, as it
was judged, of more money than any crowned head in Europe. Though that
house engaged and persevered in the attempt, yet the people were never
despoiled of their liberty, until they were overwhelmed by the armies
of foreign princes, to whose enterprizes their situation exposed them.
Republics of later date and various form have appeared. Their
institutions consist of old errors tissued with hasty inventions,
somewhat excusable, as the wills of the Romans, made with arms in their
hands. Some of them were condensed(54), by dangers. They are still
compressed by them into a sort of union. Their well-known transactions
witness, that their connection is not enough compact and arranged.
They have all suffered, or are suffering through that defect. Their
existence seems to depend more upon others, than upon themselves. There
might be an impropriety in saying more, considering the peculiarity of
their circumstances at this time.
[42] The wretched mistake of the great men who were leaders in the long
parliament of England, in attempting, by not filling up vacancies, to
extend their power over a brave and sensible people, accustomed to
_popular representation_, and their downfall, when their victories and
puissance by sea and land had thrown all Europe into astonishment and
awe, shew, how difficult it is for rulers to usurp over a people who
are not wanting to themselves.
Let the fortunes of confederated republics be now considered.
“The Amphictionic council,” or “general court of Greece,” claims the
first regard. Its authority was very great: But, the parts were not
sufficiently combined, to guard against the ambitious, avaricious, and
selfish projects of some of them; or, if they had the power, they dared
not to employ it, as the turbulent states were very sturdy, and made a
sort of partial confederacies.(55)
[43] “The Achæan league” seems to be the next in dignity. It was at
first, small, consisting of few states: afterwards, very
extensive, constituting of many. In their diet or Congress, they
enacted laws, disposed of vacant employments, declared war, made peace,
entered into alliances, compelled every state of the union to [44]
obey its ordinances, and managed other affairs. Not only their laws,
but their magistrates, council, judges, money, weights and measures,
were the same. So uniform were they, that all seemed to be but one
state. Their chief officer called Strategos, was chosen in the Congress
by a majority of votes. He presided in [45] the Congress, commanded
the forces, and was vested with great powers, especially in time of
war: but was liable to be called to an account by the Congress, and
punished, if convicted of misbehaviour.
The states have been oppressed by the kings of Macedon, and insulted
by tyrants. “From their incorporation,” says Polybius, “may be dated
the birth of that greatness, that by a constant augmentation, at length
arrived to a marvellous height of prosperity. The same of their wise
laws and mild government reached the Greek colonies in Italy, where the
Grotoniates, the Sybarites, and the Cauloniates, agreed to adopt them,
and to govern their states conformably.”
Did the delegates to the Amphictionic council, or to the Congress of
the Achæan league destroy the liberty of their country, by establishing
a monarchy or an aristocracy among themselves? Quite the contrary.
_While the several states continued faithful to the union, they
prospered_. Their affairs were shattered by dissensions, emulations,
and civil wars, artfully and diligently fomented by princes who thought
it their interest; and in the case of the Achæan league, partly, by
the folly and wickedness of Greeks not of the league, particularly the
Ætolians, who repined at the glories, that constantly attended the
banner of freedom, supported by virtue and conducted by prudence. Thus
weakened, they all sunk together, the envied and the envying, under the
domination, first of Macedon, and then of Rome.
[46] Let any man of common sense peruse the gloomy but instructive
pages of their mournful story, and he will be convinced, that if any
nation could successfuly have resisted those conquerors of the world,
the illustrious deed had been achieved by Greece; that cradle of
republics, if the several states had been cemented by some such league
as the Achæan, and had honestly fulfilled its obligations.
It is not pretended, that the Achæan league was perfect, or that they
were not monarchical and aristocratical factions among the people of
it. Every concession of that sort, that can be asked, shall be made. It
had many defects; every one of which, however, has been avoided in the
plan proposed to us.
With all its defects, with all its disorders, yet such was the life and
vigor communicated through the whole, by the popular representation of
each part, and the close combination of all, that
the true spirit of republicanism _predominated_, and thereby advanced
the happiness and glory of the people to so pre-eminent a state that
_our_ ideas upon the pleasing theme cannot be too elevated. Here is
the proof of this assertion. When the Romans had laid Carthage in
ashes; had reduced the kingdom of Macedon to a province; had conquered
Antiochus the great, and got the better of all their enemies in the
East; these Romans, masters of so much of the then known world,
determined to humble the Achæan league, because as history expressly
informs us, “their great power began to raise no small jealousy at
Rome.”—Polybius.
[47] What a vast weight of argument do these facts and circumstances
add to the maintenance of the principle contended for by the writer of
this address?