CHAPTER II

The paganism of antiquity is based on a primitive religion, _i.e._ it is

originally in the main homogeneous with the religions nowadays met with in

the so-called primitive peoples. It underwent, however, a long process of

evolution parallel with and conditioned by the development of Greek and

later Roman civilisation. This evolution carried ancient religion far away

from its primitive starting-point; it produced numerous new formations,

above all a huge system of anthropomorphic gods, each with a definite

character and personality of his own. This development is the result of an

interplay of numerous factors: changing social and economical conditions

evoked the desire for new religious ideas; the influence of other peoples

made itself felt; poetry and the fine arts contributed largely to the

moulding of these ideas; conscious reflection, too, arose early and

modified original simplicity. But what is characteristic of the whole

process is the fact that it went on continuously without breaks or sudden

bounds. Nowhere in ancient religion, as far as we can trace it, did a

powerful religious personality strike in with a radical transformation,

with a direct rejection of old ideas and dogmatic accentuation of new

ones. The result of this quiet growth was an exceedingly heterogeneous

organism, in which remains of ancient, highly primitive customs and ideas

were retained along with other elements of a far more advanced character.

Such a state of things need not in itself trouble the general

consciousness; it is a well-established fact that in religion the most

divergent elements are not incompatible. Nevertheless, among the Greeks,

with their strong proclivity to reflective thought, criticism early arose

against the traditional conceptions of the gods. The typical method of

this criticism is that the higher conceptions of the gods are used against

the lower. From the earliest times the Greek religious sense favoured

absoluteness of definition where the gods are concerned; even in Homer

they are not only eternal and happy, but also all-powerful and

all-knowing. Corresponding expressions of a moral character are hardly to

be found in Homer; but as early as Hesiod and Solon we find, at any rate,

Zeus as the representative of heavenly justice. With such definitions a

large number of customs of public worship and, above all, a number of

stories about the gods, were in violent contradiction; thus we find even

so old and so pious a poet as Pindar occasionally rejecting mythical

stories which he thinks at variance with the sublime nature of the gods.

This form of criticism of popular beliefs is continued through the whole

of antiquity; it is found not only in philosophers and philosophically

educated laymen, but appears spontaneously in everybody of a reflective

mind; its best known representative in earlier times is Euripides. Typical

of its popular form is in the first place its casualness; it is directed

against details which at the moment attract attention, while it leaves

other things alone which in principle are quite as offensive, but either

not very obviously so, or else not relevant to the matter in hand.

Secondly, it is naïve: it takes the gods of the popular belief for granted

essentially as they are; it does not raise the crucial question whether

the popular belief is not quite justified in attributing to these higher

beings all kinds of imperfection, and wrong in attributing perfection to

them, and still less if such beings, whether they are defined as perfect

or imperfect, exist at all. It follows that as a whole this form of

criticism is outside the scope of our inquiry.

Still, there is one single personality in early Greek thought who seems to

have proceeded still further on the lines of this naïve criticism, namely,

Xenophanes of Colophon. He is generally included amongst the philosophers,

and rightly in so far as he initiated a philosophical speculation which

was of the highest importance in the development of Greek scientific

thought. But in the present connexion it would, nevertheless, be

misleading to place Xenophanes among those philosophers who came into

conflict with the popular belief because their conception of Existence was

based on science. The starting-point for his criticism of the popular

belief is in fact not philosophical, but religious; he ranks with

personalities like Pindar and Euripides—he was also a verse-writer

himself, with considerable poetic gift—and is only distinguished from them

by the greater consistency of his thought. Hence, the correct course is to

deal with him in this place as the only eminent thinker in antiquity about

whom it is known that—starting from popular belief and religious

motives—he reached a standpoint which at any rate with some truth may be

designated as atheism.

Xenophanes lived in the latter part of the sixth and the beginning of the

fifth centuries B.C. (according to his own statement he reached an age of

more than ninety years). He was an itinerant singer who travelled about

and recited poetry, presumably not merely his own but also that of others.

In his own poems he severely attacked the manner in which Homer and

Hesiod, the most famous poets of Greece, had represented the gods: they

had attributed to them everything which in man’s eyes is outrageous and

reprehensible—theft, adultery and deception of one another. Their accounts

of the fights of the gods against Titans and Giants he denounced as

“inventions of the ancients.” But he did not stop at that: “Men believe

that the gods are born, are clothed and shaped and speak like themselves”;

“if oxen and horses and lions could draw and paint, they would delineate

their gods in their own image”; “the Negroes believe that their gods are

flat-nosed and black, the Thracians that theirs have blue eyes and red

hair.” Thus he attacked directly the popular belief that the gods are

anthropomorphic, and his arguments testify that he clearly realised that

men create their gods in their own image. On another main point, too, he

was in direct opposition to the religious ideas of his time: he rejected

Divination, the belief that the gods imparted the secrets of the future to

men—which was deemed a mainstay of the belief in the existence of the

gods. As a positive counterpart to the anthropomorphic gods, Xenophanes

set up a philosophical conception of God: God must be One, Eternal,

Unchangeable and identical with himself in every way (all sight, all

hearing and all mind). This deity, according to the explicit statements of

our earliest sources, he identified with the universe.

If we examine more closely the arguments put forth by Xenophanes in

support of his remarkable conception of the deity, we realise that he

everywhere starts from the definitions of the nature of the gods as given

by popular religion; but, be it understood, solely from the absolute

definitions. He takes the existence of the divine, with its absolute

attributes, for granted; it is in fact the basis of all his speculation.

His criticism of the popular ideas of the gods is therefore closely

connected with his philosophical conception of God; the two are the

positive and negative sides of the same thing. Altogether his connexion

with what I call the naïve criticism of the popular religion is

unmistakable.

It is undoubtedly a remarkable fact that we meet at this early date with

such a consistent representative of this criticism. If we take Xenophanes

at his word we must describe him as an atheist, and atheism in the sixth

century B.C. is a very curious phenomenon indeed. Neither was it

acknowledged in antiquity; no one placed Xenophanes amongst _atheoi_; and

Cicero even says somewhere (according to Greek authority) that Xenophanes

was the only one of those who believed in gods who rejected divination. In

more recent times, too, serious doubt has been expressed whether

Xenophanes actually denied the existence of the gods. Reference has

amongst other things been made to the fact that he speaks in several

places about “gods” where he, according to his view, ought to say “God”;

nay, he has even formulated his fundamental idea in the words: “One God,

the greatest amongst gods and men, neither in shape nor mind like unto any

mortal.” To be sure, Xenophanes is not always consistent in his language;

but no weight whatever ought to be attached to this, least of all in the

case of a man who exclusively expressed himself in verse. Another theory

rests on the tradition that Xenophanes regarded his deity and the universe

as identical, consequently was a pantheist. In that case, it is said, he

may very well have considered, for instance, the heavenly bodies as

deities. Sound as this argument is in general, it does not apply to this

case. When a thinker arrives at pantheism, starting from a criticism of

polytheism which is expressly based on the antithesis between the unity

and plurality of the deity—then very valid proofs, indeed, are needed in

order to justify the assumption that he after all believed in a plurality

of gods; and such proofs are wanting in the case of Xenophanes.

Judging from the material in hand one can hardly arrive at any other

conclusion than that the standpoint of Xenophanes comes under our

definition of atheism. But we must not forget that only fragments of his

writings have been preserved, and that the more extensive of them do not

assist us greatly to the understanding of his religious standpoint. It is

possible that we might have arrived at a different conclusion had we but

possessed his chief philosophical work in its entirety, or at least larger

portions of it. And I must candidly confess that if I were asked whether,

in my heart of hearts, I believed that a Greek of the sixth century B.C.

denied point-blank the existence of his gods, my answer would be in the

negative.

That Xenophanes was not considered an atheist by the ancients may possibly

be explained by the fact that they objected to fasten this designation on

a man whose reasoning took the deity as a starting-point and whose sole

aim was to define its nature. Perhaps they also had an inkling that he in

reality stood on the ground of popular belief, even if he went beyond it.

Still more curious is the fact that his religious view does not seem to

have influenced the immediately succeeding philosophy at all. His

successors, Parmenides and Zeno, developed his doctrine of unity, but in a

pantheistic direction, and on a logical, not religious line of argument;

about their attitude to popular belief we are told practically nothing.

And Ionic speculation took a quite different direction. Not till a century

later, in Euripides, do we observe a distinct influence of his criticism

of popular belief; but at that time other currents of opinion had

intervened which are not dependent on Xenophanes, but might direct

attention to him.

Atheism in Pagan Antiquity · 第 2 / 9 章