THE SOCIETY ENTERS GERMANY.
The Jesuits encountered less difficulty in establishing themselves in
Germany than in either Spain, Portugal, or France. Race differences
may have occasioned this. The populations resting upon the shores of
the Mediterranean and the Atlantic descended from the early Celts, and
became readily Latinized. They accepted the traditionary religion of
Rome; knew comparatively little of the Bible, which was a sealed book
to them; and received their Christian faith only from the Roman clergy.
There was no word in any of their languages which signified liberty in
the sense of a right derived from the law of nature. With them, liberty
conveyed the idea of a franchise, granted by authority, and subject
to be withdrawn at pleasure. Hence they yielded implicit obedience
to Rome, and accepted it as consistent with the Divine will that no
other than the Romish religion should be recognized or tolerated, and
that force might be justifiably employed to suppress all others when
it was deemed necessary to do so. Consequently they were inclined at
first to resist--or, at least, to look suspiciously upon--the Jesuits,
inasmuch as Loyola had declared it to be the controlling reason for
the creation of the society that the ancient monastic orders and
the clergy had by their vices endangered the Church. This seemed
heretical, and therefore they practiced towards him and his followers
at first their accustomed intolerance. They preferred the old system,
to which they had become accustomed, to anything new, with regard
either to the Church or the faith. Accordingly we find that among the
Latin populations the influence of the pope became necessary to the
admission and establishment of the Jesuit society. They yielded only to
his authority, because they regarded disobedience of him as heresy.
It was otherwise with the Germans. As the descendants of the old
Teutons, they had some conceptions of natural liberty, and had
indicated a desire for popular government by the election of their
kings. The Scriptures had been placed in their hands as early as
the fourth century, when Bishop Ulfilas translated the Gospels and
part of the Old Testament into the Gothic language, thereby making
them accessible to the people, and stimulating the desire to read
and understand them. This created a sense of individuality, which
soon became more diffused than elsewhere in Europe, thus making the
Germans an intelligent and tolerant race. Their tolerance, therefore,
when the Jesuits appeared, prevented any popular commotion. By that
time the influences of the Reformation had become greatly extended,
and had impressed the minds of a large number of the German people.
Protestantism had become established, and the population was divided
into two religious parties--Roman Catholic and Protestant. But these
parties, influenced towards each other by the old Teutonic liberality
and tolerance, lived together in perfect peace and harmony, each
maintaining its own religious faith and worship without interference
by the other. There were also divisions among the Protestants--some
being the followers of Luther, and others of Calvin. But there was no
religious strife between Roman Catholics and Protestants. According to
the German custom of that period, there were earnest disputations about
doctrines, but no tumult--nothing to disturb the quiet of society.
Persecution on account of religious differences was entirely unknown; a
persecutor would have been considered a public enemy. The true spirit
of Christianity prevailed--the natural consequence of the same form
of religious liberty provided for by the institutions of the United
States, and which might now exist throughout the Christian world, but
for the baneful influences of Jesuitism. The Venetian ambassador,
then in Germany, thus describes the peaceful condition of the German
Christians:
"One party has accustomed itself to put up with the other so well,
that, in any place where there happens to be a mixed population,
little or no notice is taken as to whether a person is a Catholic or
Protestant. Not only villages, but even families, are in this manner
mixed up together, and there even exist houses where the children
belong to one persuasion while the parents belong to the other, and
where brothers adhere to opposite creeds. Catholics and Protestants,
indeed, intermarry with each other, and no one takes any notice of the
circumstance, or offers any opposition thereto."[67]
The German author to whom we are indebted for the above extract says,
in addition, "Even many princes of the Catholic Church in Germany went
even a step further, and appointed men who were thorough Protestants
to situations at their courts as counselors, judges, magistrates, or
whatever other office it might be, without any opposition or objection
being offered thereto." And these, he adds in a note, "were not at all
exceptional cases."[68]
Notwithstanding Germany was enjoying this state of calm and repose,
under the influence of that religious toleration which is the natural
outgrowth of all the teachings of Christ, and has the full sanction
of his example, it afforded neither pleasure nor satisfaction to the
ecclesiastical supporters of the papacy at Rome. They saw in it the
threatened destruction of the papal system, and the ruin of their
ambitious hopes, unless, by some means, this spirit of religious
toleration and liberalism could be entirely extirpated. They regarded
Protestantism and the liberty which gave birth to it as heretical, as
the worst and most flagrant violations of God's law. How to put an
end to this liberty, and destroy all its fruits, was the practical
question which agitated the mind of the pope. He was willing enough to
imitate the example of Innocent III in his treatment of the Albigenses,
by beginning the work of persecution in Germany, and turning over
the Protestants to the Inquisition, for that would have conformed
to the Canon law. But there were difficulties in the way not easily
overcome. The Inquisition was not likely to carry on its murderous
work as successfully in Germany as among the Latin races trained to
obedience. The Germans were not so docile and submissive. And, besides,
the influences of the Reformation, under the impulse given them by the
courageous example of Luther, had reached some of the most powerful
princes in Germany, who would have stood as a strong wall of protection
against all such assaults. They were not willing to obey the pontifical
command when it required that papal emissaries should be allowed at
pleasure to burn their own subjects at the stake, and desolate their
homes. Excommunication had nearly run its course. It had been so
frequently employed to promote the personal ambition of popes, and for
trifling and temporal purposes, that it was fast coming into disrepute.
Its influence was so impaired that it had, in a large degree, lost its
effectiveness. Protestant Churches could not be closed by edicts of
interdict. The attempt to release the German people from allegiance to
their princes, would have been as ineffectual as the command of King
Canute when he ordered the waves of the ocean to retire. Any form of
papal malediction and anathema would have been unavailing.
Howsoever sick at heart the pope may have been at this prospect so
fatal to his ambition, he was not reduced to entire despair. He did
not abandon the hope of bringing back the German princes to the
old religion, and employing them as secular aids in such measures
of coercion as should be found necessary to reduce the people into
obedience. He found the old ecclesiastical weapons somewhat blunted,
and looked around for others. Fortune seemed, at last, to smile
upon the pope when, casting his eyes around, they rested upon the
Jesuits--the freshly enlisted "militia of the Church"--who, without any
sense of either pride or shame, were trained to implicit obedience,
without stopping to inquire whether the work required of them was good
or bad, noble or ignoble. Called upon by the pope, probably at the
suggestion of Loyola himself, the Jesuits were as ready to obey as
the latter was to command, even to the extent of conspiring against
the peace of Germany, or any other country where barriers had been
constructed to protect society against aggression. But the method of
procedure was by no means clear. Courageous as Loyola was, he could
not venture to send his small army into Germany with an open display
of the instruments of persecution in their hands. They could not go as
the open defenders of the papal dogmas, for they were unable to speak
or understand the German language. If they had even been able to make
known their opinions and purposes, they could not have withstood the
intense indignation and fiery eloquence of the disciples of Luther and
Calvin. The occasion, therefore, demanded of Loyola the exercise of his
keen penetration--of that wonderful sagacity which never deserted him,
and which, at his death, he succeeded in imparting to his successor.
The manner of procedure he finally adopted is suggestive of serious
reflection, especially to the people of the United States.
If it be true that "history repeats itself," and that nations, moving
in fixed cycles, follow each other in their courses, the remembrance
of the fact that many of them, once prosperous, have passed out of
existence, admonishes us to inquire with exceeding caution into the
relations which these same Jesuits have created between themselves and
our institutions. They have not changed, but are still the infatuated
and vindictive followers of Loyola, and it is well for us to know
whether there are not evidences that, if permitted, they may repeat
here what their society, at the command of its founder, attempted in
Germany, under the pretense that God had appointed them to conspire
against any free and independent nation they could not otherwise
subjugate. The people of the United States spend their time in the
pursuit of a thousand objects, and in the investigation of a thousand
questions, not the thousandth part as important to them as this.
Military men have long been accustomed to reserve sappers and miners
as helps in the emergencies of war. These always attack under cover,
approaching by slow and stealthy degrees, like the tiger or the cat.
They do not take the chances of actual conflict, and never expose
themselves to the leaden hail of battle. When the walls of a fortress
can not be battered down by direct assault, they secretly undermine
them; and when the fuse is lighted, the magazine exploded, and the
dead scattered in all directions, they return to their hiding-places
unharmed, to share in the rewards of victory.
Loyola was a skillful and courageous soldier, perfectly familiar
with all the plans and strategies of war. In the organization of his
society, he had availed himself of his knowledge both of the motives
of men and of the movements of armies. Hence, when he submitted to
the pope his proposed methods of operation, he took the precaution
to impress him with its importance and necessity, by declaring that,
as its head, he should consider himself "as the representative of
Christ, the commander-in-chief of the heavenly hosts," and as engaged
in "the war service of Christ," with an army bound by solemn oaths to
obey him implicitly "in every particular, and on all occasions."[69]
Hence, also, speaking of his society, he said: "We must be always
ready to advance against the enemy, and be always prepared to harass
him or to fall upon him, and on that account we must not venture to
tie ourselves to any particular place;"[70] that is, that Jesuits must
secretly skulk about over the world, without habitations or homes, and,
paying no allegiance to any opposing authority, to "harass" Protestants
wheresoever they are found--like freebooters upon the sea--leaving no
tracks behind them.
The "chief thing" with the Jesuits, says Greisinger, was to obtain
the sole direction of education, so that by getting the young into
their hands, they could fashion them after their own pattern, and,
by holding them down to the low standard of passive and "uninquiring
obedience," fit them to become subservient slaves of monarchical and
papal power. Nobody need be told the impressible character of the
youthful mind, or how the stamp made upon it becomes indelible. Loyola
understood this, and, realizing the impossibility of arresting the
progressive advancement of Germany under Protestant influences, or to
uproot the tolerant spirit that prevailed there among both Protestants
and Roman Catholics, by any of the usual methods of papal coercion,
he insidiously planned the scheme of bringing Germany back to papal
obedience by Jesuitical training in the German schools. The process was
slow, it is true, but the stake was great; and no man could have known
better than he how surely it would be won, if the minds of the young
could be cramped and dwarfed by Jesuit teaching.
In the Jesuit seminaries and schools, at the period here referred to,
the Latin language--being the language of the Church--grammar, and
rhetoric were taught, preparatory to a college course, which last was
confined to philosophy and theology. The latter was regarded as the
most important, because it culminated in obedience to papal authority,
and was centered in the idea that it was impossible to reach heaven
by any other methods than those prescribed by the Roman Church. Of
course, no education could be perfected, in the estimation of the
Jesuits, that did not conform to their own standard by requiring the
pupils to surrender their manhood into the keeping of their superiors,
as they had done themselves, and thereby become pieces of human
machinery, to be moved about at the will and pleasure of those whom
they were taught to regard as God's vicegerents upon earth. No matter
where Jesuit colleges or schools have existed, or yet exist, this
has always been the primary and chief object and end of the education
furnished by them. When it stops short of this, it is a failure; but
when this object is accomplished, the society exultingly adds its fresh
recruits to the papal militia, to be marshaled against Protestantism,
enlightenment, and popular government, under commanders who never
tolerate disobedience.
Pope Julius III--successor of Paul III--in aid of the conspiracy
against Germany, granted an extension of the privileges originally
conferred upon the Jesuits, and, at the suggestion of Loyola,
authorized him to establish a German college (_Collegium Germanicum_)
in Rome. The object of this was, not to teach the German language to
the Spanish, French, and Italian pupils then being educated in Rome
in the _Collegium Romanum_, but to procure German youths to be taught
there under Jesuit auspices and the patronage of the pope, so that upon
their return home they would disseminate Jesuit opinions and influences
among the people, and thus arrest the progress of Protestantism, and
put an end to the religious toleration prevailing among the Protestant
and Roman Catholic Germans. In execution of this purpose, steps were
at once taken to procure from Germany some young men, to be brought
to Rome and put in training for the ecclesiastical subjugation of
their countrymen. That such was the sole object will not be doubted by
any intelligent investigator of the facts. Germany was well supplied
with colleges and schools, where the standard of education was higher
than at Rome; but they were under Protestant management and control,
and therefore considered heretical. It was the odious form of heresy
embodied in Protestantism that Loyola and his followers were sworn
to exterminate, and these young Germans were carried to Rome that
they might be disciplined and educated for that purpose--to undermine
the institutions of their own country! Have the Jesuits ever changed
their purpose to make the extermination of Protestantism a leading and
central feature of their educational system? Have they abandoned any
of the methods employed by Loyola himself for that purpose? We shall
see as our investigations proceed.
But the institution of a Jesuit college at Rome was not the only
means employed, inasmuch as more immediate and active measures were
considered necessary. Therefore, whilst that was left to bear its
fruits at a later period, the Jesuits sent into Germany some of
their prudent and sagacious members, such as they supposed would be
likely to exercise influence over the princes, so that through them
the whole German population might be reached. These princes were the
acknowledged representatives of monarchism, and it was believed that
if they could be persuaded to accept the Jesuit emissaries as their
allies, the usual methods of papal compulsion could be employed with
impunity. In this the Jesuits calculated sagaciously, and were enabled
to establish several colleges in Germany, and ultimately to begin an
open and direct war upon Protestantism. They did not invoke the aid of
reason. They neither invited nor allowed calm discussion with learned
Protestant theologians, but relied entirely upon the united authority
of the pope and the princes--that is, upon monarchical power. Finding
the Lutherans and the Calvinists divided upon theological questions,
they availed themselves of every opportunity to incite them to mutual
strife, insisting, as they have ever since continued to do, that there
can be but one true form of Christian faith, which every human being is
obliged to accept, or to offend God. Seemingly insensible to the fact
that the Creator has made the minds of men to differ as their faces
and features, they were sagacious enough to know that differences of
opinion upon religious as upon all other subjects could be prevented
only by force and coercion. Therefore, to compel uniformity of faith
and to uproot Protestantism, they persuaded some of the princes,
especially those of Bavaria, to believe that the principle of monarchy
was endangered, and would be entirely destroyed, if the influences
of the Reformation were not obliterated. That such was, and yet is,
the natural effect of these influences is true; and therefore, as
these princes could easily see that, if popular institutions were
established in Germany, their princely occupations would be threatened,
they became the willing tools of the Jesuits. The Duke of Bavaria was
one of the most submissive, as he was the most willing to become a
persecutor. He had been educated by the Jesuits, and consequently was
soon induced to exhibit "the utmost earnestness" in adopting measures
for destroying all the influences of the Reformation, and putting an
end to Protestantism.[71] He was resolved, says Nicolini, "not to leave
a vestige of those new doctrines which, for the last forty years, had
been spreading so fast in his kingdom." Neither he nor the Jesuits made
the least disguise of the fact that all their efforts were directed
to the single object of preventing the freedom of religious belief.
His first step to this end was to require that the Profession of Faith
prescribed by the Council of Trent should be subscribed and adhered
to; that is, that Protestants should renounce the religion which their
consciences approved, and accept that which their consciences did not
approve. That the people might be brought into obedience and forced to
this, "he sent through all the provinces swarms of Jesuits, accompanied
by bands of troopers, whose bayonets came to the aid of the preachers
when their eloquence was unsuccessful in converting the heretics"--that
is, the Protestants. Those who remained unsubdued were expelled from
their estates. Prohibited books were seized and burned. All the ancient
practices were revived. And, "above all," says Ranke, "the Jesuit
institutions were promoted; for by their agency it was, that the youth
of Bavaria were to be educated in a spirit of strict orthodoxy"--which
meant then, what with the Jesuits it still means, opposition to
religious freedom.
For a time the Jesuits were restrained in Austria by Ferdinand I and
Maximilian; but during the reign of Rudolph II they became bolder
and more exacting. The provincial of the society obtained great
influence over Rudolph, and was urgent in his demands that he should
extirpate heresy from his dominions. At last he succeeded in inducing
Rudolph to inaugurate a general persecution of the Lutherans, and "the
greatest atrocity and the utmost rigor were displayed in destroying
every trace of Protestantism." The work of extirpation began in the
cities. "The Reformed clergy were removed, and their places filled by
Catholic priests." A religious formula was prescribed, which required
universal assent to the doctrine "that everything is true which the
Church of Rome has laid down as the rule of life and doctrine," and
that "the pope is the head of one Apostolic Church." The Protestants
were expelled from all offices of State. Papists alone could become
burghers. Doctors' degrees in the universities were conferred only
upon those who subscribed to the Roman Confession of Faith. The Jesuit
schools were governed by regulations "which prescribed Catholic
formularies, fasts, worship, according to the Catholic Ritual," and all
the pupils were taught the Jesuit Catechism. All Protestant books were
seized and taken away from booksellers' shops, and all that were found
in the custom-houses were confiscated. And the historian, summing it
all up, says: "All through Germany the same proceedings were resorted
to, and everywhere we find the Jesuits foremost in the reaction. There
was no bishop, no prince, who went to visit a province upon religious
concerns, who did not bring with him a troop of Jesuits, who, on his
departure, were often left there with almost unlimited powers."[72]
The task of becoming familiar with the history of those times is
formidable; but its performance will amply repay the careful and
thoughtful student, inasmuch as the events which then transpired
materially influenced the subsequent condition of the world.
Especially did they influence that current of affairs which caused
the most enlightened nations to drift towards religious freedom and
popular government, the two great and inseparable factors in modern
progress. At the period here referred to, true Christian civilization,
as inspired by the charity and gentleness exhibited in the life of
Christ, seemed to hang, for a time, at equipoise in the balance. The
struggle for mastery between the light of the Reformation and the
darkness of the Middle Ages was long and fierce, and occasionally
doubtful. One can not fail to see that the spirit of liberty had been
so nearly crushed out by the monarchism of Church and State, that it
required the finger of Providence to point out the way to the revival
of primitive Christianity, and the restoration of its beneficial
influences upon the consciences and lives of the vast multitudes who
had been long held in inferiority. The student will find the conflict
instructive at every point. It will bring into view perfidy and
treachery where there ought to have been confidence and fair dealing,
shameful betrayals of the cause of truth and justice, and the heartless
sacrifice of many thousands of inoffensive people. It will show popes
and kings uniting their power in the cause of oppression and wrong,
and shamelessly practicing vices condemned equally by the laws of God
and man. Many figures conspicuous in history will appear, among them
that of the great Emperor Charles V. He will be seen procuring imperial
dominion over a people he did not know, and whose language he could
neither speak nor understand; quarreling with the pope one day and
threatening to subvert his throne, and becoming reconciled the next, in
order that monarchism should be strengthened; sending savage hordes of
armed men to crush out the spirit of religious liberty in his native
Netherlands by blood and murder; promising protection to the German
Protestants in order to obtain their assistance in his war against
the Turks, and afterwards betraying and persecuting them for heresy;
uniting for a time with the pope against the king of France, and then
with the king of France against the pope; forcing the pope to convene
a General Council, and pretending to grant by his famous "_Interim_"
some shadowy rights to Protestants, in order that they might ultimately
be compelled to accept the faith as the Council should decree; and at
last, when his successes were turned into adversities and his tortuous
policy involved him in disappointment, abdicating his royal authority,
retiring to a monastery, and confiding the infamous work of persecuting
Protestants and desolating his native land to his cold-blooded and
murderous son. Then, as the scene shifts, Philip II will appear, with
his vicegerent, the Duke of Alva, and his bloodthirsty crew, the sounds
of whose warlike bugles were drowned by the piercing cries of their
Protestant victims. Then may also be seen, passing in panoramic view,
the whole land of the Netherlands drenched in the blood of innocent and
persecuted Protestants; the Spanish and Italian Inquisitions carrying
on their horrible work with so much activity that its machinery was
never still; France trembling upon the threshold of ruin, and her kings
and queens forming leagues with the Huguenots, to be immediately and
perfidiously violated; and Germany, torn into factions by the discord
between princes and people which was born of Jesuit intrigue, offering
a tempting field to the emissaries of the papacy, wherein usurped and
illegitimate authority might revel whilst the "sacred militia" of
Loyola rejoiced at the triumph they had won over Protestantism and free
religious thought.
Through all these courses of events the Jesuits steadily
appeared--alike indifferent to the wounds they inflicted upon the
Church and the agonies of their unnumbered victims. As confessors and
confidants of kings, their exertions to enshroud the world in the pall
of monarchism were ceaseless and untiring. They climbed into offices
of state, and molded the temporal policy of popes and kings. They
moved sovereigns from right to left, forward or backward, as children
amuse themselves with toys. They exchanged the humble worship of the
altar for the glitter of courts, as if Christ in his life had set the
example of ambitious display. They enrolled sovereigns and princes
in the ranks of their defenders, and by their help drove Protestant
preachers from their pulpits, Protestant professors and teachers from
their colleges and schools, and Protestant people into the deepest
depths of humiliation, by such measures of compulsion and repression as
it must have required the inventive faculties of fiends to discover.
All these things transpired in Europe during the terrible conflict
between Protestantism and reaction. But in no other portion of the
Continental States was the difference between the opposing forces more
distinctly marked than in Germany, after the Jesuits, by means of their
control of education, became enabled to check the progress of popular
enlightenment, and force the nation back again into the old grooves of
ignorance and superstition.
From the first entry of the Jesuits into Germany the peace of the
country was seriously disturbed. We have seen how thoroughly reconciled
to each other were those of all the shades of religious faith. Members
of the Church of Rome and Protestants were in perfect accord upon all
matters involving the welfare of Germany, neither concerning themselves
about the religious opinions of the other. In this respect it was as it
should have been, and ought yet to be throughout the Christian world.
And the happiness and progressive prosperity of Germany was assured by
it, until the spoiler came in the form of Jesuitism, not as the bearer
of messages of peace and good-will from Rome, but the vast progeny
of evils which, in the age of fable, were supposed to have escaped
when Pandora's jar was broken. They let these loose upon the land
without shame or remorse, until society was convulsed from center to
circumference, peaceful homes were desolated, hearts that had rejoiced
were broken,--all under the irreverent pretense that it was for "the
greater glory of God!"
Let it not be forgotten that Germany was indebted to Protestantism
for her condition of peace and prosperity. We have seen that the
demoralized condition of the clergy was employed by Loyola to justify
the papal approval of his society, and the learned Jesuit historian,
the Abbé Maynard, is forced to admit that when Luther gave the first
impulse to the Reformation, "the clergy of Germany offered a sad
example of corrupted faith and relaxed morals." He calls it a "mournful
period,"[73] notwithstanding for a thousand years these and other evils
had been growing and spreading under the patronage of Rome. The papacy
then dictated the Christianity of Germany. Mark the difference when
Luther, Melanchthon, Bucer, and Carlstadt announced the necessity for
reform, and put the ball of the Reformation in motion. The great Ranke,
whose impartiality has extorted even Jesuit praise, when referring to
the effect produced by the Reformation in Germany, says:
"In short, from west to east and from north to south, throughout all
Germany, Protestantism had unquestionably the preponderance. The
nobility were attached to it from the very first; the body of public
functionaries, already in those days numerous and important, was
trained up in the new doctrine; the common people would hear no more
of certain articles--such, for instance, as purgatory--or of certain
ceremonies, such as the pilgrimages; not a man durst come forward with
holy relics. A Venetian ambassador calculates, in the year 1558, that
but a tenth part of the inhabitants of Germany still clung to the
ancient faith."[74]
Maynard also refers to this approvingly, and the Jesuits make it a
matter of boasting, in order to support their claim to superior merit
for having extirpated so much Protestant heresy, and for bringing
back such multitudes of people to papal obedience. Nine Protestants
to one papist! Germany, then, was a Protestant nation, governed by
Protestant authorities, under Protestant laws, tolerant towards all
who adhered to the ancient faith, allowing no interference with the
freedom of religious opinions, happy, prosperous, and free, under her
own institutions. In these respects she was in the same condition as
the United States is to-day, so far as she could be in the absence of
written constitutional guarantees.
What people upon earth, other than the Germans themselves, had the just
right, under the law of nations or any other human law, to interfere
with their condition, or to plot, openly or secretly, against their
independence? What was all this, however, to the pope or to the
Jesuits? From whence did they derive the authority to form a conspiracy
_at Rome_ to invade Germany, overthrow her existing institutions, bind
the limbs of her people with fetters they had already broken, to gather
up the rusty iron they had cast away, and reforge it into manacles
to hold them in obedience to an alien and foreign power? Was this
conspiracy commanded by the law of God? If it was, wherein is that law
changed? If not changed, and God's laws are all immutable, may not the
Jesuits of to-day enter into fresh conspiracies to subvert the present
institutions of Germany, or of Great Britain, or of the United States,
or of any other nation that maintains the principles of Protestantism
and the freedom of conscience?
These questions command the most serious thought, and are pregnant
with considerations we are not allowed to put aside. Before this
volume closes, answers to all of them may be so plainly discovered
as to enable the friends of free thought and popular government to
see wherein their greatest danger lies. "The Jesuits," says Ranke,
"conquered the Germans on their own soil, in their very home, and
wrested from them a part of their native land." Will there not be other
conquests to be achieved by them so long as the freedom of conscience
is sheltered and guaranteed by Protestant institutions?
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 67: History of the Jesuits. By Greisinger. Page 212.]
[Footnote 68: _Ibid._, p. 213, note.]
[Footnote 69: Greisinger, p. 48, etc.]
[Footnote 70: _Ibid._, p. 63.]
[Footnote 71: History of the Popes. By Ranke. Book V, p. 172, etc. Lea
and Blanchard's edition. Nicolini, p. 199. Greisinger, p. 211, etc.
History of Germany. By Lewis. Chap, xvii, p. 398, etc.]
[Footnote 72: Nicolini, pp. 201-202. For these particulars see also
Ranke, Griesinger, Steinmetz, and Lewis.]
[Footnote 73: The Studies and Teachings of the Jesuits. By M. L'Abbé
Maynard. Page 89.]
[Footnote 74: Ranke, Book V, p. 165.]