CHAPTER III.

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIETY.

All the circumstances which attended the origin and establishment of

the society of Jesuits combine to explain, with unmistakable clearness,

the motives which must have influenced the mind and incited the action

of Loyola in every step he took. They plainly show that his leading

and controlling purpose was to organize a body of men, each one of

whom should be brought into implicit and unquestioning obedience to

the authority of their general, and hold themselves in readiness so

long as the society existed, to do, without the least inquiry into

results, whatsoever he should command to be done, so that they should

have no wills or opinions of their own upon any subject over which

he should assert jurisdiction. By making this the central and most

fundamental principle of the constitution, he placed his society in

direct antagonism to all intellectual progress and enlightenment--to

everything that tended to dignify and elevate mankind. No one,

therefore, ought to wonder that it has produced more disturbance in the

world than any other organization that has ever existed; or, if it were

out of the way, could ever exist again.

The constitution was locked up in the secret archives of the society

for more than two hundred years, many of its details having been

unknown, it is said, even by a considerable portion of the members,

whose submissive obedience must have reduced them to the condition of

trained animals. This concealment by a society professedly religious

could not have been favorable to Christianity, and must have been

the consequence of some sinister motive, as subsequent developments

have shown. This is a fair inference from the reluctance with which

the constitution was surrendered when the French Government demanded

its exposure. The facts connected with the proceedings of the French

Parliament, when they compelled the society to make it known, justify

the belief that there must have been some special reason for its

long concealment, and that the public odium, so long resting upon

it in France, was attributable, among other things, to the secrecy

of its proceedings. And when it is considered that the strong and

vigorous measures adopted by the Parliament to extort the constitution

by dragging it from its hiding-place, transpired at a time when

Protestantism had no control whatsoever over the public affairs of

France, it conclusively proves that the integrity of the society was

suspected by the French people whilst they were faithful adherents of

the Roman Church. Such a fact as this indicates--what every Jesuit

stands ready to deny if necessary--that where the society was best

known, it was most suspected and disliked.

The whole machinery of this society was admirably designed to

accomplish its complete consolidation. Although Loyola was neither

a theologian nor a learned man, having obtained almost his entire

education after he was thirty years of age, yet he understood, far

better than many who had acquired higher intellectual culture,

the springs and motives of human conduct; and this, supplemented

by cunning, which never deserted him, constituted his leading

characteristic. As his sole object was to dominate over others

by promising them a place in paradise as a reward for unmanning

themselves, he studiously excluded all who could not be reduced to this

low condition by training, discipline, and education. Accordingly,

before an applicant could be admitted to probation, his whole life and

character were closely scrutinized by the general, if it were in his

power to do so; but if not, by persons selected as spies, who were

"to live with him and examine him," so as to be able to penetrate his

most secret thoughts.[13] Upon admission, he was required to confess

to a rector, who was to be recognized by him as holding "the place

of Christ our Lord," and from whom nothing should be concealed--"not

opposing, not contradicting, nor showing an opinion in any case opposed

to his opinion."[14] When the probationer was found by these tests

qualified for membership--that is, when it was ascertained that he had

no will of his own, but was fitted by nature and inclination for a

state of complete bondage--he was required to recognize the general of

the society as occupying the place of God, and as possessing absolute

authority over him, with the right to exact absolute obedience from

him. He was reduced to the condition of a mere inanimate machine, with

no discretionary power whatsoever over his own emotions, opinions,

or actions. This obligation is thus expressed in the constitution:

"He must regard the superior as Christ the Lord, and must strive to

acquire perfect resignation and denial of his own will and judgment,

in all things conforming his will and judgment to that which the

superior wills and judges."[15] And, in order to assure, beyond the

possibility of mistake, the complete surrender of all individuality,

and to bring the probationer down to the lowest possible degradation,

his uninquiring obedience is defined and exacted in these words: "As

for holy obedience, this virtue must be perfect in every point--in

execution, in will, in intellect--doing what is enjoined with all

celerity, spiritual joy, and perseverance; persuading ourselves that

everything is just; suppressing every repugnant thought and judgment

of one's own, in a certain obedience; ... and let every one persuade

himself that he who lives under obedience should be moved and directed,

under Divine Providence, by his superior, just as if he were a corpse

(_perinde ac si cadaver esset_), which allows itself to be moved and

led in any direction."[16]

It would be hard to find, in any written or spoken language, words

more expressive than these of the complete eradication of all sense

of personality, unless it be some elsewhere employed in the same

society to express the same or equivalent ideas. In the Prague edition

of the "Institutes," the following is given as the language of one

of its decrees: "It behooves our brethren to be pre-eminent in true

and absolute obedience, in abnegation of all individual will and

judgment."[17] The Jesuit Bartoli, in his history of Loyola, expresses

the meaning of the constitution in substantially the same words, thus:

"_An entire abnegation of their own will, of their own judgment_."[18]

Elsewhere he says the members must act "according to the pleasure

of the superior."[19] Again: "What can be more complete than our

submission to the orders of our superiors in everything that concerns

our state of life, the places we are to dwell in, the employments, the

offices we are to be engaged in."[20] And again, this submission to the

will and judgment of the superior, or general, is called "renouncing

our own judgment," "the annihilation of self," "complete obedience,

entire dependence upon the will of others, perfect abandonment of

personal reputation."[21]

This self-abnegation, this slavery of the mind, is a worse form of

servitude than the slavery of the body. The latter places fetters upon

the limbs, the former rivets shackles upon the mind. A brief comparison

will illustrate this. The methods of punishing slaves for disobedience

have varied accordingly as masters have been humane or otherwise. Some

have been compelled to endure the torture of solitary imprisonment and

starvation; others to wear iron fetters until they have eaten, by slow

degrees, into their flesh; and multitudes have escaped only with the

lash. In all this, merely the animal capacity for enduring physical

suffering has been put to the test,--the minds of the victims having

been left free to implore the mercy and protection of Providence,

according to their own wills and consciences. But this Jesuit method

of training probationers and novices to secure their implicit obedience

to their superiors, transcends anything pertaining, especially in

modern times, to the relation of master and slaves. It trifles with

the interests and destiny of the soul, its relations to God and to

eternity, by substituting a mere man, with the passions and impulses of

other men, as the final arbiter of human conduct, and with the power

to open and close the doors of heaven at his own personal pleasure.

It is for fitting him to assent implicitly to this that the Jesuit is

required to abnegate his individual self, dismiss from his mind the

idea that God gave him the priceless faculty of thought and reflection,

and abase himself to such a degree that he has no will or judgment of

his own concerning the future condition of his soul. By considering

himself a mere corpse--dead to everything in life but humiliating

obedience to the general--he consents to accept his commands as equal

to those of God, and to recognize the sentence he might see fit to pass

upon him in this life, in lieu of the judgment of God in the life to

come.

There is a vast deal of cumulative evidence upon these points, which

have evidently been considered fundamental and indispensable. Besides

the foregoing humiliating vows, strict rules and regulations are

established for the government of the novices. Number 34 is as follows:

"At the voice of the superior, just as if it came from Christ the

Lord, we must be most ready, leaving everything whatsoever, even a

letter of the alphabet, unfinished, though begun." Rule 35 defines

"holy obedience" to be "abnegating all opinion and judgment of our own

contrary thereto [that is, to what they are commanded to do], with a

certain blind obedience." Rule 36 is in these words: "Let every member

persuade himself that those who wish to live under obedience, ought

to suffer themselves to be borne along and governed through Divine

Providence through the superiors, just as if they were a corpse, which

may be borne as we please, and permits itself to be handled anyhow;

or like an old man's stick, which everywhere serves any purpose that

he who holds it chooses to employ it in."[22] The same ideas exactly

are expressed in one of the vows which Loyola made conspicuous, and

which is given by Bartoli in his biography, as follows: "I should

regard myself as a dead body, without will or intelligence, as a little

crucifix which is turned about unresistingly at the will of him who

holds it, as a staff in the hands of an old man, who uses it as he

requires it, and as it suits him best."[23]

The human mind is not fertile enough in invention to discover a lower

depth of humiliation than this--a more complete surrender of all the

ennobling qualities and instincts of manhood. If these have ever been

possessed, the remembrance of them is required to be obliterated, so

that there may be no room in the mind for a single generous emotion.

When Shakespeare conceived the idea of a "mindless slave," he must

have had before his mind the portrait of a Jesuit, after he had been

disciplined and fashioned under the master-hand of Loyola, who left his

followers no personal sense of truth or right or justice, having made

their abnegation so thorough that, even with the knowledge of right and

wrong, truth and falsehood, they were trained to incline indifferently

to either as commanded by their superiors. He allowed no hesitation,

heard no reasons, accepted neither apology nor excuse. Their whole

duty consisted in blind and uninquiring obedience to him in thought,

word, and deed, no matter what consequences might follow, or what harm

be inflicted. What of consciences they had left, were required to

become so callous as to be insensible to either honor or shame, all

conscientious sense being extinguished as if it had never existed--like

the light of a candle blown out. Nowhere else in the world, within the

confines of civilization, has such a point of the absolute annihilation

of individuality been reached. Nowhere else is a man required to

acknowledge himself a "corpse," a "dead body," a "little crucifix,"

a "staff" in the hands of another, with no will, or thought, or

sensibility, or emotion, except such as shall be dictated by those to

whose mastery he has ignominiously submitted. It is the very perfection

of tyranny, such as the most heartless despots known to history would

have rejoiced to discover.

Far too little consideration is generally given, even by careful

students of history, to this assumption of equality with Christ--this

vain pretense of a state of divine perfection which recognizes a single

human being as possessing upon earth the authority of God. Undoubtedly

it is true that multitudes of individuals, of good intentions, have

been misled by it into the false belief that the most prominent

feature in the plan of Christ's atonement was the substitution for

himself of a mere man, to whom alone, of all mankind, he assigned his

own divine attributes. The original suggestion of such a proposition

must have startled the Christian mind; and its establishment as an

article of faith may be intelligently accounted for by the fact that

the superstition and ignorance of the Middle Ages enabled monarchism

in Church and State to perpetuate itself by requiring this dogma

to be accepted as revealed by Christ himself. In evidence of its

repugnance to the common sense of mankind, it is proper to observe

that the Christian world has ever since labored hard to get rid of the

delusion, and would in all probability long since have done so, but

for the society of Jesuits, which has ceaselessly maintained it as an

essential part of its machinery. That it is condemned and repudiated

by reason, it requires no argument to prove in this enlightened age.

If the Creator had designed that he should have such a representative

upon earth after the ascension of Christ, he would have imparted his

divine attributes to him by such manifestations of his own power as

the world could not misunderstand--either by such simple and peaceful

incidents as attested the birth and divinity of the Savior, or by such

convulsions of nature as accompanied the delivery of the tables of the

law to Moses. In the entire absence of any visible and intelligent

evidences whatsoever of this divine purpose, the pretension of it,

as the mere means of acquiring authority over others and exacting

obedience from them, is nothing less than presumptuous and vainglorious

impiety. It seeks to dethrone God by abolishing the bar of judgment,

where he has announced that all mankind shall appear; for what is it

less than this to say that conformity to the commands of the Jesuit

general assures, beyond any peradventure, admission to the kingdom of

heaven? God manifestly reserved to himself this great prerogative; and

he who claims it as pertaining to an earthly office of man's creation,

arraigns the divine authority, and insults the Majesty of heaven by

requiring that the Creator shall abdicate his throne. If, moreover, God

had intended to confer divine attributes upon any individual man, it is

contrary to a just estimate of his character, as well as to all human

experience, to suppose he would have chosen the general of a society

which has from its origin been a byword of reproach among the nations,

upon which such a heavy weight of odium has rested that it has been

ignominiously driven out of every nation in Europe; whose enormities

compelled a good and virtuous pope to suppress and abolish it in order

to assure the peace and welfare of the Church; and whose members are

still skulking through these same nations, silently and secretly, as

ghostly apparitions are supposed to move about in the night-time under

the cover of darkness.

But the Jesuit constitution goes to even a greater extent of impiety.

After a novitiate has, by the foregoing methods, been converted into an

unthinking and unresisting piece of machinery, like a block of wood or

marble carved by the hand of an artist, his course of future servility

is so opened before him that he may fully understand how he shall give

proof of fidelity to his vows, by doing whatsoever the general shall

command, or by omitting to do whatsoever he shall forbid. Here the

thoughtful reader to whom these revelations are new, no matter what

form of religious faith he may profess, will be likely to pause in

astonishment at the deliberately-avowed purpose to disregard the laws

of States, of social morality, and even of God, when the general shall

command either of these things to be done. The following are the words

of the constitution, as given by Nicolini:

"No constitution, declaration, or any order of living, can involve

an obligation to commit sin, mortal or venial, unless the superior

command it in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, or in virtue of holy

obedience, which shall be done in those cases or persons wherein it

shall be judged that it will greatly conduce to the particular good of

each, or to the general advantage; and, instead of the fear of offense,

let the love and desire of all perfection proceed, that the greater

glory and praise of Christ, our Creator and Lord, may follow."[24]

This language should be re-read and carefully scanned; for, at a

single glance, it seems to have been written so as to furnish ground

for equivocation, a practice in which the Jesuits, by long use, have

acquired consummate skill. It may be easily interpreted, however,

in the light of what Bartoli says. According to him, the novice is

required to place himself "entirely in the hands of God, and of him

who holds the place of God by his authority," which, of course, is

the general or superior. After setting forth that the novitiate is

required to take this vow, "In everything which is not sinful, I must

do the will of my superior and not my own," he enlarges upon the

obligations of the same vow with the following particularity: "If it

seems to me that the superior has ordered me to do something against

my conscience, or in which there appears to be something sinful, if

he is of a contrary opinion, and I have no certainty, I should rely

upon him. If my trouble continues, I should lay aside my own judgment,

and confide my doubts to one, two, or three persons, and rely upon

their decision. If all this shall not satisfy me, I am far from the

perfection which my religious state requires. I must no longer belong

to myself, but to my Creator, and to those who govern in his name,

and in whose hands I should be as soft wax, whatsoever he chooses to

require of me."[25] Another vow, also given by Bartoli, shows that this

same obedience is due as well to a vicious and immoral as to a virtuous

superior; that is, that by the religion which the Jesuits profess, it

makes no difference, in so far as the obligation of obedience to his

interpretation of the laws of God and morality is concerned, whether

he be wise or unwise, saint or sinner. It says: "To believe that a

thing ought to be because the superior orders it, is the last and most

perfect degree. We can not arrive at this degree without recognizing in

the person of our superior, be he wise or imprudent, holy or imperfect,

the authority of Jesus Christ himself, whom he represents."[26] And

another vow, illustrating the character of this obedience, is thus

given: "With regard to property, I must depend upon the superior alone,

consider nothing as my personal property, and myself, in all that I am,

as a statue, which allows itself to be stripped, no matter what the

occasion may be, and offers no resistance."[27]

It requires but ordinary sagacity to interpret all this; its meaning

is too plain to mislead. The constitution, according to Nicolini,

prohibits the commission of sin--not absolutely, but conditionally;

that is, "unless the superior command it in the name of our Lord Jesus

Christ;" which imports, as even an uninstructed mind may see, that

there are occasions when the sanction of Christ may be invoked to

justify the commission of sin; or, in other words, when the general

of the Jesuits, by virtue of his representing God upon earth, may, at

his own personal will, convert vice into virtue! The Jesuit is not

permitted to do anything on his own account, or upon his own judgment,

that would amount to sin; but must do, upon the command of the general,

what he, in his own conscience, believes to be sin; because, as the

general stands in the place of God, he is bound to accept it as not

sin. The word "unless," as employed in the constitution, is a simple

negation, which makes the plain meaning of the sentence this, that

if the general does not command the members of the society to commit

sin, they are not permitted to do of themselves what he considers to

be sin; but if he does so command, in the name of Christ, then they

may sin without fear of consequences, either in this world or in the

world to come. Every instructed Christian mind, no matter what its

form of faith, must consider this blasphemous, because it assumes that

the general may successfully exercise the divine authority of Christ

to authorize sin to be committed, or to condone and pardon it after

commission. This assumption goes to the full extent of deciding what

is and what is not sin, by considering it alone with reference "to the

particular good of each" member of the society, or to its "general

advantage," and not to the law of God. Whatsoever either of these shall

require, if commanded by the general, "shall be done," if the command

shall be given "in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ!" Nothing can be

allowed to stand in the way of this. "No constitution, declaration,

or any order of living"--not even the law of God--can be set up

against the general! He occupies the place of God, and must be obeyed,

howsoever the peace and welfare of the multitude may be imperiled, or

the nations be convulsed from center to circumference. The society of

Jesuits must obtain the mastery, even if general anarchy shall prevail,

or all the world besides be covered with the fragments of a universal

wreck!

There should be no mistake at this point, for the doctrine involved

is vital to the Jesuits. Their society could no more exist without

it than could a watch keep time after the removal of its mainspring.

Although, unlike Nicolini, Bartoli does not give the precise words of

the constitution, this important vow, as set forth by him in his life

of Loyola, has substantially the same meaning. According to him, its

import is plainly this, that the general, whether "wise or imprudent,

holy or imperfect," stands in "the place of God;" that, whilst in

the abstract it is sinful to commit sin, when the act is performed

upon individual judgment, yet, if the general shall order it, and the

conscience of the Jesuit rebel against it because he considers it

sin, he shall "rely" upon the general, and not upon himself; that is,

he shall so close his mind that no conscientious convictions shall

penetrate it. And until he has reached this condition of stupid and

servile obedience, he is "far from the perfection which his religious

state requires." And, to reduce the matter to the plainest and simplest

proposition, the Jesuit is bound "to believe that a thing ought to be,

because the superior orders it;" so that, if he shall order sin to be

committed, the Jesuit is required not to consider it as sin because

God, through the general, commands it! This is precisely as if it were

said that sin may be justifiably committed in God's name, whensoever it

shall be required by "the particular good of each," or by the "general

advantage" of the society. It requires, of course, no argument to show

that this authority of the general is considered comprehensive enough

to justify resistance or covert opposition to the constitution and laws

of any State, or the violation of any treaty, contract, or oath, which

shall stand in the way of the society in its struggle after universal

dominion.

Here we have information from two sources with reference to Jesuit

doctrine upon a point of the very chiefest importance. Nicolini was a

native Italian, and resided at Rome, where he undoubtedly had access

to the best and most reliable sources of information. Bartoli was a

Jesuit, and must have been familiar with the principles and teachings

of the society, or he would not have been trusted and patronized by

it as the biographer of Loyola. They do not disagree materially with

regard to the general principle which forbids sin in an abstract form

and upon individual responsibility, but justifies its commission when

ordered by the general of the Jesuits. It is, therefore, obviously

deducible from this general principle, as stated by both of them, that

when the general shall require the perpetration of any crime, or the

violation of any obligation, or oath, or constitution, or law, or the

performance of any act howsoever perfidious or shameless,--in all,

or any of these cases, the Jesuit shall execute his commands without

"fear of offense." The general is thus placed above all governments,

constitutions, and laws, and even above God himself! There are no laws

of a State, no rules of morality established by society, no principles

of religious faith established by any Church--including even the

Roman Church itself--that the Jesuit is not bound to resist, when

commanded by his general to do so, no matter if it shall lead to war,

revolution, or bloodshed, or to the upheaval of society from its very

foundations. Everything is centered in the good of the society, and

to that all else must defer. No wonder that the Jesuit casuists have

found in this provision of their constitution the source of that odious

and demoralizing maxim that "the means are justified by the end;" in

other words, if, in the judgment of the general, the end is considered

right, howsoever criminal or sinful, it becomes sanctified, and may be

accomplished without "the fear of offense."

Nor is this all. After, as Nicolini says, "having thus transferred the

allegiance of the Jesuit from his God to his general, the constitution

proceeds to secure that allegiance from all conflict with the natural

affections or worldly interests."[28] It does not allow anything--any

affections of the heart or earthly interests of any kind or nature

whatsoever--to intervene between the Jesuit and his superior. If he

has family ties, he must break them; if friends, he must discard them;

if property, he must surrender it to the superior, and take the vow

of absolute and extreme poverty; he must, in fact, render himself

insensible to every sentiment, or emotion, or feeling that could,

by possibility, exist from instinct or habits of thought in his own

mind. As it regards property, the constitution provides that "he will

accomplish a work of great perfection if he dispose of it in benefit of

the society." And continuing this subject, with reference to paternal

affections, it continues: "And that his better example may shine

before men, he must put away all strong affection for his parents, and

refrain from the unsuitable desire of a bountiful distribution arising

from such disadvantageous affection."[29] He shall not communicate

with any person by letter without its inspection by the superior, who

shall read all letters addressed to him before their delivery; of

course, permitting only such to be sent by or to reach him as shall be

approved. "He shall not leave the house except at such times and with

such companions as the superior shall allow; nor within the house shall

he converse, without restraint, with any one at his own pleasure, but

with such only as shall be appointed by the superior."[30] He shall

not be allowed to go out of the house unless accompanied by two of the

brethren as spies upon his conduct, and the neglect of either to report

faithfully what the others have done and said is held to be sinful. And

to make sure that all the members reflect only the opinions dictated

by him, they are bound to absolute uniformity, as follows: "Let all

think, let all speak, as far as possible, the same thing, according to

the apostle. Let no contradictory doctrines, therefore, be allowed,

either by word of mouth, or public sermons, or in written books,

which last shall not be published without the approbation and consent

of the general; and, indeed, all differences of opinion regarding

practical matters shall be avoided."[31] Commenting upon these things,

Nicolini most appropriately says: "Thus no one but the general can

exercise the right of uttering a single original thought or opinion.

It is almost impossible to conceive the power, especially in former

times, of a general having at his absolute disposal such an amount of

intelligences, wills, and energies."[32]

If there were any evidences to prove that the Jesuits, as a society,

have abandoned any of the principles or policy which bear the stamp

of Loyola's approval, there would be no necessity, other than that

which incites to historic investigation, for a careful and critical

investigation of them. But there are none. On the contrary, it will

be seen that, from their very nature, they are not susceptible of

change so long as the society shall exist. The memory of Loyola is

still preserved with intense devotion. He is worshiped as a saint, and

the words uttered by him are as much reverenced as those spoken by

the Savior. It seems impossible, therefore, to escape the conviction

that this extraordinary society is unlike any other now existing, or

which has heretofore existed, in the world. That it was conceived by

the active brain of an ambitious and worldly-minded enthusiast, who

had been disappointed at not winning the military distinction he had

expected, is an irresistible inference from facts well established

in his personal history. His vanity and imperiousness suggested

the starting-point of his organization, whereby man was treated as

incapable of intelligent reflection--fit only to become the unresisting

tool of those who venture profanely to affirm, contrary to any

divine revelation, that God has endowed them alone with authority

to subject the world to obedience. His plan of operations was,

from the beginning, a direct censure of all the ancient religious

orders, as it was also of the methods the Church had adopted after

the experience of many centuries. When he conceived it, his chief

purpose undoubtedly was, as heretofore explained,[33] to make himself

and his successors independent of and superior to the pope and the

Church. His contemplated antagonism to both was sufficiently indicated

by the fact that his original constitution centered absolute and

irresponsible power in the hands of the general of his society; and the

subsequent introduction of the simulated vow of qualified fidelity to

the pope--which was brought about by a degree of necessity amounting

almost to duress--has had no other effect than to tax the strategic

ingenuity of more than one general by the invention of subterfuges to

evade it. In furtherance of this idea, the society holds no intercourse

with the pope, nor he with it. Its members are all independent of

him. They are the creatures and instruments of the general alone.

They obey him, and no other. If he, as the head of the society, does

not think proper to execute the orders of the pope--as has often

occurred--the question is alone between the pope and him, not with

the society. The only point of unity is between the general and the

members; and of this the society boasts with its habitual vanity. In

enumerating the methods by which its duration is considered assured,

Bartoli says: "The chief is a strict union between the members and the

head, consequent upon entire dependence, which results from perfect

obedience. Ignatius established a _monarchical form of government_ in

the society, and placed the whole administration of the order in the

hands of the general, with an authority absolute and independent of

all men, with the sole exception of the sovereign pontiff. The general

then decided absolutely, both in the choice of the superiors, as well

as in everything which concerns the members of the company."[34]

This sufficiently shows that the pope deals alone with the general,

and he alone with the society; except through the latter, the former

can not reach the members, or communicate his will to them; and even

when the pope communicates with the general, the whole obligation

of the latter's obedience consists in sending the members of the

society to whatsoever part of the world the pope shall direct without

remuneration. And it is by these means that the society constitutes

what Bartoli calls "one solid and durable whole," nominally with two

heads, but practically paying obedience to but one.

It was scarcely necessary to say that the society existed under "a

monarchical form of government," for it is impossible for such an

organization to exist in any other form. In fact, it surpasses in that

respect any institution ever known, not excepting the most tyrannical

despotisms by which the Oriental peoples were held in bondage for

centuries. Until the time of Loyola no man ever conceived--or if he

did, the avowal of it is unknown to history--the idea that the plain

and simple teachings of Christ, which are easily interpreted, could

be distorted into an apology for reducing mankind to a multitude

of unthinking corpses or dead bodies, without thoughts, opinions,

or motives of their own, so that they should submit implicitly to

the dictation of a single man, who, to prepare them for perfect

obedience, required that the best affections of their hearts should

be extinguished, and nothing generous or kindly or noble be permitted

to exist in them. Absolutism could not possibly be carried further,

for there is no degree of humiliation lower than that the Jesuit is

required to reach. Howsoever cultivated in art, or learned in letters,

or courtly in manners, or fascinating in oratory he may become, his

conscience is dwarfed into cowardice, and he has parted with his

manhood as if it were an old garment to be cast aside at pleasure. No

picture of him could be more true than that drawn by the friendly pen

of Bartoli, who tells us, boastingly, that "the society requires no

members who are governed by human respect."[35] It requires, according

to this biographer of Loyola, only those who hold in utter contempt the

opinions of the world, those who extinguish in their minds all sense of

either praise or shame, and who close all avenues by which men's hearts

are reached by noble or generous or patriotic impulses. They seem to

think that God, after making man "in his own image" and with capacity

for inspiring thoughts, paralyzed his best affections in mere sport,

and left him only fitted for blind obedience to an imperious master,

who requires him to sunder all the tenderest domestic relations as if

they invited to impiety, and who treats all the highest social virtues

as vices when they do not advance his ambitious ends, and any form of

vice as virtue when it does.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 13: Constitution. Part I, chap, i, § 3. _Apud_ Nicolini:

History of the Jesuits, p. 32.]

[Footnote 14: Constitution. Part IV, chap. x, § 5. _Apud_ Nicolini:

History of the Jesuits, p. 33.]

[Footnote 15: Const. Part III, chap. i, § 23. _Ibid._]

[Footnote 16: Const. Part VI, chap. i, § 1. _Ibid._]

[Footnote 17: The Jesuits, their Constitution and Teaching. By

Cartwright. Page 15, note.]

[Footnote 18: History of St. Ignatius Loyola. By Bartoli. Vol. II, p.

46.]

[Footnote 19: _Ibid._, p. 47.]

[Footnote 20: _Ibid._, p. 49.]

[Footnote 21: _Ibid._, p. 51.]

[Footnote 22: History of the Jesuits. By Steinmetz. Vol. I, p. 251, N.

1.]

[Footnote 23: Bartoli. Vol. II, p. 93.]

[Footnote 24: Constitution. Part VI, chap. v, § 31. _Apud_ Nicolini, p.

34.]

[Footnote 25: Bartoli, Vol. II, pp. 92, 93.]

[Footnote 26: _Ibid._, p. 95.]

[Footnote 27: _Ibid._, p. 94.]

[Footnote 28: Nicolini, p. 34.]

[Footnote 29: Constitution. Part III, chap. i, § 7-9. _Apud_ Nicolini,

pp. 34, 35.]

[Footnote 30: Const. Part III, chap. i, § 2, 3. _Apud_ Nicolini, p. 36.]

[Footnote 31: Const. Part III, chap. i, § 18. _Apud_ Nicolini, p. 36.

These general matters are also treated of by Bartoli, Vol. II, chaps.

iv and v, pp. from 33-78.]

[Footnote 32: Nicolini, p. 36.]

[Footnote 33: Ante, chap. ii, p. 41.]

[Footnote 34: Bartoli, Vol. II, p. 88.]

[Footnote 35: Bartoli, Vol. II, p. 85.]

The Footprints of the Jesuits · 第 3 / 26 章