CHAPTER I

Produced by John Bickers and Dagny

THE RELIGION OF BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA

By Theophilus G. Pinches, LL.D.

First Published 1906 by Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd.

THE RELIGION OF

BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA

BY

THEOPHILUS G. PINCHES, LL.D.

Lecturer in Assyrian at University College, London,

Author of "The Old Testament in the Light of the

Records of Assyria and Babylonia"; "The Bronze

Ornaments of the Palace Gates of Balewat" etc. etc.

PREPARER'S NOTE

The original text contains a number of characters that are not

available even in 8-bit Windows text, such as H with a breve below

it in Hammurabi, S with a breve, S and T with a dot below them, U

with macron, and superscript M in Tašmêtum. These have been left

in the e-text as the base letter.

The 8-bit version of this text includes Windows font characters

like S with a caron above it (pronounced /sh/) as in Šamaš, etc.

These may be lost in 7-bit versions of the text, or when viewed

with different fonts.

Greek text has been transliterated within brackets "{}" using an

Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. Diacritical marks have

been lost.

THE RELIGION OF THE

BABYLONIANS AND ASSYRIANS

CHAPTER I

FOREWORD

Position, and Period.

The religion of the Babylonians and Assyrians was the polytheistic

faith professed by the peoples inhabiting the Tigris and Euphrates

valleys from what may be regarded as the dawn of history until the

Christian era began, or, at least, until the inhabitants were brought

under the influence of Christianity. The chronological period covered

may be roughly estimated at about 5000 years. The belief of the

people, at the end of that time, being Babylonian heathenism leavened

with Judaism, the country was probably ripe for the reception of the

new faith. Christianity, however, by no means replaced the earlier

polytheism, as is evidenced by the fact, that the worship of Nebo and

the gods associated with him continued until the fourth century of the

Christian era.

By whom followed.

It was the faith of two distinct peoples--the Sumero-Akkadians, and

the Assyro-Babylonians. In what country it had its beginnings is

unknown--it comes before us, even at the earliest period, as a faith

already well-developed, and from that fact, as well as from the names

of the numerous deities, it is clear that it began with the former

race--the Sumero-Akkadians--who spoke a non-Semitic language largely

affected by phonetic decay, and in which the grammatical forms had in

certain cases become confused to such an extent that those who study

it ask themselves whether the people who spoke it were able to

understand each other without recourse to devices such as the "tones"

to which the Chinese resort. With few exceptions, the names of the

gods which the inscriptions reveal to us are all derived from this

non-Semitic language, which furnishes us with satisfactory etymologies

for such names as Merodach, Nergal, Sin, and the divinities mentioned

in Berosus and Damascius, as well as those of hundreds of deities

revealed to us by the tablets and slabs of Babylonia and Assyria.

The documents.

Outside the inscriptions of Babylonia and Assyria, there is but little

bearing upon the religion of those countries, the most important

fragment being the extracts from Berosus and Damascius referred to

above. Among the Babylonian and Assyrian remains, however, we have an

extensive and valuable mass of material, dating from the fourth or

fifth millennium before Christ until the disappearance of the

Babylonian system of writing about the beginning of the Christian era.

The earlier inscriptions are mostly of the nature of records, and give

information about the deities and the religion of the people in the

course of descriptions of the building and rebuilding of temples, the

making of offerings, the performance of ceremonies, etc. Purely

religious inscriptions are found near the end of the third millennium

before Christ, and occur in considerable numbers, either in the

original Sumerian text, or in translations, or both, until about the

third century before Christ. Among the more recent inscriptions--those

from the library of the Assyrian king Aššur-bani-âpli and the later

Babylonian temple archives,--there are many lists of deities, with

numerous identifications with each other and with the heavenly bodies,

and explanations of their natures. It is needless to say that all this

material is of enormous value for the study of the religion of the

Babylonians and Assyrians, and enables us to reconstruct at first hand

their mythological system, and note the changes which took place in

the course of their long national existence. Many interesting and

entertaining legends illustrate and supplement the information given

by the bilingual lists of gods, the bilingual incantations and hymns,

and the references contained in the historical and other documents. A

trilingual list of gods enables us also to recognise, in some cases,

the dialectic forms of their names.

The importance of the subject.

Of equal antiquity with the religion of Egypt, that of Babylonia and

Assyria possesses some marked differences as to its development.

Beginning among the non-Semitic Sumero-Akkadian population, it

maintained for a long time its uninterrupted development, affected

mainly by influences from within, namely, the homogeneous local cults

which acted and reacted upon each other. The religious systems of

other nations did not greatly affect the development of the early

non-Semitic religious system of Babylonia. A time at last came,

however, when the influence of the Semitic inhabitants of Babylonia

and Assyria was not to be gainsaid, and from that moment, the

development of their religion took another turn. In all probably this

augmentation of Semitic religious influence was due to the increased

numbers of the Semitic population, and at the same period the

Sumero-Akkadian language began to give way to the Semitic idiom which

they spoke. When at last the Semitic Babylonian language came to be used

for official documents, we find that, although the non-Semitic divine

names are in the main preserved, a certain number of them have been

displaced by the Semitic equivalent names, such as Šamaš for the

sun-god, with Kittu and Mêšaru ("justice and righteousness") his

attendants; Nabú ("the teacher" = Nebo) with his consort Tašmêtu ("the

hearer"); Addu, Adad, or Dadu, and Rammanu, Ramimu, or Ragimu = Hadad

or Rimmon ("the thunderer"); Bêl and Bêltu (Beltis = "the lord" and

"the lady" /par excellence/), with some others of inferior rank. In

place of the chief divinity of each state at the head of each separate

pantheon, the tendency was to make Merodach, the god of the capital

city Babylon, the head of the pantheon, and he seems to have been

universally accepted in Babylonia, like Aššur in Assyria, about 2000

B.C. or earlier.

The uniting of two pantheons.

We thus find two pantheons, the Sumero-Akkadian with its many gods,

and the Semitic Babylonian with its comparatively few, united, and

forming one apparently homogeneous whole. But the creed had taken a

fresh tendency. It was no longer a series of small, and to a certain

extent antagonistic, pantheons composed of the chief god, his consort,

attendants, children, and servants, but a pantheon of considerable

extent, containing all the elements of the primitive but smaller

pantheons, with a number of great gods who had raised Merodach to be

their king.

In Assyria.

Whilst accepting the religion of Babylonia, Assyria nevertheless kept

herself distinct from her southern neighbour by a very simple device,

by placing at the head of the pantheon the god Aššur, who became for

her the chief of the gods, and at the same time the emblem of her

distinct national aspirations--for Assyria had no intention whatever

of casting in her lot with her southern neighbour. Nevertheless,

Assyria possessed, along with the language of Babylonia, all the

literature of that country--indeed, it is from the libraries of her

kings that we obtain the best copies of the Babylonian religious

texts, treasured and preserved by her with all the veneration of which

her religious mind was capable,--and the religious fervour of the

Oriental in most cases leaves that of the European, or at least of the

ordinary Briton, far behind.

The later period in Assyria.

Assyria went to her downfall at the end of the seventh century before

Christ worshipping her national god Aššur, whose cult did not cease

with the destruction of her national independence. In fact, the city

of Aššur, the centre of that worship, continued to exist for a

considerable period; but for the history of the religion of Assyria,

as preserved there, we wait for the result of the excavations being

carried on by the Germans, should they be fortunate enough to obtain

texts belonging to the period following the fall of Nineveh.

In Babylonia.

Babylonia, on the other hand, continued the even tenor of her way.

More successful at the end of her independent political career than

her northern rival had been, she retained her faith, and remained the

unswerving worshipper of Merodach, the great god of Babylon, to whom

her priests attributed yet greater powers, and with whom all the other

gods were to all appearance identified. This tendency to monotheism,

however, never reached the culminating point--never became

absolute--except, naturally, in the minds of those who, dissociating

themselves, for philosophical reasons, from the superstitious teaching

of the priests of Babylonia, decided for themselves that there was but

one God, and worshipped Him. That orthodox Jews at that period may have

found, in consequence of this monotheistic tendency, converts, is not

by any means improbable--indeed, the names met with during the later

period imply that converts to Judaism were made.

The picture presented by the study.

Thus we see, from the various inscriptions, both Babylonian and

Assyrian--the former of an extremely early period--the growth and

development, with at least one branching off, of one of the most

important religious systems of the ancient world. It is not so

important for modern religion as the development of the beliefs of the

Hebrews, but as the creed of the people from which the Hebrew nation

sprang, and from which, therefore, it had its beginnings, both

corporeal and spiritual, it is such as no student of modern religious

systems can afford to neglect. Its legends, and therefore its

teachings, as will be seen in these pages, ultimately permeated the

Semitic West, and may in some cases even had penetrated Europe, not

only through heathen Greece, but also through the early Christians,

who, being so many centuries nearer the time of the

Assyro-Babylonians, and also nearer the territory which they anciently

occupied, than we are, were far better acquainted than the people of

the present day with the legends and ideas which they possessed.

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