The socialistic movement in England has lately so strongly reacted on

the relations of the Imperial Government with the colonies that the

Secretary of State is believed to be willing to employ the resources

of the empire to assist backward colonies. He has invited English

capitalists to aid the declining West Indies, and a leading firm has

offered to invest a million in the sugar industry if a guarantee

of sufficient returns is given. The constitution of the projected

Australian Federation contains a novel analogous provision, permitting

the commonwealth to aid its needy provinces. The growing unity in the

social organism as a whole is accompanied by an increasing unity in its

component parts.

The mother country continues to defend its colonies, as animals defend

their young and parents their children. But the polyp does not defend

its offspring, nor did the earliest colonizing powers succor their

colonies. While not even the armed persuasion of Cambyses could induce

Tyre to make war against Carthage, neither seems to have helped the

other in its need. Carthage fought savagely for her Sicilian colonies,

but in her own interests, not in theirs. Though the ties between a

Greek metropolis and her colonies were closer, the one did not

invariably defend the other. Corcyra refused the aid her daughter city

Epidaurus sought, and the latter had to find it in the grandmother city

of Corinth, who considered it _her_ colony no less than that of Corcyra.

The Dorian city was celebrated for her typical Greek patriotism, and

she gladly assisted Syracuse to expel her Carthaginian conquerors. Rome

fought for her colonies while her power lasted. France and England

fought for their colonies, or rather for the possession of them, all

through the eighteenth century. Spain has just fought for her last

colonies, but as much against the colonists as against the foreign

state that came to set them free. The mother country is also at the

cost of keeping her colonies in a state of defence. The sum of £9,000

was in 1679 annually expended on the maintenance of English soldiers in

Virginia and two West Indian colonies, and £1,000 on the fortifications

of New York. Troops were often dispatched to assist the American

colonies in special expeditions. The colonial military expenditure of

Great Britain in 1859 amounted to nearly £1,200,000. In compliance

with the findings of a Royal Commission, repeatedly reaffirmed by

resolutions of Parliament, to the effect that the self-governing

colonies ought to suffice for their own military defense, the troops

were finally withdrawn in 1873, but she still maintains a garrison at

Halifax and in Natal and a fleet in Australian waters, to which last

the adjacent colonies contribute a fraction. Most of the self-governing

colonies have at their own cost erected fortresses, and they maintain

a defensive force. Two of them have stationary ships of war. They are

willing and eager, moreover, to aid the mother country when she is in

difficulties. When England was embroiled in Egypt or danger threatened

in India and South Africa, several of these colonies offered to send,

and one actually sent, troops to engage in wars in which they were

not directly concerned. The head and the extremities are sometimes at

variance because their interests conflict. The heart of such an empire

is one. A stride has been taken toward organic unity.

Animals evolve special organs for the nursing of their young, and all

colonizing countries seem to have created special departments for the

supervision of their colonies. As the lacteal glands are only modified

skin-glands, are in certain lower genera (the Monotremata) at first

without teats and only in higher species develop into true mammæ, so

the colonial department in the mother country is originally a mere

adaptation of existing agencies. A rather perfect example of this stage

is presented by the earliest of modern colonizing powers. The Casa de

la Contratacion de las Indias, established soon after the discovery of

South America, was organized in 1503. It granted licenses, equipped and

despatched fleets, received merchandise for export and cargoes imported

and contracted for their sale. It controlled the trade with Barbary and

the Canaries and supervised the shipping business of Cadiz and Seville.

Taking cognizance of all questions concerning marine trade, it was

advised by two jurists. It also kept the Spanish government informed

of all that concerned the colonies. It was a general board of colonial

marine trade, and such it remained even when, a few years later, its

more important colonial functions were absorbed by a higher department.

Where the colony has been founded by a commercial or by a colonizing

company, the mother country controls the colony through the directors

of the company; the office of the company is _pro tanto_ the

Colonial Office. Yet the later colonial department, as an organ of

government, is not a development of these shipping, commercial or

colonizing boards. It is a delegation of the sovereign authority.

This is at first exercised directly by the sovereign as it was

notably by Isabella and Ferdinand. It is next delegated, like almost

all functions of the ruler, to his privy council, which assigns the

business of colonies to a committee, which again may be set apart as

an independent administrative body. The Spanish Council of the Indies,

the separate English privy council for colonial affairs contemplated

in the first Virginian charter, the Council of Nine appointed by the

States-General of the Netherlands, the Swedish royal council, were

such bodies. Their powers are everywhere the same. The superintendence

of the whole colonial system is entrusted to them. They have supreme

jurisdiction over all the colonies. They appoint and may recall

viceroys, governors-general, governors and other local officers. They

can veto laws and ordinances made by colonial rulers or legislatures.

They frame constitutions for the colonies and enact laws. Through the

governors and other officers sent out by them, they minutely supervise

and incessantly interfere with the whole internal administration

of each colony. The tendency of this supreme council is to divorce

itself evermore from the privy council and become independent, till

at last it is transformed into a ministerial department. Yet an

amicable relationship (such as sometimes survives the divorce court)

long remains. The Colonial Committee of the privy council in England

was summoned as late as 1849, and the Judicial Committee still hears

appeals from colonial courts of justice. The government of the

commonwealth was naturally averse to the king’s council, and a body

of special commissioners (Cromwell and Pym and Vane among them) was

appointed to govern the colonies.

The Restoration did not at once return to the old system. On the

contrary, a remarkable democratic advance was made. Recognizing that

though ‘politics lie outside the profession of merchants’ (as the

Swedish and British governments declared), yet trade is eminently

within their scope, the restored monarchy set up a Council of Trade and

Plantations, of whose forty members twenty were elected representatives

of the five merchant companies and the incorporated trades. But there

was ever a tendency, at least under the despotic rule of the Stuarts,

to revert to the privy council, and in 1674 a standing committee of

it was appointed Lords of the Committee of Trade and Plantations. The

change appears to have been unimportant. Trade still governed the

committee and shaped its policy.

The Board of Trade set up in 1696, rather by the House of Commons

than by the Ministry, marked the more popular character of the

revolution of 1688, and lasted for ninety years. As if foreshadowing

the despotic character of the English reaction against the greater

French revolution, this board was abolished by an act introduced by

the chief reactionary--Edmund Burke. A committee of the Privy Council

for Trade and Plantations was in 1786 again resorted to, and this

committee in a shadowy manner survived (perhaps it still survives)

till 1849, when it was for the last time summoned by Earl Grey. But

the real administration of the colonies had long been in the hands

of a department of state, directly responsible to Parliament, though

it was still a department that dealt with other affairs as well.

Specialization began in 1702 by the colonies being assigned to the

Secretary for the Southern Department. In 1768 a separate department

with a secretary was created for America, where almost all of the

colonies were then situated. After the loss of most of the American

colonies the new department was abolished in 1782. The colonies were

then annexed to the home department. In 1794 the newly created war

department nominally included the colonies, though these were not

actually united with it till the Committee for Trade and Plantations

ceased to act, seven years later. In 1854 a separate colonial

department, with an independent secretary of state, was finally

created.[A]

[A] The history of the relations between the government of

Great Britain and her colonies will be found in many books,

but best in Mr. Egerton’s comprehensive survey of British

colonial policy.

As there were twenty-three secretaries in forty-one years, it will be

readily understood that the practical work of administration remained

with the permanent officials. With a longer tenure of office, previous

training and thorough mastery of details, they held all the threads of

colonial administration in their own hands. A newly-appointed minister,

with little knowledge of the colonies and no acquaintance at all with

the business of his department, was no match for an experienced officer

who had colonial affairs at his fingers’ ends.

A mere clerk, unknown outside his office, though well known in

literature, could recall a governor; another, whose very name was

unknown till he died, recommended (that is, commanded on pain of

dismissal) a recent Governor of New Zealand to give away to his

ministers on a crucial exercise of the prerogative.

Nor is it in matters of routine alone that the permanent officers shape

the course of colonial administration. A strong-minded minister with

a policy of his own, like Lord Grey or Lord Carnarvon, will force his

subordinates to carry it out, but even here a still stronger-minded

under-secretary will often have his way. In 1848 Lord Grey, then

Secretary for the Colonies, summoned the aged and moribund Committee

(of the privy council) on Trade and Plantations to advise with him

on the policy to be adopted towards the Australian colonies. The

report was drafted by Sir James Stephen and we have no difficulty in

discovering in its far-sighted proposals and masculine style the mind

as well as the hand of the author of the essay on ‘Hildebrand.’ It is

often said that a state department is inevitably wedded to routine.

In the report just mentioned the striking feature is the outline of a

system of Australian federation that is only now on the point of being

realized. So far was the pedantic Colonial Office then, as it has often

been before and since, ahead of its subject colonies.

The other colonizing countries have followed the same line of

development. Beginning as direct delegations of the sovereign power

to a branch, first constituent and then separated, of the sovereign’s

council, the department of colonies has been in course of time made an

independent ministry directly answerable to parliament. In bureaucratic

France the colonies since 1854 have been associated with the navy. On

the first of January, 1899, the empire on which the sun never set,

having lost the last of the dependencies that were once its glory,

abolished its colonial office. The sun had set on Spain to rise no

more.

TECHNICAL EDUCATION AT THE MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY.

BY PROFESSOR GEORGE F. SWAIN.

With the enormous progress in the arts and sciences which has

characterized especially the last half of the nineteenth century,

education has kept well abreast, although its progress has been gradual

and it is not always easy to recognize the great advances that have

been made. In the sciences, a discovery is made or a machine invented

that in the course of a few years forms the basis of a new industry,

gives occupation to thousands and places within the reach of almost

every one conveniences previously attainable only by the few. In

education no such sudden revolutions occur, and great changes are

introduced by degrees without producing any commotion or any surprise.

From the days of Erasmus and Rabelais, if not earlier, educational

reformers have urged the importance of studying things rather than

books about things, of cultivating the hand and eye as well as the

mind, of training the perceptive powers, of cultivating a habit of

observation and discrimination, and of developing the faculty of

judgment. Yet, notwithstanding all that has been said and written,

progress in this direction has until recently been very slow. Carlyle,

apparently looking at the matter almost from the old scholastic

standpoint, expressed the opinion that the true university of modern

times was a great library; books, not things, should be studied. It

would conform more to the modern point of view to say that the true

university of the twentieth century is a great laboratory. Even the

function of a library in our modern institutions of learning is perhaps

more that of a laboratory than that of a mere storehouse of facts and

opinions.

It is perhaps not too much to say that the development in the direction

indicated has been greatest in our own country; that the United

States have taken the lead in the revolution against the old method

of teaching, and that at the present time the higher schools of this

country are examples of the best practice and the highest development

of the laboratory method. It may, therefore, be of interest to give the

readers of this magazine a brief account of the school which has in

these respects been one of the foremost, if indeed it has not led the

schools of this country, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

[Illustration: THE ROGERS BUILDING, MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF

TECHNOLOGY, IS AT THE RIGHT, THE WALKER BUILDING AT THE LEFT.]

With the development of the natural sciences and the growth of the

constructive arts, natural science long ago gained a place in the

curricula of the great universities of Europe; and afterwards special

schools were founded for teaching the applications of science to the

arts. In France, the École des Ponts et Chaussées, originally started

in 1747 as a drawing school, was organized in 1760 for the training of

engineers. In the States of Germany, a number of similar schools were

organized early in the present century. In America, the Rensselaer

Polytechnic Institute, the pioneer in technical education, was founded

in 1824, and was the only school devoted to applied science until the

forties, when Joseph Sheffield and Abbot Lawrence established the

schools which bear their names, in connection, respectively, with

Yale and Harvard. With the development of railroads, which dates from

the thirties, and of manufacturing, which began in this country but

a few years earlier, urgent need was felt for schools which should

fit younger men to grapple with the problems which the new industries

offered. These schools, however, maintained for many years but a

precarious existence and were quite elementary in character. The Civil

War interrupted their growth and absorbed for a time all the resources

of the nation; but its termination set free an abundant store of

energy, henceforward to seek its chief application in the development

of trade, commerce, manufacturing and industrial pursuits of every

kind. From this time the success of schools of technology was assured.

They were needed to supply young men for the development of the arts;

but, on the other hand, as in all things not purely material, they

were to create a demand for such men by first furnishing a supply.

Manufacturers and leaders of industrial enterprise soon found that

they could not afford to do without the services of young men trained

in scientific principles. In this way, by reversing the usual law of

supply and demand, these schools contributed powerfully to advance the

technical development of the country, far indeed beyond the measure

that may be inferred from the mere number of their graduates.

The Massachusetts Institute of Technology was chartered in 1861, and

first opened to students in 1865. Its claim to recognition as a leader

in the development of technical education may perhaps be summarized as

follows: It was the first school in the world to institute laboratory

instruction in physics and chemistry to students in large classes as a

part of the regular course of each candidate for a degree; the first

to equip a mining and metallurgical laboratory for the instruction of

students by actual treatment of ores in large quantities; the first to

establish a laboratory for teaching the nature and uses of steam, and

a laboratory for testing the strength of materials of construction in

commercial sizes; and the first in America to establish a department

of architecture. Later still, it was the first school in America to

establish distinct and specialized courses of study in electrical

engineering, in sanitary engineering, in chemical engineering and in

naval architecture.

The success of the school has been commensurate with its

progressiveness. It stands to-day the largest, most complete school of

its class in the United States, and one of the largest in the world.

The number of its students is 1,176, the number of its teachers,

including lecturers, 175. Excluding lecturers, the number of students

per teacher is only 8.7, a ratio which is a good general index of the

character of the instruction. The students come from 40 States and

Territories of the Union and from 12 foreign countries.

Before passing to a more detailed description of the work of its

various departments, some general characteristics of the school

should be mentioned. The first is the great variety of its courses

and the specialization of its instruction. It is a college of general

technology, embracing almost every branch of study which finds

application in the arts. There are thirteen distinct courses of study:

Civil and topographical engineering, mechanical engineering, mining

engineering and metallurgy, architecture, chemistry, electrical

engineering, biology, physics, general studies, chemical engineering,

sanitary engineering, geology and naval architecture. These several

departments mutually support and reinforce each other, and allow a

specialization of the instruction which would be impossible in a

smaller college with a less numerous staff of instructors. Thus,

at the Institute of Technology, there are not only professors of

civil engineering and of mechanical engineering, but professors

of mechanism, steam engineering, railroad engineering, highway

engineering, hydraulic engineering, topographical engineering, etc.

Again, the chemical staff of twenty-four persons is distributed over

general chemistry, analytical chemistry, organic chemistry, industrial

chemistry and sanitary chemistry. There are separate laboratories for

water analysis, for gas analysis, for food analysis, for dyeing and

bleaching, etc. In each of these there are teachers who are able to

give their entire time to instruction and research in a single line.

[Illustration: WILLIAM BARTON ROGERS, PRESIDENT, 1862-1870; 1878-1881.]

The second characteristic of the Institute is the predominance of

laboratory, shop and field practice, experiment and research. These

are used wherever it is found practicable to supplement, illustrate or

emphasize the work of the recitation or lecture-room.

The third characteristic of the Institute, and one which is absent in

the case of many similar schools, is the fact that a not inconsiderable

amount of general training has from the beginning been required of

every candidate for the degree. In some technical or scientific schools

there are no liberalizing studies, aside from those of a professional

character. The faculty of the institute have insisted that such studies

should be incorporated to a considerable extent in the curriculum of

every course, recognizing the fact that few students in technical

schools are graduates of colleges, and that the aim of the Institute

should be first of all to graduate broadly trained men. Aside from the

courses in liberal studies, a broad spirit is shown in the technical

courses themselves. The study of general principles is always the chief

end in view, and to it are strictly subordinated the acquirement of all

knacks, tricks of the trade or merely practical rules.

These characteristics of the Institute were impressed upon it

from the beginning by the master hand of its founder and first

president, William B. Rogers. President Rogers aimed to establish ‘a

comprehensive, polytechnic college’ which should provide a ‘complete

system of industrial education.’ It is now generally recognized that a

complete system of industrial education would consist of three parts:

First, manual training schools, for developing the eye and hand, not

with the object of producing artisans, but for training alone. Second,

trade schools for special training in the technique of the different

trades. Third, higher technical schools for training in the fundamental

principles of the sciences, and fitting men in the broadest way to

become leaders in the application of the sciences to the arts. Manual

training is now generally recognized as a desirable addition to every

scheme of public instruction and a powerful adjunct to every technical

school. It was not indicated in the original scheme of the Institute,

but was added in 1877 through the wisdom of President Runkle, as a

result of the exhibition in Philadelphia of the results obtained in

Russia by instruction of this kind. Trade schools, for the training of

artisans, were never included in the scheme of President Rogers, and

are not now, either in America or Europe, considered suitable adjuncts

to so-called technical schools, although they are very desirable

as special and independent institutions. The original plan for the

Institute contemplated simply a school of the last-named kind, together

with provision for evening lectures, to which outsiders should be

admitted, and which it was expected would be of benefit to artisans;

and also the establishment of a museum of arts, and of a society of

arts which should hold regular meetings and which should be the medium

for the communication to the public of scientific discoveries and

inventions. It may be as well to state here that the museum of arts was

never established except in so far as the separate departments of the

Institute have accumulated collections; but that the society of arts,

which held its first meeting in 1862, has been continued to the present

time. Many important inventions, as for instance the earliest forms of

the Bell telephone, were first publicly exhibited at its meetings.

In outlining his plan, President Rogers showed wonderful keenness and

foresight. With the added experience of the succeeding forty years,

it would scarcely be possible to make a more complete statement of

what experience has shown to be the best method of organization. In

fact, his Scope and Plan of the School of Industrial Science of the

Massachusetts Institute of Technology may be said to be the first step

toward a new order of things in education, and contains the first clear

statement of the desirability of teaching physics, mining, metallurgy

and other branches by the laboratory method.

[Illustration: THE HENRY L. PIERCE BUILDING AND ENGINEERING BUILDING.]

The Popular Science Monthly, July, 1900 Vol. 57, May, 1900 to October, 1900 · 第 3 / 12 段