CHAPTER XXI

FINANCING THE WAR

Statistics of financial operations usually make dull and dreary reading

for all who are not professional financiers. But every figure in the

financing of our share in the great war glows with interest. For it is

illumined by the high flame of patriotism and the eager wish to serve

the needs and the ideals of the nation that animated the whole people.

The story of the financing of the war is the story of the enthusiastic

giving by young and old, rich and poor, high and lowly, all over the

country, of all that their government asked in such overflowing measure

as far exceeded its requests. Willingly they took up the heavy burden

of increased taxes and gladly they carried to triumphant success four

huge loans of government bonds, thus providing an enormous reservoir

of credit that enabled the government to pay its mountainous bills, to

give a helping hand to other nations, to bend all its energies to the

prosecution of the war, and to carry the country over from a peace to a

war basis without shock or financial disturbance.

The total cost of the war to the United States, down to the signing of

the armistice, was, in round numbers, something over $21,000,000,000.

The unavoidable continuation for a period of the expenses of the war

establishment will have added $10,205,000,000 to that sum by the end

of June, 1919, and the complete return of the country to a peace basis

will somewhat increase that sum. However, a considerable portion,

probably more than one-quarter, will be reclaimed from values gained

or salvaged from the properties in which it was invested. Loans to the

nations associated with us in the war, of which ten asked for credits,

amounted, at the cessation of hostilities, to $8,000,000,000, and were

increased by $2,000,000,000 more during the next six months. That sum

will in time be removed from the country’s net war expenditure. But

$21,000,000,000 in excess of the nation’s usual outlay for the carrying

on of its governmental affairs had to be raised quickly and, for the

most part, expended as soon as collected. The plan of the Government

for financing the war provided for the raising of approximately

one-third of this sum by taxation and from customs duties and other

usual sources and the remainder by bonds and certificates maturing in

from five to thirty years. Therefore the entire cost of the war will be

borne practically by those now living who as mature persons have been a

part of it or who as children have witnessed or aided the work for it

of their elders.

Accustomed hardly at all to direct taxation, the people nevertheless

took up readily a war burden of income and excess profits taxes far

heavier than anything they had ever dreamed of before. For the first

time in their lives millions of people were called upon to make direct

contributions to the support of the Federal Government. The sum of

$3,694,000,000 raised by direct taxation was the largest tax ever paid

by any country and represented a larger proportion of the nation’s war

budget than any other belligerent engaged in the great war had been

able to defray from tax revenues. About seven-eighths of this sum came

from taxes on income and excess profits and the remainder from taxes on

liquors and tobacco. Only about $22,000,000 of the revenue from incomes

was paid by those having incomes of $3,000 or less, the bulk of it

coming from large fortunes and excess profits.

The story of the four great Liberty Loans that preceded the signing of

the armistice can never be adequately written. It is regrettable that

it cannot be told in all its richness of enthusiasm and desire to be

of service, its hard and willing work, and its lavish outpouring of

money from men, women and children of every economic class and social

condition who thus proved their determination to support the men in

khaki who had gone overseas to maintain the integrity and uphold the

ideals of the American Union. For if it could be told in all that

fullness it would be one of those great stories of humanity that for

centuries retain their vital spark and their power to thrill and

inspire. A flame of passionate purpose swept the country and caught

into its burning ardor almost every home in the land, whether on

isolated farms, in remote mountain valleys, in thriving towns, on poor

city streets, or on mansion-lined avenues. The nation asked the people

to buy, in the four loans, a total of $14,000,000,000 worth of bonds,

and they over-subscribed even this vast amount by $4,800,000,000. It

was by far the greatest financial achievement ever carried through by

any nation in response to appeals to its people.

The First Liberty Loan took place in May and June, 1917, when

subscriptions were asked for bonds to the value of $2,000,000,000.

There was an oversubscription of more than fifty per cent, amounting,

in round numbers, to $1,035,000,000. But as the issue was limited to

the amount offered none of the oversubscriptions could be taken. There

were over 4,000,000 individual subscriptions, of which ninety-nine per

cent were for amounts ranging from $50 to $10,000. There were only

twenty-one subscriptions for amounts of $5,000,000 and over, and they

aggregated somewhat less than $190,000,000.

The Second Liberty Loan occurred in October, 1917, the amount asked

for being $3,000,000,000. The final returns showed an oversubscription

of fifty-four per cent, or somewhat more than $1,617,000,000, half

of which the Treasury Department was authorized to accept. The loan

was taken by 9,400,000 men and women, of whom ninety-nine per cent,

subscribing in amounts ranging from $50 to $50,000, took nearly two and

a half billion dollars.

The Third Liberty Loan took place in April, 1918, opening on the

anniversary of our entrance into the war, when bonds were offered

to the amount of $3,000,000,000. These were over-subscribed by more

than $1,158,000,000, the full amount being allotted by the Treasury

Department. The number of subscribers was 18,300,000, of whom

18,285,000 subscribed for amounts ranging from $50 to $10,000.

The Fourth Liberty Loan followed in October, 1918, the request being

for $6,000,000,000. The amount asked for equaled the combined requests

of the Second and the Third Loans, all three occurring within one

year. It was the largest single loan any nation, at that time, had

ever asked of its people and was described by the Secretary of the

Treasury as “the greatest financial achievement of all history.” No

American can fail to feel that it was a privilege and a milestone in

his life to witness and be a part of the patriotic fervor that carried

it to a triumphant conclusion. The influenza epidemic that swept the

country during the period of the loan kept many hundreds of thousands

of people in sick-beds or sent them to their graves, disorganized

business for many weeks, closed schools, churches, theaters, and all

public assemblies in many places and everywhere interfered seriously

with the progress of the campaign. Nevertheless, it was over-subscribed

by almost $1,000,000,000. More than 21,000,000 people subscribed for

bonds, thus making, if five persons be counted to the family, an

average of a bond for every family in the country.

The rising tide of the nation’s spirit was marked by the increase of

subscribers from loan to loan. The number subscribing to the second

loan doubled those to the first, and the third almost doubled those

to the second, while the fourth made a huge leap forward of 3,000,000

subscribers beyond the third. The over-subscription to the Fourth

Liberty Loan, all of which was allotted, was sixteen and a half per

cent. As in the previous loans, the great bulk of the securities taken

was in the smaller amounts, thus proving the almost unlimited extent to

which the mass of the people, of small fortune, were willing to stand

behind the government with their savings.

Their spirit was all the more notable because of the fact that the

American people have never been accustomed to purchase government bonds

and have never sought, in any considerable number, bond investments

of any kind. Each bond sale, with cumulative energy and enthusiasm

that found their climax in the fourth, was made the medium of a great

informative and patriotic campaign that sought to bring the meaning of

the war, the aims and ideals of America and the imperative necessity

of the winning of the conflict as soon as possible straight home to

the heart of every American. Hundreds of thousands of workers talked

and sang to assemblages and to crowds on the streets, carried on house

to house canvasses, received contributions at booths in hotels, banks,

public places of every sort. Cities and towns were gay with posters,

banners and parades and the flags of America and the Allies floated

from poles and house-tops and windows. Soldiers returning from the

front told the American people in hundreds of addresses why their money

was needed for the men on the fighting lines. Trophies of war, captured

from the enemy, taken over the country everywhere aroused enthusiasm.

Artists gave their talent and skill in the making of posters that had

nation-wide display. Men and women of prominence organized meetings and

made addresses, and societies, newspapers and press associations aided

in many ways. During the third and fourth campaigns it is estimated

that not less than 2,000,000 men and women devoted themselves to

helping the sale of the bonds.

The work done by the National Woman’s Liberty Loan Committee, of

which more detailed description is given in the chapter dealing with

“The Work of Women for the War,” deserves mention here because of the

importance of its contribution to the success of the loans. When the

committee was appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury in May, 1917,

it was made independent of all other loan organizations and given the

status of a Bureau of the United States Treasury. It was a unique

pioneer, for it was the first executive committee of women in the

Government of the United States. When it was established the campaign

for the First Liberty Loan was already in full swing, but it made a

beginning, produced some good results and then bent its energies to

thorough organization. It had a county chairman in practically every

one of the thirty-two hundred counties in the United States, with

49,500 associate chairmen organizing subordinate units, and in cities,

towns, villages, farming regions, mountain and desert districts, its

members canvassed for subscriptions from house to house, by carriage,

by motor, by horseback and on foot, in rain or shine, in mud or dust.

In the Fourth Liberty Loan campaign there were nearly 1,000,000

working members of the Woman’s Committee, every one of whom was busy

as organizer, or canvasser, or both. In the Second Liberty Loan the

organization was officially credited with the raising of $1,000,000,000

and in the Third Loan with a similar sum, while in the Fourth the

Woman’s Committee sold bonds to the amount of $1,500,000,000. The total

contribution of the Committee to the three loans for which it worked

was, therefore, one-fourth of the total asked for these three loans and

only a slightly smaller proportion of the total subscriptions.

One of the most significant factors in the financing of the war was

the contribution of the War Savings Societies. For what they gave was

the result of small economies and of a thrift for which the American

people have never been notable. Wasteful and prodigal beyond any other

nation, America, asked to economize for the sake of her soldiers, began

saving pennies and nickels and quarters as nobody had ever dreamed

she could, or would. The National War Savings Committee was appointed

by the Secretary of the Treasury in December, 1917, and under it

state, county, city and town committees were soon organized. All their

members began preaching and practicing the gospel of thrift and asking

men, women and children to save in every possible way and invest the

results of their small savings and economies in thrift stamps costing

twenty-five cents each. Sixteen of these stamps were exchangeable, with

a cash payment of a few cents, for a war savings certificate redeemable

in five years at a value of five dollars.

A nation-wide campaign of education for thrift and economy and of

organization for practical result enlisted the services of many men

prominent in business affairs. During the first three months of the

campaign more than 18,000 incorporated banks and trust companies agreed

to become authorized agents for the sale of war savings securities. The

work spread all over the country, from Alaska to Panama and from Hawaii

to Porto Rico. By the first of November, 1918, 150,000 War Savings

Societies had been organized and hundreds of thousands of workers

were selling stamps and aiding in the distribution of literature and

the work of organization. More than a thousand periodicals gave free

space to the advertising of the campaign, affording, approximately, a

circulation of 55,000,000. Labor organizations and women’s societies,

schools, churches, clubs of many kinds, young people’s organizations,

the Boy Scouts being especially efficient, coöperated with important

results. Thrift literature was placed in practically every school

in the United States. The monthly cash receipts from the sale of

thrift and war-savings stamps began with $19,236,000 in December,

1917, and increased with every month, reaching their highest point

in the following July with $211,417,000. During the last ten days,

of that month the receipts were at the rate of over $7,000,000 for

every banking day--enough to have financed the entire United States

Government in the years before the war.

Up to November 1, 1918, the cash receipts from the sales of these

stamps totaled $834,253,000, representing a maturity value of over

$1,000,000,000. The achievements and influence of these societies were

so remarkable and so beneficial that probably they will be continued

and become a permanent factor in the finances of the nation.

Through the Bureau of War Risk Insurance of the Department of the

Treasury the nation made generous provision for its fighting forces and

their dependents. No other government had ever provided for them so

liberally, nor had any other, not even excepting our own in previous

wars, gone about the business in so just and so scientific a manner.

Established at the beginning of the world war to insure the hulls and

cargoes of American vessels against the risks of war, the scope of the

Bureau was enlarged after our entrance into the conflict to include

the personnel of the merchant marine and the officers, enlisted men

and nurses of the Army and the Navy. It had also in its charge the

compensation awards for death or disability to be paid to the men of

these services or their dependents and the payment of allotments to

their families. So enormous was the work of the Bureau that it soon

became one of the greatest of business enterprises and beyond question

the largest life insurance concern in the world. It had written, at the

end of hostilities, 4,000,000 policies totaling over $37,000,000,000

and equaling in amount the total life insurance in force at that time

in all American companies, ordinary, industrial and fraternal, both at

home and abroad. The maximum policy that could be taken out was for

$10,000 and the average taken was for about $8,750. Premiums to the end

of the year amounted to $630,000,000. At the signing of the armistice

the Bureau was issuing checks for compensation awards, allotments and

insurance averaging a million per month in number and calling for the

payment of a million dollars a day. It then had on file 30,000,000

individual insurance records of various kinds and, in addition, there

were afterwards brought from France twenty-six tons of such records of

insurance issued after the men had gone overseas.

The enormous amount of work done by this Bureau was only one factor

in the wartime expansion of the duties of the Treasury Department

that brought about grave problems of administration. Thousands of new

employees were needed for the vastly increased work of the Internal

Revenue Bureau, with its new phases due to the inauguration of direct

personal taxation, and thousands more for the work of the War Risk

Insurance Bureau, the new tasks of each Bureau calling for special

skill. The Insurance Bureau had 13,000 employees, recruited and trained

in a year. Other expansions made necessary still more thousands of

workers. Office space for them and for the records that must be kept

had to be provided, the employees had to be found and the greater

part of them had to be trained for their special tasks. The problem of

training was met by establishing schools within the Treasury Department

in which intensive work prepared applicants for their duties in a short

time.

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