CHAPTER XV. RELATIONSHIP WITH THE COMMUNIST YOUTH CORPS[8]_The China of Chiang K'ai-Shek: A Political Study

[Footnote 8: _Kung-ch'an Ch'ing-nien T'uan_.]

ARTICLE 53. The District or Central Party Organs shall send Delegates to

the Communist Youth Corps for exchanging ideas. At the same time the

Communist Youth Corps can also send their members to attend the various

meetings of the different Councils of the Party Delegates.

APPENDIX III. MATERIALS ON POLICY

_A._ REPLY TO QUESTIONS (CHIANG K'AI-SHEK)[1]

[Footnote 1: Private communication by and to the present author, and

in his possession.]

Replies to the following questionnaire were very kindly

supplied by Generalissimo Chiang K'ai-shek. The questions by

the present author were submitted to him on July 23, 1940;

the replies were transmitted through the Vice-Minister of

Publicity, Mr. Hollington Tong, on November 26, 1940.

(1) Do you believe that the _San Min Chu I_ are suited to China alone,

or do you think it possible that they represent a golden mean between

totalitarianism and democracy?

_San Min Chu I is a type of democracy particularly suited to China. In

its general features, I think, it is similar to Western democracies._

(2) Do you feel that a _San Min Chu I_ China will have any positive

proposals to make concerning the subject of world federation or

confederation, if that subject is raised at the end of the current

European war?

_In as much as cosmopolitanism and world peace are two of the main aims

of San Min Chu I, China will naturally be disposed to participate in any

world federation or confederation based on the principle of equality of

nations and for the good of mankind._

(3) Do you believe that the inauguration of the constitution and of a

constitutional period will lead to the uncontrolled freedom of minor

parties, including the Communist? Is there not a danger that the minor

parties, because they do not share the responsibility for government,

will be able to exploit formal democratic rights more unscrupulously

than the Kuomintang?

_No, because democracy in itself has the ability to work out the

solutions for those problems if there are any._

(4) What do you regard as the clearest factual indication of the growth

of democracy in Free China?

_The following are the clearest indications of the growth of democracy

in China: 1, the convocation of the People's Political Council; 2, the

convocation of the Provincial Political Councils; 3, the growth of

popular interest in both public and national affairs; 4, the growth of

the sentiment of national solidarity; 5, the spontaneous response to the

call for public services._

(5) Within the army, what democratic tendencies have you fostered or

observed?

_Since the army is now recruited from the different walks of life, it

naturally shares the growing democratic sentiment. Within the army,

however, the soldiers and officers are of course trained and disciplined

in strict accordance with military regulations._

(6) When the war against Japan is successfully concluded, do you believe

that the National Government will have any difficulty in re-establishing

its full authority over the guerrilla-governed areas, which will have

tasted autonomy?

_No, because all these forces are fighting for the liberty and

independence of China._

(7) Do you believe that the bogus Government at Nanking is intended by

the enemy to deceive the Chinese, to fool the Japanese home public, or

actually to govern China? Why do you think that a man as ambitious as

Wang Ch'ing-wei put himself in such a humiliating and ridiculous

position--before the world, and before history?

_Whatever may be the intention of the Japanese in putting up Wang

Ch'ing-wei as the head of the bogus government, they certainly have no

idea of letting him or any other puppet govern China in reality. As to

the latter part of the question, I prefer that you would ask Wang

directly._

_B._ WHAT I MEAN BY ACTION, OR A PHILOSOPHY OF ACTION (CHIANG

K'AI-SHEK)[1]

[Footnote 1: Chiang K'ai-shek, _A Philosophy of Action, or What I Mean

by Action_, Chungking, 1940; p. 7-20. The accompanying foreword and

notes are here omitted. The translation is the work of Mr. Ma P'in-ho,

a naturalized Chinese scholar but of European race and nativity.]

The following essay, delivered as a speech, represents the

clearest formulation by Generalissimo Chiang of his own

philosophy. To this must be joined his exegesis on the San

Min Chu I, quoted in part above, p. 270.

THE TRUTHS WE MUST ENDEAVOR TO GRASP ANEW

In 1932 I delivered a lecture on the subject "Stages in the Development

of Revolutionary Philosophy." In it I dealt with two points of especial

importance. Firstly, I tried to explain how the actual grasp of what we

know comes only with positive action. I said: "The universe contains

spirit in addition to matter. Spirit implies mind, and mind implies

conscience. Conscience must find its expression in action, in the

practice of what it urges. Otherwise the conscience would be a barren

thing, and there would be no way of avoiding a futile idealism on the

one hand or determinist materialism on the other." Secondly, I explained

the importance of the philosophy of action in regard to the Revolution.

I said: "Only the word 'action' covers the meaning of what has brought

into being all things in space and time. Our philosophy therefore takes

as the one central principle of human life and thought the maxim: 'From

true knowledge action naturally proceeds.' In short, any philosophy of

ours must be a philosophy of action. The consummation of the Republican

revolution and the overthrow of Japanese Imperialist aggression depend

upon our putting into practice Dr. Sun's principle of action as the

natural product of knowledge."

Since I suggested this term _philosophy of action_ and became the

advocate of _positive action_ as the course the revolutionary must

follow, a considerable effect has been visible in our ranks. The spirit

of positive action has been intensified among us. In the army and in

schools, and in political and social life generally, a gradual

transformation has taken place in the state of inert frustration,

vagueness and depression formerly prevalent. There has been a general

tendency to take the initiative, to express ourselves in positive

action. Such indeed was my aim in promoting this _philosophy of

action_. When I take note of the results achieved by our _action_,

however, I remain unsatisfied on a number of points. For instance, there

is sometimes mere action without clear realization of its why and

wherefore, resulting in what the ancients called "unreal action." With

others there is initial vigor and great positive effort, followed by

impatience of checks and failure to persevere in the face of

difficulties, leading some to throw the blame on circumstances and

others upon their fellow-men. The irritable then proceed to arguing and

quarrels; while the sweeter-tempered lose heart. In this way the real

issue is lost to sight and obstacles unnecessarily multiplied; or the

individual may be overcome with outright disgust and take on a

completely negative attitude, the initial speed of his progress being in

the end equalled by the speed of his subsequent retrogression. Another

kind of failure comes with a man who impulsively imitates others; who

when he sees others on the go feels any move on their part calls for

some move on his; who spends all his time in acting on the spur of some

transitory stimulus or exigency, forgetful of our broad revolutionary

conceptions and far-reaching aims.

In seeking the reasons for such faulty conduct, I have been forced to

the conclusion that it is due to imperfect knowledge of the essential

meaning of _positive action_, and to imperfect realization of the

significance and nature of _action_, that there is lack of

determination, faith and perseverance among us.

ACTION IS LIFE ITSELF: THE TIRELESS PERTINACITY OF NATURE OUR EXAMPLE

According to my own individual experience, our first step must be to

draw a clear distinction between _action_ and _motion_. The monosyllabic

structure of the Chinese language has occasioned the use of substantival

phrases consisting of two words. One of these phrases is _hsing-tung_

(action-motion), which in common parlance often has the meaning properly

covered only by the word _hsing_ alone, a word of far deeper and wider

meaning than the word _tung_. In fact, we may say that action is _human

life_ itself. An antithesis is commonly implied between the words

_action_ and _thought_, and between _word_ and _act_. In reality,

however, thought and word are processes of action, and are properly to

be considered as included within the scope of _action_, rather than as

foreign to it. From birth to death, while he is subject to space and

time, a man cannot withdraw himself from the sphere of action; he grows

up in action and his character is formed and elevated by action. All

saintly and heroic men, like the devoted revolutionary, attain their

ends and achieve their nobility of character only through their planned

and determined actions.

If we wish to realize the true nature of _action_ we can do no better

than take as the _point-de-départ_ for our thinking the words of the

_I-ching_ or _Book of Changes_: "Let the superior man exert himself with

the unfailing pertinacity of Nature." For the most obvious thing in the

universe, the very principle animating all its phenomena, is the

activity of the forces of Nature. The gloss reads: "Day by day the

heavens revolve, with a constancy that only a supreme pertinacity could

maintain. The superior man models himself upon it in the unceasing

exertion of his energies." This _pertinacity_ is something perennially

unimpaired and ever changeless, greatest strength united to greatest

durability, and moreover an absolute thoroughness and completeness. And

we must model ourselves on the activity of nature, on its spontaneous

and unremitting flow of energy. If there is this realization of the

value and place of human life in the universe, action will appear to us

something inevitable, and there will follow as a matter of course

single-minded devotion to purpose, a completely natural attitude, and

resolute advance with firm strides towards our ends--we shall have

achieved, in the words of the _Chung-yung_, "the highest integrity,

unfailing and enduring." Man's existence and progress depend entirely

upon his perception of these truths.

_Action_, therefore, differs from _motion_. _Motion_ is by no means

necessarily _action_, though _action_ may on occasion include some form

of _motion_. Action is continuous, whereas motion is intermittent;

action is essential, whereas motion is accidental; action is

spontaneous, whereas motion is usually due to the application of

external force. Action is in response to the supreme order of things and

in harmony with the nature of man. Motion is impulsive response to some

fortuitous external stimulus. Action we may describe as more natural and

smoother intrinsically than motion; and extrinsically it is wholly good

in its outcome, whereas motion may be good or may be evil. Action

unfolds in uninterrupted continuity; motion proceeds by fits and starts.

As an illustration, action may be compared to a ceaseless flow of water,

in the words of Confucius, "racing on, unpausing day and night." The

unremitting and insistent character of _positive action_ may thus be

figured forth. Motion on the other hand may be compared to the impact of

a stone upon water into which it is thrown. The water is violently

agitated and leaps high into the air; its movement is tumultuous while

it lasts, but subsides when after a moment or so the extraneous force

that caused it is expended. Such motion is, therefore, transitory,

simply because its motive force comes from without.

ACTION IS NOT MERE MOTION

We cannot of course say that all _motion_ is bad, but we can at least

say that the value of _motion_ is never comparable with that of

_action_. What we commonly call _impulse_ is a manifestation of the

reflex action of some sense or faculty. When we speak of a man's motions

as "blind," "wild," or "furious," it is always a case of response to

external stimulus or of the application of external force. Such motions

are not spontaneous and they therefore pursue no definite course; they

have no basis in the consciousness of the individual and no precise

direction or aim; the individual's concern with them is limited to the

passing moment of their duration; he envisages nothing as to what may be

their result. There may be great initial activity and force, but because

there is no basis in reason, consciousness and spontaneity, momentary

agitation is succeeded by relapse into quiescence. A man who lives by

passion and impulse, who _moves_ rather than _acts_ is like a bell,

which when struck vibrates and emits sound but unless struck is silent.

All passive and transient activity, arising from mere impulse and

sense-stimulation, is in opposition to the positive action required of

us by our revolutionary philosophy, for such _motion_ has no lasting

effect and is powerless to transform the lives of men.

It is imperative therefore that there should be no confusion of what we

mean by _action_ with what is better termed _motion_. The action of

which I have been speaking is the operation of man's innate faculties

according to the true natural laws of his being; it is what I have

called the expression of conscience in practice, the exercise of

conscience. Although we colloquially speak of "violent actions" and

"wrong-minded action" in describing men's conduct, such conduct, being

that of men acting under the influence of impulse or illusion, should

properly be classed as a form of _motion_. It is not what we mean by

action.

ACTION IS NATURE AT WORK IN MAN: THE WHOLE UNIVERSE IS THE SCENE OF

ACTION

Genuine action is necessarily ordered, rhythmical, systematic and

directed towards some aim. It arises from that fullness of consciousness

described as the "calm of mature reflection." It is inevitably

straightforward and continuous, undeviating and unhesitating. Such

motion as that of the revolving globe we ought not to call mere motion;

that ceaseless axial and orbital rotation is a phenomenon called in

ancient times the _activity_ of nature; and it may serve us as the best

possible illustration of the qualities of action. We may proceed to a

fuller description of the nature of action by saying it is always marked

by a certain regularity and order in the course of its fulfilment. Human

life in all its aspects of growth and development, in each transition

from stage to stage, in the preparatory and supplementary acquisitions

of substance and experience between phase and phase,--all this is

action. The normal routine of daily life,--sleeping, resting, eating and

working,--is all to be considered within the scope of action. For the

meaning of action may apply equally well to what occurs both in states

of repose and in states of movement. While work throughout the process

of carrying out a given task may clearly be action, recreation may also

be action. States of motion and repose are of course to a superficial

view opposites. Moreover in the modern world _motion_ is especially set

up in opposition to _repose_, and emphasized almost to the exclusion of

the latter. This has caused the importance of _stability_ to be lost to

view.

For the truth of the matter is: "stability allows of repose; repose

allows of calm; calm allows of reflection, and reflection gives grasp."

It should be realized that repose can have a positive function. And what

I call the philosophy of action permits of no distinction between motion

and repose, a distinction which is superficial. A course of action may

involve intervals of both motion and of repose, just as the invisible

working of living matter contributes to the visible growth of the body.

We need only concern ourselves as to whether what is done is in harmony

with the laws of man's innate character.

The natural processes of the universe and of human life go on

unceasingly, and in trying to ameliorate human life by positive action

we must realize that such action to be effectual must be similar to

those processes in its continuity and tenacity. Positive action in its

every phase, whether outwardly visible or impalpable, never ceases to be

action, never really for a moment comes to a halt. The whole universe is

the scene of such action, and man in so far as he truly acts

participates in its immense activity. Let us therefore distinguish

clearly between mere _motion_ and the true _action_ that works by a

steady advance in an undeviating course, with the timeless

inexhaustibility of flowing water towards its appointed aim.

And now I have something more to add in definition of the essential

meaning of action and its relation to life. The ancients said "Man's

innate character is given him at birth together with life itself." I

consider _action_ to be the expression of that innate character, and so

as inseparable from life as it. Man in his earliest infancy can laugh

and cry, eat and drink; as he grows up he learns to gaze and listen,

speak and walk; and once grown up, no matter whether he be intelligent

or stupid, he strives for existence, progress, and development. Or, in

other words, he seeks to conform to the elementary needs of human life.

All these phenomena are phenomena of _action_, the action of the

faculties for discerning moral and material good, with which man is

naturally endowed.

It is apparent to me that love of ease and dislike of exertion are no

part of fundamental human nature, but that on the contrary mankind is

naturally disposed to labor and work. If you compel a lively man

accustomed to be always on his feet and busy with his hands to be idle

and sedentary, depriving him of anything to do, he is certain to feel

exceedingly unhappy. In the same way, the least intelligent or

experienced of men has felt the satisfaction and content that come with

work, the joy of contributing to the accomplishment of some undertaking.

There is a colloquialism current in certain coastal districts of China

which substitutes the word "life" for the word "work"; thus, you may be

asked whether you have "lived your life" for the day, in the sense of

"have you done your day's work?" Work is indeed life; unless a man be

totally incapable he will inevitably require the means of expression for

his abilities, and particularly such expression as will accrue to the

benefit of somebody beyond himself. Even a little child is conscious of

the intense satisfaction to be derived from doing one's best in the

service of others. Though no praise be awarded the child it is aware of

an extraordinary complaisance within itself.

THE BROADEST SENSE OF LIFE

All these little illustrations bear witness to the fact that action is

the object of man's life; and we should, vice versa, make life the

object of our action. We are born with faculties for the discernment of

moral and material good; life, from childhood to old age, is the

energetic, ceaseless, use of them, at first chiefly for the satisfaction

of the needs of one's own existence, to secure one's own footing in

life, but next, as one's mental perspective broadens, the family, the

village, the community, the nation, and mankind become objects of the

desire to express oneself and give of oneself. When we speak of _life_

it should mean for us the life of mankind, the life and existence of

people and nation, the livelihood of masses and citizenry. And when we

speak of _action_, we should mean action performed in the service of

life in such a broad sense.

The difference between man and the beasts of the field and the birds of

the air consists just in this. We read in the classics of "a virtue of

surpassing excellence, which is given to the people as a law of their

being," and the virtue alluded to is this propensity to look after one's

own welfare and at the same time the welfare of one's fellow-men. We are

naturally endowed with the disposition to will the good of others and to

act in their service. "Action," with the qualities I have sketched, is

something primordially bound up with life.

THE REVOLUTION DEMANDS ACTION OF ALL MEN AT ALL TIMES

The essential meaning of action being once understood we may proceed to

inquire into its spirit and wherein it finds its highest expression. How

is it that men for all the apparent unity of their existence sometimes

live lives of such devotion to the good of mankind and the world that

they earn the admiration of posterity, while others live degenerate

lives governed by the lowest desires, to the detriment of themselves and

their neighbors? Education and environment are factors that play their

part in this, but more important is what the ancient called "material

desire"--the tendency to seek possession rather than creation, to enjoy

rather than contribute. In the words of Dr. Sun, "making one's aim

acquisition and not service" leads to degraded and uncontrolled conduct

which is an obstacle to human progress and what we as comrades in

Revolution must strive our utmost to avoid and eradicate.

Revolutionary motives are motives of service, of self-sacrifice for the

good of others. The task the Revolution sets itself is the "practice of

goodwill" in the broadest sense of those words,--action inspired by love

for men to the exclusion of all that tends to their harm. In our

revolutionary zeal to promote _positive action_ throughout our world we

aim to create an all-pervading moral attitude to life such as is

rationally conformable to man's true nature; and we moreover seek to

bring into full play the deep funds of humanity and benevolence in our

own people. We push aside considerations of individual ability, of past

education and environment, and of how far bad habits acquired may have

become ingrained. We appeal to all as they are to take fresh stock of

their lives and realize how from the very fact of their being alive they

possess the ability to act,--to act in no less a sense than the great

deliverers of mankind in their saintly and heroic deeds. The difference

between such deeds and the actions of normal daily life is one of

degree, not of kind. We are everyone men born of woman and passing our

days between heaven and earth; not for us to vex ourselves with fear of

failure; the only failure is in failing to act.

THE MEANING OF EASE

Let use take the three key-virtues of judgment, goodwill, and courage as

our guides in the task of "playing the man." For the rest, let us follow

the dictum of Sun Wên to the effect that "the very clever and able

should strive to serve ten million fellow-men; a man of lesser ability

may aspire to serve ten hundred men; while a man devoid of talent may

content himself with doing the best he can for a single fellow-man." The

highly talented may perform their duties with ease; the moderately

gifted may make smooth progress with theirs; while the poorly gifted may

do so with only a narrow margin of competence; but all that matters is

our full use of our faculties in positive action for the good of others.

If we advance without ever falling away from a pure and concentrated

resolve to do our best, we shall certainly be able to realize the ideal

of _action_. In a sense it will prove _easy_, though this does not of

course mean that anything can be got without pains or anything managed

in a facile and quiescent fashion. Nor does it mean that all will

necessarily be plain sailing, fraught with no obstacles. Our path

through life is strewn with dangers, hindrances and obstructions.

Revolutionary action is attended by many risks; it requires the will to

make great sacrifices. Nevertheless, man's capacity for positive action

has achieved many a colossal feat in the course of his history, the

prodigious hydraulic engineering of the ancients, ascent into the air

and penetration of the earth, and revolutionary deeds that have

transformed the face of human affairs. The ultimate consideration is

always whether we possess thorough determination and a spirit of

unflinching zeal, for with these we may overcome towering obstacles as

it were "in our stride," and "face dangers with imperturbable calm." A

man worthy of his place in the ranks of the Revolution will regard as

nothing extraordinary difficulties and dangers that would daunt others.

His revolutionary spirit, which is the very spirit of action, gives him

a sublime indifference to whatever may be the magnitude of the demands

his duty makes upon him; whatever his principles, faith and

responsibility involve is "all in the day's work" for him, though it be

ordeal by fire and water or the abnegation of everything dearest to him.

He takes no account of difficulty, and fear is a thing still stranger to

him. It is in the sense that to a man with such an attitude action is

_easy_ that I use the word.

Action born of that innate character given us with life, conceived in

absolute sincerity, and aimed at the good of others treats things as

"all of a piece." From beginning to end of an appointed task it

maintains a uniform consistency and integrity of purpose. The seeds of

its final success are inherent in its first beginnings. Difficulty and

failure as I understand them can have no part in such action.

Positive action with a complete integrity of purpose produces that

honesty and trustworthiness which are distinctive marks of all true

action. It penetrates to the core of matters, and deals only in

realities. It is free from superficial trappings and fuss; permits of no

slack approximation and evasion of the point, all of which comes from

that shrinking from effort and hardship that is so incompatible with the

spirit of positive action. Whereas I have called all true action _easy_,

those who go about things without its spirit find themselves confronted

with seemingly insurmountable difficulties everywhere. When the ancients

said: "There is nothing either difficult or easy in the world," they had

in mind this way of thinking, as I had too when I said that wartime and

peacetime were one and the same.

SINCERITY THE ROOT OF ACTION AND GOODWILL

The next thing to consider is what is to be the central aim of our

action. I would answer if asked this with a single word: "Goodwill."

Action is the _practice of goodwill_ in its deepest sense.

Goodwill is grounded in the sense of justice and issues from complete

sincerity. The sincere man is necessarily conscious of goodwill and he

is necessarily possessed of the moral courage required to practice it.

The ancients said "there is completeness in sincerity," and again,

"where there is not sincerity there is a void." The place of sincerity

in human life is indeed like that of energy in the atom, the structure

of which would collapse without it. If a man's life lacks "ardent

sincerity," he will likewise be powerless to form and manifest the three

key-virtues of judgment, goodwill, and courage. And without the strength

to be derived from those virtues, the Three Principles of the People can

make no headway. Only by action inspired with perfect sincerity can the

splendid truths of those Principles be asserted and translated into

fact.

Sincerity is dependent upon the sense of justice. The keynote of our

Republican Revolution has been the smashing of selfish individualism and

the rescue of our people from their sufferings and of our nation from

its peril. To achieve what yet remains to be done, to acquit ourselves

well as a section of humanity, and to explore the full scope of possible

human well-being, all we do and enact must be grounded in perfect

sincerity. Then the pains we take and the plans we devise will prove

creative, progressive, and constructive; we shall put flesh on the bones

of the egalitarian philosophy of social justice; we shall be clear as to

what we think and are aiming at; we shall be able to give full

expression to our true nature and faculties, proceeding in all we do

resolutely, frankly, and boldly.

Action attains its highest point of intensity in the giving of one's

life in the cause of justice, when death in that cause is accepted as

sweet and shorn of all its terrors. "One may die in the course of

willing men good, but life is not to be purchased at the price of

willing them ill" is a classical teaching we may take as a supreme ideal

of positive action. Action that lives up to that ideal will inevitably

be _revolutionary_, while, vice versa, it is only genuinely

revolutionary conduct that possesses the true qualities of positive

action. Sincerity is the primal motive force of action. With it, a man

is aware only of the interests he has in common with his fellow-men, and

of none that conflicts with those of his fellow-men. With sincerity, a

man acts his will to good in perfect self-possession, pushing steadily

onwards through difficulty and danger to success. This is the bearing of

Dr. Sun's teaching on the revolutionary movement.

THE LAWS OF ACTION

In what I have said so far I have sketched the outlines of our

conception of action. Men differ in profession, rank and work; but there

is not a single one of us but must be a _man of action_ if our

revolutionary aims are to be completely realized. Action, however, is

subject to certain laws, which I now wish to go into. It must, firstly,

have its _point-de-départ_, secondly its regular order of procedure

(that is, a methodical and scientific plan), thirdly, its definite goal,

and lastly it must possess the qualities of constancy and continuity.

One: The Starting Point

Firstly, by _point-de-départ_ we mean the careful selection of whatever

way of approach may be most appropriate, direct, and efficacious for the

carrying out of our projects. The same is true of study, affairs, and

revolutionary action. The ancients said: "Ascent must start from places

low; remote objectives are attained from near beginnings." This was

their way of expressing the nature of the _point-de-départ_. If any

mistake is made about it we are bound to miss our objective and

destination however sure we may be of the direction in which we want to

go. Again, if we try to run before we can walk, or skip preliminaries,

or gain the heights by some ill-considered short-cut, our work will

inevitably prove abortive.

Two: Ordered Unfolding of Plans

Secondly, the necessity for what I have called "a regular order of

procedure" means the uselessness of reliance upon mere verve and

enthusiasm, and the futility of action taken on the spur of some

transitory turn of thought, action which is bound to encounter

unforeseen obstacles in its course, be disconcerted by them, and lose

its character as action by becoming some irrational form of _motion_.

Action must be preceded by the laying down of plans and choice of a mode

of procedure whereby all possible contingencies may be allowed for and

prepared for. The plans, moreover, must be precise in matters of time

and space, and in quantitative and numerical considerations. They must,

when decided upon, be carried out with due attention to detail, and with

periodical stock-taking of the ground covered. A steady rate of advance

will thus be maintained. When it is possible to make plans it is

obviously also possible to foresee to a great extent the circumstances

of time and place under which the plans will be carried out and the

quantitative and numerical requirements that will have to be met. In

scientific accordance with these foreseen circumstances and requirements

the execution of the whole project should be apportioned among the

persons involved so that each has work in all respects congenial to his

qualities, while provision is also made for cooperation between all

concerned. With order and method in procedure there will be no putting

of the cart before the horse, no abrupt intrusion of irrelevancies, no

slackening at moments of urgency, or precipitate speed where none is

needed; day by day and step by step substantial progress will be made.

In this way we shall have no abortive enterprises, nor the

disappointment they engender.

Three: Unswerving Aim at the Target

Coming, thirdly, to the matter of _goal_, it should be like a

conspicuous target at which one takes steady, unfaltering, aim. No

matter whether the work we are engaged in be of vast or slight

dimensions, its aim should be seen, as it were, through sights trained

on the main target of an ideal goal. To every piece of work there must

be a beginning and an end, a clearly-defined destination. Before the

destination be reached there can be no pause in our concentrated effort.

Four: The Even Texture of a Life of Action

Lastly, with regard to the fourth and especially important point:

perseverance and continuity, the very qualities that, as I said at the

beginning, distinguish _action_ from _motion_. I spoke of action as

essentially regular, orderly, and purposeful, and said that such action

would necessarily be revolutionary action and its influence

revolutionary influence. In other words, revolutionary action unfolds in

an unbroken uniformity of effort; it draws on the funds of moral vigor

in our national genius, and provides a new channel for the expression

of the great moral qualities of which that genius is composed, whereby

it may rehabilitate the status to which it is properly entitled. It must

be realized that our Revolutionary and the reconstructive activities

pursue a broad and enlightened policy free from all manner of trickery

and opportunism. We are actuated by a spirit of extraordinary power, but

what we are doing is nothing abnormal as the word should be understood,

and our methods are wholly realistic.

All unnatural and inhuman conduct, and illogical and unscientific

methods, result in frustration and can have no place in revolutionary

activity. The ancients spoke of "acts of routine virtue" in their

emphasis upon the almost _humdrum_, stolid, qualities of true virtue.

Our Revolution is likewise dependent upon the capacity to maintain a

course of persevering and continuous effort; the behavior required is in

no way peculiar or foreign to everyday life. For out of continuity comes

perseverance and what we may call _ease_. Tsêng Kuo-fan said: "things

should be done soundlessly and as it were 'odorlessly,' with both

precision and economy of effort." By this he meant not wooden

impassivity or dry-as-dust pedantry but directness, simplicity, and an

absence of fuss, a straightforward and unassuming way of going about

things. In working for the success of the Revolution we should cultivate

the attitude of the nameless hero who braves dangers and endures

hardships as matters of course. We shall thus keep in touch with the

people and render the influence of what we do in the service of mankind

broad and lasting.

FORMATION AND CONSTANCY OF PURPOSE

Unremitting perseverance to the very end of our task, every day we live

a day of positive action, and full employment of our powers in harmony

with the laws of Nature and Man, are the conditions for our successful

accomplishment of our revolutionary mission. Among Tsêng Kuo-fan's

self-admonitory words on "Formation of Purpose" there are the following

phrases: "To cast away the gifts of Heaven and live in sloth will bring

upon me some evil catastrophe.... This I swear never to forget as long

as I can still draw breath." That is to say, the formation of our

purpose in life requires of us diligent and courageous devotion and the

full exercise of our talents. The great writer and statesman also

admonished himself on the subject of steadfastness of purpose,

reproaching himself: "Again and again have you been delinquent in your

duties and endeavors, and been swayed by material temptations; but no

one has ever heard of your being unpunctual at mealtimes!" How is it, he

meant, that if we can be regular in attending to our material wants we

cannot be equally unfailing in the performance of our duties? The full

accomplishment of any aim requires strong-minded formation and

steadfastness of purpose. The true meaning of the words "let the

superior man exert himself with the unfailing pertinacity of Nature"

embraces this.

I have now completed my explanation of the fundamental principles

involved in positive action. I wish to conclude by once again exhorting

you all to firm faith in the Tsung-li's teaching: "From true knowledge

action naturally proceeds." The meaning of the Revolution is as bright

and spacious as the skies; and the clearer our comprehension of it the

more vigor we shall put into the practice of it. Moreover, the methods

we are to adopt and the mode of procedure we are to follow have been

laid down for us in detail by Dr. Sun Wên. We have only to obey his

directions, each of us playing a part for which his temperament, calling

and knowledge fits him, relying upon his faculties for the discernment

of moral and material good at every step in his bold and resolute

execution of his duty to nation and people.

ACTION ENGENDERS KNOWLEDGE

I wish to say another word on the subject of the _knowledge_ from which

as we have seen action proceeds; and what I have to say is: that just as

action proceeds from knowledge, action in its turn engenders knowledge.

Dr. Sun said: "The ability to know implies the ability to act." I would

add the words: "without action one cannot attain to knowledge." For

knowledge comes with experience, and apart from the broad and

fundamental truths of revolutionary thought our knowledge need not

necessarily be in the first place very rich. Though, therefore, we must

of course do all we can to acquire knowledge for its own sake, we must

at the same time seek it as one of the fruits of positive action. Any

knowledge acquired in the course of study, research, or experience which

we do not proceed to put to the test of practice in the field of

actuality is not to be considered with certainty as worthy of being

called true knowledge. So it is that in all our undertakings practice

will yield us true knowledge, and action alone will give us the ability

to extend and enrich our knowledge. Chu Hsi in his commentary on the

_Great Learning_ wrote: "By long application of our powers we one day

reach a point whence we see the whole scheme of things spread out before

us, we perceive the realities underlying phenomena, the relation of

accident to essence, and the structure and workings of the human mind."

This attainment can come only as the fruit of positive action. If in the

course of practice and experience knowledge we have acquired and methods

we have based on it prove inefficacious we may take it that what we

valued as knowledge was not true knowledge. In this way we shall be

constantly broadening the scope and sifting the quality of our

knowledge, which is the genuine process of gaining knowledge. "To be

aware of ignorance brings knowledge" and "the open mind invites the

entrance of information," are maxims than which none are better as

guides in the search for knowledge.

COMRADES IN REVOLUTION! RESOLVE ANEW!

I am well aware of the magnitude of our revolutionary task of Resistance

and Reconstruction, and I have been no less impressed with recent

manifestations of my comrades' will to action. I have felt impelled by

the one and encouraged by the other to present you today this exposition

of positive action and of what is requisite for its success, in the hope

that you will all keep in mind these indispensable principles, gathering

fresh knowledge with experience, acting with deliberation, perspicacity,

and conscientiousness, spurning all things that tend to distract you

from your fixed purpose and involve you in the wild and motiveless

conduct of those who possess no such fixed purpose. In the _Chung-Yung_,

or _Doctrine of the Mean_, there is a passage emphasizing the importance

of "conscientiousness" in action, by which it means the refusal to be

satisfied with half-measures, the pursuit of ends to their logical

conclusion. If you give earnest thought to what I have said you will

realize that very much of what has long passed with us for action has

not been true action, that is, not positive action, and that therefore

we have failed in much that we have undertaken. It is only because our

action has not been really positive that we have allowed our minds to

enlarge on the difficulties and dangers of the Revolution. In fact,

these difficulties exist only for those whose minds lack resolution,

enthusiasm and faith. The ancient adage says: "There's nothing difficult

in the world if there's a man of spirit to be found" (where there's a

will there's a way). This is a piece of the age-old proverbial wisdom of

the people, and it may well serve us as a salutary warning against the

slack thinking and evil habits concealed beneath the airy phrase: "It's

easy enough to know what should be done; it's acting accordingly that's

hard."

We need, therefore, in the revolutionary nation-building we have before

us only to assert our wills, inflame our hearts with a fresh sincerity

and faith, and give ourselves up to positive action. If everyone of us

does so, I have no hesitation in pronouncing it will mean the certainty

of our success.

_C._ DEFINITION OF THE PROBLEMS CONCERNING THE ORGANIZATION OF THE

VARIOUS CLASSIFICATIONS OF _HSIEN_ (CHIANG K'AI-SHEK)[1]

[Footnote 1: [Chiang K'ai-shek], _Ch'üeh-ting Hsien Ko-chi Tsu-chih

Wên-t'i_ (Definition of the Problems Concerning the Organization of

the Various Classifications of _Hsien_), [Chungking], 1939, p. 43 and

chart.]

One of a series of lectures, each issued separately,

entitled _The Conclusions of the Party Chief_, and

originally delivered before the Party and Government

Training Class of the Central Training Corps. Compare with

Appendix I (G), p. 324.

The chart, opposite, is a translation of the chart appended

to the original Chinese of the Generalissimo's booklet on

_Hsien_. P.M.A.L.

ORGANIZATION OF THE VARIOUS CLASSIFICATIONS OF _HSIEN_

+------------------+ _Hsien_

_Hsien_ |_Hsien_ Government| _Hsien_ Party

People'.........................|------------------|.......................Party Supervisory

Council | _Hsien_ Chief | Organ Committee

| +---------------------------------------------------------------+ | +--+

| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | +---------| |

| Farm | Public | |

| +------------------+ Health | |

| Reconstruction-----| _Ch'ü_ Bureau | Bureau District|

| Committee |------------------| Party |

| | _Ch'ü_ Chief | Organ |

| +---------------------------------------------------------+ | |

| | | | | | | | | | | | | |

| Cooperative | Finance Bureau Union | |

| Union | Director | |

_Hsiang_ +------------------+ | |

People's <==================> | _Hsiang_ [or | Sub- |

Council | _Ch'ên_] Office | district|

| |------------------| Party |

| | _Hsiang_ Chief | Organ |

| +-----------------------------------------+ | |

| | | | | | | | | | | |

_Pao_ +------------------+ | Small- |

People's <==================> | _Pao_ Office | Division Group |

Council |------------------| of Civic (cell) |

| +-----------------------------------+ | |

| | | Section | | | Net

| _Pao_ | | Civic |

| Cooperatives | Cultural Affairs |

| | Affairs Section |

| | Section |

| | |

| +------------------+ _Chia_ Able-bodied |

| | _Chia_ Chief |-------------Citizens' Troop |

| +------------------+ |

| | |

|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|

| The People |

+------------------------------------------------------------------------------------+

At the fifth meeting of the Fourth Plenary Session of the Central

Executive and Supervisory Committees of the Kuomintang on April 8, 1938,

I made a speech on "The Reform of Party Affairs and Readjustments for

Party and Political Organizations." Attached to that speech was a draft

chart showing the interrelations among the Party and political

organizations under the _hsien_, with illustrations and explanations. I

pointed out then that the chart was only intended as an initial draft.

As to promulgating the detailed formulae and laws for execution, I

pointed out that the draft was only to serve as a basis and that the

wording in which the draft was written should not prove too binding.

There should be plenty of room for further study and discussion so that

perfection might be obtained. Furthermore, the draft chart was intended

mainly as an exposition of the relations between Party and political

organizations (hence it was also called "Party and Political Affairs

Chart"). The various administrative organizations were attached as an

appendix to it.

Since the publication of this draft chart, the serious attention of many

of our comrades, scholars and specialists has been aroused. In many

districts experiments have been carried on--a fact which is indeed very

gratifying and which evidences the earnest desire on the part of various

local administrations for reform.

The Party and Political Personnel Training Class was recently

inaugurated by the Central Training Corps. In order to lecture on the

problems covered in the draft chart and lay out the necessary formulae,

I had instructed several of my associates to collect views and data from

all possible sources and to make a thorough study of the question. Under

my personal supervision, the original draft has been revised and

supplemented. The main points contained therein may be summarized as

follows:

1. In connection with Party organizations, the _ch'ü_[2] (township)

office should be linked up with the _hsiang_ (_chên_), while small units

should be established under the _pao chia_ system. Thus the Party

organizations are brought to conformity with the political. The network

of Party members' supervisory organizations should be placed directly

under the Supervisory Committee of the _hsien_ Party headquarters.

[Footnote 2: For explanation of such local government terms as

_hsiang_, _pao_, _ch'ü_, see the text, p. 107.]

2. The _hsien_ is the unit of local government autonomy. The _hsien_

should be classified into three to six groups according to their area,

population, economic resources, cultural and communication development.

Below the _hsien_, the _hsiang_ (_chên_) constitutes the basic lower

unit, with _pao_ or village and streets as their constituents.

Elasticity may be allowed between the _hsien_ and _hsiang_ according to

local requirements. When and where necessary, a _ch'ü_ (township) office

may be established to serve as the connecting link, but if this is not

needed, the _hsiang_ (_chên_) should be placed under the direct

jurisdiction of the _hsien_. The same elasticity may exist between the

_hsiang_ (_chên_) and _pao_. In densely populated areas, a village and

a street may form one natural unit, inseparable from each other. In such

cases, one unit may consist of two or three _pao_ with one _pao chang_

(chief of the _pao_) at the helm of affairs, so that unnecessary

breaking-up of the village from the street may be avoided. To eliminate

difficulties arising from finances and personnel, all the posts of

secretaries (_kan shih_) of the _hsiang_ (_chên_) and _pao_ (or village

and street) may be concurrently served by the teachers of primary

schools, while the school principals of the _hsiang_ (_chên_) and _pao_

should concurrently serve as leader of the able-bodied citizens' corps

(_Chuang ting tui_) in accordance with the principle of unity of

administration, instruction, support and protection. In areas with

better economic and educational development where affairs concerning

local autonomy are multifarious, the principals of _hsiang_ (_chên_)

primary schools and pao citizens' [mass education] schools should

preferably concentrate on their school jobs with a view to efficiency.

The masses should be organized into different groups to undertake

different works in order to meet the actual requirements.

3. In connection with organs for expressing the views and opinions of

the people, there should be organized the _pao_ people's assembly, the

_hsiang_ (_chên_) people's representative assembly, the _hsien_ council,

each vested with proper authority, with a view to increasing the

people's interest in participating in government affairs. Thus the

influence of the masses may be properly magnified and the goal of true

democracy attained. With a view to greater alacrity, I wish to explain

in further detail as follows:

A. READJUSTMENTS IN THE RELATIONS AMONG THE VARIOUS ADMINISTRATIVE PARTY

AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS OF THE _Hsien_

(_This item, consisting of eleven articles, is not intended for

publication._)

A routine announcement of Party duties, of Party supervision

of local morale, of seniorities as between Party and

Government officers, etc. follows. It has been omitted in

accordance with the statement in parentheses.

B. POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS

1. The _hsien_ is the unit of local autonomy. These units can be

classified into from three to six groups according to the population,

economic status, culture and communication. On the one hand, the _hsien_

governments should handle affairs concerning local autonomy of their

respective district under the supervision of the provincial government

and on the other hand should carry out the orders of the Central and

provincial governments.

_a._ The area of the _hsien_ under the present system should remain the

same as before. The cancellation of the _hsien_ and the change in its

area are to be decided upon only with the authorization and approval of

the Central Government. In the _hsien_ there should be a magistrate,

under whom there should be secretaries, section chiefs, directors,

police officers, senior and junior staff members in the different

sections, technicians and assistants and police patrol officers handling

civic, financial, educational, construction, military, land, and social

affairs. The number of sections to be provided under the _hsien_

governments and their duties is to be decided by the provincial

government which in making decisions is to take into consideration the

local requirements of the _hsien_ concerned. The number of staff

members, and their ranks and salaries, is likewise to be decided upon by

the provincial government.

_b._ In each _hsien_ there should be held _hsien_ political affairs

meetings at which decisions concerning the _hsien_ administration are to

be reached and proposals made for submission to the _hsien_ People's

Council. The _hsien_ political affairs meetings should be held

irrespective of whether the _hsien_ Council has been established or not.

_c._ The rules and regulations governing the organization of the _hsien_

governments should be promulgated by the provincial governments and then

submitted to the Central Government for approval.

2. The _ch'ü_ (township) office is a subsidiary organization to the

_hsien_ government. Its duty is to supervise the affairs of the various

_hsiang_ (_chên_) on behalf of the _hsien_ government in connection with

the enforcement of local autonomy.

_a._ The scope of the _ch'ü_ should consist of from six to fifteen

_hsiang_. In those _hsien_ in which the total number of _hsiang_ is

below fifteen, no _ch'ü_ office should be established. The _hsiang_ in

such cases are to be placed under the direct jurisdiction of the _hsien_

government. In frontier regions where special conditions obtain,

specifications for the number of _hsiang_ for the _ch'ü_ office may be

modified.

In _hsien_ where no _ch'ü_ office is established, the _hsien_ government

should appoint representatives to supervise the affairs of the different

_hsiang_.

_b._ The _ch'ü_ office is headed by a district chief under whom there

should be two to five directors handling civic, financial, construction,

education, and military affairs. All such personnel are by special

appointment with pay, and they should be chosen by the superior

organizations from those who have received appropriate training. The

district chiefs should preferably be those who come from the districts

to which they are designated, their qualifications and treatment to be

fixed by law.

_c._ In the place where the _ch'ü_ office is seated, there should be

established a police bureau which is to be under the direction of the

district chief dealing with the police administration of the place.

_d._ In the _ch'ü_ there should be established the _hsiang_

reconstruction committee comprising local leaders as members. This

committee is to conduct research and map out the plans concerning rural

reconstruction, the district chief acting concurrently as its chairman.

_e._ In order to increase the vocational ability of the people and

develop local industries, there should be established in the _ch'ü_

vocational training classes.

_f._ In addition to the number of policemen as specified, there should

be organized in the _ch'ü_ the joint able-bodied citizens' corps

(_Chuang-ting lien tui-pu_) office which is to control and supervise the

_Chuang-ting_ of the various _hsiang_ (_chên_). Whenever necessary, the

_chuang-ting_ may be summoned together for special training and

organization.

_g._ The _ch'ü_ office should unite together all the _hsiang_ (_chên_)

cooperative societies and organize them into cooperative unions. Each

union is to consist of several departments dealing with different

cooperative enterprises. The _ch'ü_ office should appoint a supervisor

to be stationed in the union.

3. The _hsiang_ (_chên_) is to be defined as the basic administrative

unit under the _hsien_, and its organization should be substantiated

accordingly.

a. Each _hsiang_ in principle comprises six to fifteen _pao_. In drawing

such limits, however, consideration should be given to the historical

background and natural conditions of the locality. The demarcation and

the organization of the _pao chia_ system are to be decided upon by the

_hsien_ government, subject to the approval of the provincial

government. Reports must also be submitted to the Central Government.

_b._ The chief personnel of the _hsiang_ guild (_kung so_) should

include a director (_hsiang chang_) and one or two vice-directors. They

are to be elected from qualified citizens at the _hsiang_ people's

representative meetings. In the guild there should be provided four

departments, handling civic, police, economic and cultural affairs

respectively, each to be headed by one man with several staff members.

These posts should be held by the vice-directors and teachers of the

_hsiang_ primary schools. The date for the election of the director and

vice-directors of the _hsiang_ is to be fixed and announced in orders to

be issued by the _hsien_ government. The term of their office will be

two years.

_c._ There should be established in each _hsiang_ a central school

composed of three divisions for children, women especially, and adults.

There should be primary and higher primary classes. The posts of the

school principal, leader of the able-bodied citizens' corps, and

director of the _hsiang_ are to be concurrently held by one man. The

teachers are to undertake the extracurricular duties of training and

supervising. They are also to help the _hsiang director_ to handle

affairs of the _hsiang_. In the higher primary class of the school

stress should be laid on training the masses to enable them to undertake

the work of census-taking, promotion of health and sanitation and

cooperative affairs.

In places with better economic and educational development, the

principals of the _hsiang_ central schools should preferably concentrate

on their own duties at school.

_d._ The cooperative societies also have the _hsiang_ as the unit (with

branch societies in the _pao_). There should also be established in the

_hsiang_ public safe-deposit agencies for the storage of articles.

Separate granaries should be set up whenever necessary.

_e._ The leader of the _hsiang_ able-bodied citizens' corps should from

time to time summon chosen groups of the _chuang ting_ of the _pao_ to

the _hsiang_ to undergo advanced training. During the training period,

they are to perform police duties and when the period expires they are

to be sent back to take up the work as junior officers of the

able-bodied citizens' corps of the _pao_, charged also with the duties

of promoting local autonomy in the _pao_. Thus not only will the police

force be strengthened, but various activities properly developed. The

outposts established in the _hsiang_ by the _hsien_ police bureaus

should also be placed under the direction of the _hsiang_ director.

_f._ The _hsiang_ should convene _hsiang_ affairs meetings with the

director as chairman and all the department heads and senior members of

the staff in attendance. The chiefs of the _pao_ concerning whom

proposals are submitted to the meeting should also be present.

_g._ A hospital or clinic should be established for each _hsiang_ or a

number of _hsiang_. These hospitals or clinics should be staffed with

Western-trained doctors. In case of lack of personnel and finance,

[old-style] Chinese physicians may do on a temporary basis.

4. The _pao_ should be defined as a constituent of the _hsiang_ and its

organization be substantiated accordingly.

_a._ Each _pao_ is to consist of from six to fifteen _chia_, headed by a

_pao chang_ (chief of the _pao_) and an assistant _pao chang_. They are

to be elected from qualified citizens at the _pao_ people's meeting, and

their names are to be submitted by the _hsiang_ guild to the _hsien_

government. Before the election, the _pao chang_ and assistant _pao

chang_ may be nominated by the _hsiang_ guild subject to official

appointment by the _hsien_ government. In the office of the _pao_ there

should be two to four secretaries (_kan shih_) handling civic, police,

economic and cultural affairs. These posts may be concurrently held by

the assistant _pao chang_ and teachers of citizens' (mass education)

schools. In _pao_ with limited finances, one secretary may suffice.

The term of office for the _pao chang_ and assistant _pao chang_ will be

two years. They may be re-elected at the expiration of their term of

office.

_b._ All affairs of the _pao_ should be discussed and transacted at

_pao_ affairs meeting in which as many capable citizens of the _pao_ as

possible are to be asked to participate, in order to hasten progress of

the reconstruction of the _pao_.

_c._ All the activities undertaken by the _pao_ are to be under the

supervision and direction of the hsiang guild, the _ch'ü_ office and the

_hsien_ government. The latter superior organs should give constant help

and advice so that the program of work may be carried out step by step

as desired.

_d._ Every _pao_ is to have a mass education school, with the principal

of the school concurrently serving as the _pao chang_ and as the leader

of the _pao_ able-bodied citizens' corps. The school is to comprise

three divisions for children, for women especially, and for adults, and

its aim is to raise the level of education and vocational ability of the

masses. Teachers are also to help the _pao chang_ in dealing with

various affairs of the _pao_.

In _pao_ better-developed in economic resources and education, the

principles of the mass education schools should preferably concentrate

on their school duties.

_e._ Membership of the _pao_ branches of the cooperative societies is

composed of the families in the _pao_. The directors of the branch

societies are to be elected by members. The _pao chang_ can be elected

and concurrently hold this office.

_f._ The _pao_ office, the _pao_ able-bodied citizens' corps and the

_pao_ mass education schools should be simultaneously established. They

should have a joint office so that affairs of common interest may be

pushed from the same center.

_g._ In densely populated areas where a village and a street seem each

to be an integral part of the other, two or three _pao_ may be

amalgamated, the amalgamation not exceeding three _pao_. The mass

education schools, branch cooperative societies and treasuries,

likewise, may be amalgamated, with only the _pao_ able-bodied citizens'

corps remaining separate. One presiding _pao chang_ is to be elected to

take the helm of affairs, and a joint office is to be established.

_h._ The _pao_ should be equipped with a medicine box, with one of the

mass education school teachers trained in rudiments of the medical

science, in charge. He is to give simple treatment for diseases and to

give small-pox vaccination. If this should prove beyond the finances of

one _pao_, several _pao_ may join together.

_i._ The organization of the _chia_ is to consist of from six to fifteen

families, headed by a _chia chang_. There should be meetings of the

heads of families, and general _chia_ conferences, held from time to

time.

The _chia chang_ is to be elected at the meeting of heads of families.

His name is to be submitted by the _pao_ office to the _hsiang_ guild.

_j._ The _pao_ may retain its old name, such as _ts'un_ (village),

_chieh_ (street) or _ch'ang_ (market), but it is desired that they

should gradually adopt the official name of _pao_ with a view to

uniformity.

C. PEOPLE'S ORGANS THROUGH WHICH POPULAR POLITICAL OPINIONS MAY BE

EXPRESSED

1. To increase the people's interest in participation in government

affairs and to train their political insight and ability in accordance

with the principle of the inherent unity of teaching, learning and

practicing, people's organs for discussion of government affairs for the

various administrative units under the _hsien_ should be established

within specified time limits, and these organs should be vested with the

appropriate authority.

2. In the _pao_ should be established the _pao_ people's meeting to

elect the _pao chang_; the _hsiang_, the _hsiang_ people's

representative meeting to elect the _hsiang chang_.[3] (The

qualifications and standards of both the _pao chang_ and the _hsiang

chang_ are to be specified by law.) Thus it is hoped to attain the ideal

standards of local government and to establish the system of the

people's supervision of the government. No people's organ is needed for

the _ch'ü_ (district), while the _hsien_ people's council will serve as

the general organ for people of the entire _hsien_.

[Footnote 3: Heretofore translated as "director of the _hsiang_."]

3. With a view to flexibility in the exercise of the people's

privileges, members of the _hsien_ people's council are to be brought

forth at the _hsiang_ people's representative meetings. Each _hsiang_ is

entitled to elect one representative as member of the council. The

number of representatives of legitimate professional bodies may be

increased in order to put representation of the districts and that of

the professions on equal footing. Representatives to the _hsiang_

people's meeting are to be produced at the _pao_ people's meeting. Each

_pao_ is entitled to two representatives. The _pao_ people's meeting

should be attended by one person from each family whose qualifications

and position in the family conforms to specifications in the law.

4. The _hsiang chang_ and _pao chang_ who are elected may both act as

chairmen of their respective people's organs, namely the _hsiang_

people's representative meeting and the _pao_ people's meeting. The

_hsien_ people's council for the time being is not to elect the

magistrate. It is to elect its own chairman.

5. Before the _hsien_ people's council is organized, the budget and

accounts of the _hsien_ government should be studied and passed by the

_hsien_ Administrative Meeting and then submitted by the magistrate to

the provincial government for approval.

After the _hsien_ people's council is inaugurated, the budget and

accounts of the _hsien_ should be presented to the council for

examination and then submitted to the provincial government for

approval. When necessary, the budget and accounts may first be sent to

the provincial government for approval and then the council may be

approached for confirmation and verification.

EXPLANATION

1. The basic spirit of this draft is to arouse and mobilize the masses,

to strengthen local organization and hasten district autonomy

enterprises so that the cornerstone of the revolution and national

reconstruction may be laid. Some may be of the opinion that as education

has not been popularized, it would be difficult to allow the masses

participation in government affairs. But the political system stressing

on people's privileges must be founded on the will of the masses. If

participation in government affairs is allowed only after education has

been developed on a nation-wide scale, the slogan "revolutionized

people's privileges" will be of no meaning. The people need only be

trained practically in the exercise of their political privileges, and

the main task of the government during the political tutelage period

lies in teaching the people how to exercise their four rights

[election; recall; initiative; referendum]. Tutelary government

[Party-dictatorship] and constitutional government are different only in

degree but not in fundamentals. During the period of tutelage,

therefore, the interest of the people in participation in government

affairs must be gradually aroused and increased. Thus measures enforced

with this purpose in view during the political tutelage period may not

contravene the aims of constitutional government, and the progress from

tutelage to constitutionalism may be attained smoothly. This explains

the transitional process from the beginning to the complete realization

of autonomous government and it was for such an explanation that this

draft was prepared.

2. With a view to the solution of the personnel and financial problems

confronting the various basic administrative units, the _hsiang_ chief,

_hsiang_ central school principal, and the _hsiang_ leader of the

able-bodied citizens' corps, excepting in those areas more highly

developed in education and economic resources, should be the same man.

The same thing applies to the _pao_. All those charged with

administrative duties should pay attention to education which should

serve as the means to attain the objectives of the revolution and

national reconstruction. Those with educational responsibilities should

give their time and energy also to the organization and training of the

masses. They should consider the masses as their students, the society

as a school and all existing circumstances and conditions as references

of instruction. Emphasis should also be laid on instructing the people

how to live properly, how to accomplish their duties. The basic

principles governing the revolutionary movement and national

reconstruction as laid down by our late Leader [Sun Yat-sen], measures

on the control of rice and the control of land as stipulated in the

ordinances and regulations governing district autonomy, together with

the seven measures previously announced by the Central Government,

should all be included in the scope of instruction. It was with these

considerations in mind that this draft provides that teachers of the

_hsiang_ middle [secondary] and _pao_ mass-education schools should

concurrently act as secretaries of the _hsiang_ guild and _pao_ office.

It would not do to maintain the old system when school teachers only

taught in the classroom, with the result that in many places where

schools have been conducted for many years people still refuse to be

conscripted, to pay taxes, to observe the New Life principles. This

could be attributed to the fact that teachers and others in charge of

the schools failed to do their duties.

It is also provided in the ordinances and regulations governing the

initial enforcement of district autonomy that "aside from enabling

people to read and write, schools should also emphasize what has been

known as the 'omnipotency of both hands' campaign." We should try to

make all the tools or machines that can increase the productive ability

of both hands, instead of relying on others. From now on, therefore,

local schools should emphasize vocational training by which the students

may be taught how to manufacture simple machines. This is not merely

scientific education but also an important way of carrying out the

doctrine of the people's livelihood. It is therefore provided in this

draft that in the _ch'ü_ (township) there should be established the

district vocational training class so that education and living may be

closely wedded.

In the past, educational organization has been too complicated. Besides

primary schools, there have been mass education schools, short-term

primary schools, rural schools. Now, since it is stipulated that the

_pao_ has _pao_ mass education schools and the _hsiang_ has _hsiang_

middle schools, the children and adults should be taught in separate

classes but at the same school so that all the former units of

education may be absorbed. The tutor (_tao shêng_) system should be used

as much as possible in the hope that the entire people of the nation may

be given at least the minimum education for citizenship within a limited

period of time. Thus all the personnel and finances may be concentrated;

the teachers may conveniently do their duty in directing the masses into

proper participation in various local enterprises. In this way,

education and autonomy may be closely affiliated with each other.

3. The organization of the various local administrative units is roughly

in accordance with the decimal system. In such provisions of this draft,

allowances have been made whereby the difficulties in the way of

enforcement of the system may be solved. Once the scope of the various

local administrative units is fixed, all plans and programs such as

establishing schools, training personnel, appropriation of funds and

statistics may be mapped out according to definite standards. The

conduct of a big nation with its variegated enterprises depends on

strict organization in war-time as well as in peace-time. In the army,

for instance, the number of units composing each army corps is

definitely fixed. Scientific administration must be governed by rules

and regulations.

For the convenience of execution, certain elasticity has been allowed in

provisions concerning organization in this draft. The _hsiang_, for

instance, is composed of from six to fifteen _pao_, and so on with other

lower administrative units. In cases where the village and the street

cannot be separated, joint organizations for the handling of affairs of

common interest is allowed. All these provisions are arrived at in order

to allow some flexibility whenever and wherever necessary. Within the

bounds of these regulations, the various local district governments may

exercise their discretion in disposing their respective affairs without

consulting their superior governments. But they will not be permitted to

trespass beyond the limits because disorderly organizations will make

control and supervision hard.

After the scope of the various local administrative units is fixed,

their respective spheres of education, health, cooperative movements and

police must also be uniformly determined so that control, instruction,

support, and protection may have an equal and well-balanced development.

4. Concerning the organization and training of the masses, it is indeed

regrettable that no wholesome accomplishments have been achieved during

the past many years. According to this new draft, the following

explanations have to be made:

_a._ Demarcation among people's groups and organizations: the former is

determined by professions and the latter according to age and sex. From

the standpoint of the requirements of the country, the latter should be

organized first. Especially urgent is the demand for such organizations

as the able-bodied citizens' corps and women's associations. From the

standpoint of the needs of the people, the organization of the

professional groups should be put on a sound basis as soon as possible,

particularly the farmers, laborers, and merchants groups which are

vitally concerned with the economic reconstruction movement of the

country. Steps, therefore, should immediately be taken in the order of

urgency. Next, for people's organizations, emphasis is to be laid on

organization and training; for the groups, direction and supervision are

to be stressed.

_b._ The work of organizing the various people's groups should proceed

from the bottom upwards because wholesome organizations can only be had

when the foundation is soundly laid. In peace-time, this will help

forward self-rule. In war-time, it will help meet military needs. In the

past, the various people's groups (such as farmers' associations and

women's associations) had only nominal existence, hanging their shingles

in the _hsien_ city, but few really worked. The reasons might be many,

but the main one has been the failure on the part of those responsible

to penetrate into the lower strata of activities and help develop them.

It must be realized that the various people's groups are necessary to

the various administrative units in the district autonomous government

system just as parts to the main body of a machine. Without the parts,

the machine would not be able to operate. From now on, therefore,

efforts must be made to substantiate the people's bodies so that they

may be enabled to function efficiently.

_c._ The able-bodied citizens' corps are necessary in peace as well as

in war-time. Attention should be paid both to training and to the

supervision so that their usefulness may be fully developed. The

constituents of the able-bodied citizens' corps are the pillars of

society, and on them depends the successful realization of most

enterprises concerning district autonomy. In this lies the importance of

our late Leader's [Sun Yat-sen] teaching about "omnipotency of both

hands." During the training, emphasis should not be on military alone

but also on general and vocational ability, in order to turn corps

members into useful members of society.

5. The people's organs for various local administrative units serve best

the purpose of training the people in the exercise of their rights in

government affairs. They constitute the prerequisites for democracy. In

the past, it has proved difficult to secure _hsiang_, _pao_ and _chia_

chiefs; or, after they were elected to their respective offices, they

failed to do their duties and some of them even committed acts harmful

to the people which slipped the notice of the superior government

offices. All these shortcomings must be overcome by virtue of democratic

measures. The higher supervisory organizations, limited in personnel,

can hardly keep an eye on every small detail. The _hsiang_ and _pao_

chiefs and other staff members under them are most closely associated

with the people. In order to prevent them from undermining the people's

interest for their selfish gains, the democratic (_Min-chu_) control and

supervision system should be enforced as the most efficient and

effective method. That the _pao_ people's meeting should be attended by

the families as representative units is a preliminary step. This is so

because China is an agricultural country, different from other

industrialized nations where the individual citizens constitute the

representative units. Representatives to the _hsiang_ people's

representative meetings are to be produced at the _pao_ people's

meeting. Councilors from the _hsiang_ and higher administrative units

for the _hsien_ people's council are to be produced by indirect instead

of direct election. Next comes the question of increasing the people's

economic stability and developing local enterprises. It is specially

provided that adequate representation to the various professional groups

should be given in the _hsien_ people's council. (This is limited to the

professional groups and their representation is not to exceed thirty per

cent.) In this way the district conception and the interests of

professions are given equal consideration.

6. To prepare the personnel for the various local administrative

government units, the various grades of schools should be adapted to the

needs of the local organizations and enterprises. With such adaptation,

the school training may not be in vain and young students upon

graduation may find appropriate employment. A separate set of rules and

regulations should be promulgated whereby these youths may be encouraged

and their future welfare safeguarded. At present, the training of such

personnel and their future disposal have not been systematically enough

planned. Proper remedy must be provided so that definite standards may

be fixed. Most important of all, persons properly trained should be

assigned to places where are located their native home villages or

towns. All such jobs concerning the development of district enterprises

like insurance of treasuries or storehouses, transportation of rice and

foodstuffs, farmland irrigation, fishing, grazing, and land reclamation,

should all be filled by persons with special technical training. As the

development of such district enterprises continues, the demand for

appropriate personnel will grow as a foregone conclusion.

7. With regard to financial problems, the late Leader instructed that

the district self-rule organizations should be founded on the basis of

"political and economic cooperation." The sources of finance, therefore,

should be derived from the people's public productive enterprises,

instead of depending on new taxes. There are many public properties in

various localities that should be utilized. Instead, these have mainly

been exploited and monopolized by individuals who cared for nothing but

their own selfish interests. Henceforth, these properties should be

placed under public control. With efficient management, the proceeds

from these enterprises should serve as finances for the entire _hsiang_

or _pao_. In case such properties consist of land, they could be turned

into experimental farms and be placed under the management of the

schools for the improvement of agricultural products and for training

the people in reformed farming methods. The joint property of a clan

should be dealt with in a similar way so that their income may be

increased and the results of agricultural improvement programs may be

extended from one locality to another easily. In places where there are

no such lands, steps should be taken to reclaim the mountainous or hilly

regions or the streams and ponds. Free labor may be utilized with a view

to increasing the income. Besides, surplus rice may be stored in the

_hsiang_ and the _pao_, under the management of the people of the

respective districts. The various cooperative societies transporting

agricultural products should also provide granaries and issue mortgage

loans. Part of the profits thus derived should be devoted as funds for

the development of local enterprises. Thus not only will the financial

problem be solved but district autonomy development will follow local

needs. Before the local public enterprises (as described above) are so

developed that income is sufficient to meet financial requirements,

attention should be paid to the following measures:

_a._ Taxes which the _hsiang_ guild may collect independent of the

superior government offices.

_b._ The finances of the _hsien_ should be demarcated from those of the

province, and the quota of the former should be gradually increased if

possible.

_c._ In lean _hsien_, the _hsien_ government should be subsidized by the

provincial government.

8. Last of all, it should be pointed out that this draft was drawn up

after repeated discussions and studies. Henceforth, all the _hsien_ and

lower district government units in the autonomy system should observe

this draft as the basis. This is a time of national crisis when the

destiny of our entire nation and race is hanging between life and death.

It is hoped that all comrades of our Party and our fellow-countrymen

should strive with strong determination for nation-wide enforcement of

these district autonomy measures. Bold initiative should solve any

unforeseen difficulties that may arise. Fear and hesitation should never

be allowed to gain the upper hand. Only in this way, may we hope that

the cornerstone for various political levels of true democracy is laid

on a sound basis, and only in this way may we hope that the stupendous

task of national reconstruction can be accomplished.

_D._ A DISCUSSION OF MAO TSÊ-TUNG'S COMMENTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (CH'ÊN KUO-HSIN)[1]

[Footnote 1: Min-i Ts'ung-k'an (Popular Opinion Series), _Mao Tsê-tung

Ch'ên Shao-yü Tsui-chin Yen-lun-ti Tsung Chien-t'ao_ (A General Review

of the Most Recent Utterances of Mao Tsê-tung and Ch'ên Shao-yü),

Chungking, 1940; p. 1-17.]

The following article, expressing the general Kuomintang

view, but written and published unofficially, illustrates

debate on foreign policy, and the type of discussion between

Nationalists and Communists. Written in the autumn of 1939,

it was reprinted in 1940 as a part of a symposium, forming a

critique of Chinese Communist views. Mao Tsê-tung (see

above, p. 166) is the outstanding Chinese Communist leader.

I. THE QUESTION OF UNEXPECTED POLITICAL "COUPS"

As the Central Government has already formulated correct principles of

action, the recent German-Soviet Pact has no influence upon our

National policies. If we follow these policies, that Pact does not

compel our attention. But it is not so with the Chinese Communists and

their external organs. They are confounded and struck dumb by this

unexpected blow so much that they can only keep their grief to

themselves.

In all propaganda literature of the Communist Party, we can easily

discern the great confusion resulting from this coup. For example,

Hitler was the "Fascist Robber" or the "mad dog," but within these days,

he becomes the Führer, with all due respects. The word "Fascist" is

still being used, but whether they are planning to discard it

altogether, we do not know. For instance, on the day previous to the

announcement of the Pact, the Communists were saying, dreamily, that a

clause prohibiting Germany's seizure of other countries was included in

the Pact. Again, when Germany attacked Poland, the Communists cleverly

said that this was caused by Great Britain's playing Judas against

Poland, and they decisively said that Great Britain and France would not

aid her, and some even said that the two antagonistic fronts were still

there, though without giving any reason. When reports of these momentous

international changes arrived in quick succession, they tried every

means to make them appear unimportant. They did this perhaps to avoid

the too much "heating up" of their followers on one side, and to avoid

committing blunders before they could receive orders concerning their

future policy. They were afraid of punishment, to be sure. Hence many

ridiculed these poor people, saying that they were like a herd of sheep

without a shepherd, for they showed their ignorance, their childishness,

hesitation, and paradoxical thoughts and actions during this period.

Public opinion as a whole praises the policies we now adopt since they

are independent of any outside element. On the other side, these praises

show that while the principles of National Defense are still as sound as

ever, the ten principles of the Communist Party are now just like ten

big stones falling on Communist toes. The Communists are about to be

killed by their own weapons. Had the Government of China been formed by

the Communists, it would, in that event, have collapsed as easily as any

Japanese cabinet since the War. What would become of the country, if

under the present crisis foreign policy were to be the speculation of

foreigners? These are exactly the ideas expressed by public gossip and

in discussions in schools. It is true that the Chinese Communists

cannot hold power because they lack political training and profound

learning. This is their inner, incurable trouble. In fact, many young

Communists have also spoken with me, and they show their sorrow when

they feel the lack of a really efficient central organ.

But speaking with consideration, we can see their good qualities shown

by censoring a great part of the news concerning Moscow's abolition of

the Anti-Fascist movement, and on the other hand advertising in a

special manner the news concerning the will of the French Communists to

fight on the first line of defense, and to help the French Government to

destroy Fascism. Perhaps this is a true revelation of the editor's faith

in the principle "Country and Nation above all," so that unconsciously

he showed it in his actions. This point is worthy of our praise and

sympathy.

After about ten days of hesitation and aimless probing, Mr. Mao

Tsê-tung, as the head of the Party, issued a lengthy talk entitled "On

the Present International Situation and the War of National Resistance,"

in the form of a catechism in which the questions are asked by a news

reporter. In the first section, he explained the German-Soviet Pact; in

the second, he predicted the future development of international

affairs, in the third he discussed the future of China. His aim in

publishing this article is to pacify the agitated hearts of his fellow

Communists. But since it is made public, we have the liberty of

discussing it, especially so since the Communists themselves have the

same habit and they also emphasize free speech. I hope they will not be

irritated.

II. IS THE GERMAN-SOVIET PACT CASUAL?

Mr. Mao seems to take it for a treaty that has been signed "all of a

sudden." Now this is quite untrue if we consider the facts.

Many periodicals and newspapers have published articles proving that the

Pact was long-planned. We shall not consider them. We shall not even

consider the original friendship between Germany and monarchic Russia.

But we must remember how Germany brought Lenin back to Russia in a

sealed train, how the formation of the Red Army was based upon German

plans, and the fact that Germany established an aviation school in

Russia. We see how Germany helped the Russian Soviet Revolution to

succeed. I often think that if we trust the words of a country's

foreign minister and the slogans the people shout to provide us an

outline of the country's foreign policy, we end in the position of

buying goods upon reading an advertisement. In the end we will find

ourselves cheated. In fact shops which are "liquidating" their goods may

sell their goods at an even higher price than in an ordinary sale. A

more reliable way of observation is to judge the policy by studying the

secret tendencies in the actions of high military and economic organs

which are essential in national defense. If we believe in slogans alone,

we might as well ask a salesman about the curative power of his patent

medicine. In reality, the salesman is a mere hireling. What pharmacist

discloses his real formula and method of combinations? Hence, to probe

into the real relation between the two countries, we must ask the

smaller nations between them; these make the closest observations.

For two years, these small states have been expecting this treaty. The

question of "which to side with" gives them sharp suffering which has

made them all the more sensitive. They know what the two countries have

been planning when they see so many secret delegates coming and going

very busily. Within the last two years, observers in Europe and America

have also predicted cooperation between Germany and Soviet Russia. Even

in China, did not Mr. Chiang Po-li write an essay to this effect,

warning the Chinese people? According to them, the slogans shouted in

both countries are strange diplomatic weapons; like the masques worn in

a Greek play, they do not show the faces of the actors. When the Jewish

Litvinoff went off the stage, it was the sign: "First Act Completed."

Now the spectators who wear red glasses are still enchanted by the first

act. Anyway, Mr. Mao's explanation that the Pact is a sudden one is

unreasonable.

In China, many were doubting the National policy of independent

struggle. Not until their "Soviet Help," "Single Alliance with Russia"

essays had been erased by the recent coup, did the policy of independent

struggle begin to shine in its brilliancy. At first our policy of

independent foreign relations lost influence to the better-sounding

slogan of "A united foreign front." After this lesson, we can perhaps

see more clearly. Such a lesson to a political party not in power is a

very wholesome admonition; had the party been in power, we know the

damage which could have befallen the nation. Speaking with

consideration, I also earnestly hoped for the success in the

British-French-Soviet parleys because it would ensure safety in Europe

by safeguarding all lesser states. Furthermore, it would help us also by

checking Germany and Japan. But this was only a hope, and I seriously

doubted its realization. The "united foreign policy front" advocated by

the Communists is not too unreasonable; its error lies in stating with

certainty the necessity of two international fronts. Some even

acknowledged the existence of such a situation two years ago, and they

forbade any doubt expressed to fellow-members concerning this point.

Even a week prior to the signing of the Pact, they said with certainty

that the rumor of such a Pact was a mere invention of Trotskyites and

German spies. Such a ban on free speech is not only detrimental to the

progress of a nation, but even to the Communists' own welfare. Their

members will not only be made to look foolish, but they will even lose

their faith by being called upon to change about. For the sake of our

national intelligence, for the sake of the Communists themselves, I hope

that in the future, such bans will be lifted, thus encouraging freer and

more reasonable ideas. I hope this appeal will do some good, even to the

editors of their newspapers.

III. WHY THE GERMAN-SOVIET PACT?

Concerning this Pact, Mao Tsê-tung used words like "reactionary,"

"Capitalistic," "intrigue," etc., about Great Britain and France. On the

other hand, he employed words like "great" (to be added "talented" if

Ch'ên Shao-yü were to write it), "increasing the power," "more

progressive," etc., about Soviet Russia. In the end, he even used the

phrase "have laid the foundation for the world's oppressed people to

seek for liberty and emancipation." All right! The term does not sound

ugly, and to ensure better Sino-Soviet relations, we may leave it at

that. But under the present state of affairs, too many attacks directed

against Chamberlain and Daladier are certainly not good. As a matter of

fact, all this is like sending congratulations to Soviet Russia, and a

letter of condolence to those with whom Soviet Russia is dissatisfied.

All these are but social affairs, the only point is that in both the

ideas are not too logically expressed. That's all!

Now if you look at the Pact in the same way that you look into a

kaleidoscope, you can see as many meanings as you want, while turning

the thing around. Basically, Germany's only reason for wanting this

Pact is, as she has stated, to avoid the British encircling policy. The

economic cooperation talked of by politicians can also give further

meaning to the Pact. Recently, in the occupation of Danzig and Warsaw,

the sound of guns is the wordless explanation. As to the plan of

partitioning Poland and absorbing the Eastern European States (enclosed

in a secret clause), we do not know yet. Let us for the time being not

discuss it.

As to Soviet Russia, her effort at bettering her friendly relationship

with China can be no better revealed than in Molotov's own speech. He

said: "We have always been trying to increase the amity between the

peoples of Germany and Russia. This Pact is important because it means

that the two big Powers in Europe have decided to be friends and to live

peacefully." Thus we can see that the Pact is not a casual happening.

Molotov again says: "There are some who want to take advantage of the

strained relationship between Great Britain and Germany.... Such people

aim at involving Soviet Russia in a war against Germany by taking sides

with Great Britain. How foolish these political speculators for war

are!" Hence we know that the Pact was signed according to Soviet

Russia's own will, and, unlike what Mao said, it was planned long ago,

and not at all after the failure of the British-French-Soviet parleys.

Now we only want those who advocate "united foreign policy front" to

think of the meaning of words like "foolish" and "war speculators."

These words are new compared with "retrograde," "stubborn,"

"Trotskyites," etc.

Perhaps the greatest part of all in Molotov's speech is: "The Soviet

Union will still continue to proceed in her own independent policy which

is based upon the welfare of all Soviet Russian citizens." This

corresponds exactly with our "Nation and country above all!" Sun Yat-sen

also said that the success of the Soviet Russian October Revolution was

based upon its ability to apply the laws concerning Nationalism.

Leninism corrects Marxism by adding the idea of Nationalism. And

Stalinism intensifies Leninism by an even greater emphasis laid on

Nationalism. Hence we can say what the Soviet Revolution adopted was

Leninism, and that what the Soviet Union is now adopting is Stalinism.

The success of Lenin and Stalin is largely due to this reason. This Pact

between Germany and Soviet Russia is but the fruit borne out of the

principle "national welfare above all." The Soviets believe "The Soviet

Government above all." Now what should we in China have?

As for Mr. Mao's reasons concerning the failure of the Three-Power

Parley, the explanation he gives is just a reduced and "Chinafied" copy

of the Soviet explanation concerning this problem. We can also say it is

abridged. Mr. Mao always "Chinafies" things. I am sorry that this

article has not been "Chinafied" (much to his distaste, I suppose) so

its power must be weaker.

IV. A DISCUSSION ON THE "NEW FRONT" AS MADE IN A CHINESE STORY-TELLER'S

WAY

The manner in which Mr. Mao discussed the question resembles that of a

Chinese story-teller, though his speech is less vivid. When he spoke of

the "future development of the present international situation," it was

like talking to a class of naive schoolboys who are always credulous.

He said that the present state of affairs in Europe was caused by the

policy of non-intervention. The Second Imperialistic War has already

entered the second stage. This is a war of plunder, not a rightful one.

Concerning the East, he also made a vain distinction. He said the

present state of affairs in China is also a new stage. No other

explanation was given. We suppose he is always careful in expressing his

ideas, so that if necessary he will have plenty of chances to make a

shift. He divided the imperialistic nations into several camps: Germany

and Italy belong to the Fascist[2] camp; Great Britain and France belong

to the Fascistic[3] camp; the Americas under the U. S. are a

capitalistic camp. As to Soviet Russia, she is presumably in another

world. Mr. Mao said that she would cooperate with the U. S. to start the

world's peace movement. Besides these, there were numerous tales as

enchanting as the Arabian Nights. The most important ones: in Europe, a

war on the entire front, and the movement planned by English and French

Communists and Social Democrats to overthrow the Fascist regime; in the

East, British policy was to partition China between herself and Japan.

According to him, these are "present" situations, and if we take into

consideration his manner of speaking, we can almost say that they meant

the "actual" position at present.

[Footnote 2: _Fa-hsi-ssŭ_.]

[Footnote 3: _Fa-hsi-ssŭ-hua-ti_, i.e., changing to Fascism.]

His chess-board analysis of international situations resembles his

former "front" theory--perhaps it is his new front theory. His aim, we

believe, is to cheat his spectators. Being ignorant of the real

situation, he was at first dumbfounded. Now he tries to move our

attention to other things, just like a magician at work, who needs a

band to create enough noise to shift the audience's attention. We should

be considerate, knowing his difficulties. But I suppose such a manner of

doing things does not increase the reputation of the Chinese Communists,

does it?

In fact, if any one of the following events occurs, his new front will

immediately be shattered: 1. Soviet Russia also adopts a

non-intervention policy; 2. Italy keeps herself aloof or joins the side

of the Allies; 3. A sufficiently large number of European states remain

neutral; 4. America cooperates with Great Britain; America or any

country in America declares war against Germany; 5. Great Britain does

not help Japan in dividing up China; 6. Soviet inclination to sign

treaty with Japan is revealed; etc., etc. I believe anyone who has

sufficient knowledge of international relations will know that the error

in the old "front" theory lies in its presumption that countries of the

same systems of government will tend to unite against those of another

system. The new front theory is based upon the presumption that the

central motivating ideas of different countries will form the basis of

separating them between two hostile fronts. This is an even more

mistaken conception than the first. It is built on sand. It is easy to

teach such a rigidly formulated doctrine of "hostile fronts" but in case

they meet with a really intelligent and well-informed member, they will

be certainly at a loss. Hence as a matter of fact, such authoritative

articles do more harm than good. Mr. Mao has written a great deal since

the war for publication; if we now connect all these articles together

for a thorough study, we can find numerous places where he is dropping a

stone upon his own toe. In fact such a chess-board analysis of the

international situation is based upon materials gotten from the G. P. U.

plus some "judgment" derived accidentally. As a matter of fact, such G.

P. U. reports are unreliable down to the last word. The work of the G.

P. U. is to pay special attention in getting the past record of a man or

organ important in a given country.

When required, some high-sounding or bad names are added to the

personality so as to strengthen the mood of speech in propaganda

literature. So somebody even said: "If you wish to follow the propaganda

methods of the Communist Party, observe two dogs barking in the street.

After due observation you should analyze their points of difference.

You should be able to speak like this: This is a dog infused with

British, French, American, German or Japanese imperialistic ideas. He is

stubborn, retrograde, reactionary, capitalistic, Fascist, and in danger

of being a Trotskyite traitor or a person like Wang Ch'ing-wei. Now the

other is a Soviet Socialistic dog, talented, progressive, belonging to

the world of light, a supporter of world peace, a dog who sides with the

poor and oppressed."

In fact how can confused international situations be so simply analyzed

by a mere figure drawn on a chess-board? Unless all their members are

mechanical men deprived of the power of thinking, they will have their

own doubts, especially when Mr. Mao has repeatedly dropped stones on his

own toe. The more he shouts the correctness of his views, or the success

of his work, the more he will be a laughing-stock to the people. He will

be the Don Quixote of China, or Ah-Q,[4] to be ridiculed by all. Yet in

fact, there is no necessity for him to make these comments, and such

methods of talking without material basis are usually avoided by

politicians, especially when they are in service or partly in service.

For example, Molotov spoke very cleverly on the Pact: after giving a

historical explanation of the necessities for signing the Pact, he

concluded, almost carelessly, by saying: "When Germany showed her

willingness to improve the friendship between the two countries, Soviet

Russia certainly had no reason to refuse. Hence the Pact is made."

Besides, he talked of the welfare of the nation, as if to give a further

proof of the necessity in signing the Pact. How clever his manipulations

are! But the same thing under Mr. Mao's pen becomes a series of

hot-faced scoldings, now praising A, then cursing B. And concerning his

doctrine that the German-Soviet Pact is caused by the failure of the

British-French-Soviet parleys, he expounded and expounded his reasons

and proof, only to lead himself into greater confusion, so that fewer

will believe him. Now comparing these two events, this will be very

detrimental to the Communists, who find it difficult to give a

satisfactory explanation. Even from a rhetorical point of view, no

matter how Mao curses the British non-intervention policy, no matter how

he curses this policy as the reason for Japanese invasion of China, for

German occupation of Austria, Czechoslovakia, no matter how he condemns

the Munich Meeting, any reader will correspondingly ask: Is Soviet

Russia also adopting the policy of non-intervention? How about Poland?

What is the difference between the Munich Meeting and the German-Soviet

Pact? All these questions will produce the exactly opposite effect in

the minds of the readers as that which was wished for by Mao. This is

but one point. If we go on to have a closer analysis, we see that Mr.

Mao's art of speaking needs more practice. As to his material proof in

his article, up to date [September 15, 1939], the Soviet attitude is

still the sit-and-look attitude condemned by him, as being the result of

non-intervention policy; the countries proclaiming their neutrality are

quite numerous; Italian attitude is yet uncertain; the British Communist

Party is declaring that full confidence is placed in Chamberlain; the

French Communists are on the front to fight for their motherland and the

Third International has now no power over them. On the other hand, there

are rumors concerning a _rapprochement_ between Japan and Soviet Russia.

All these only tend to disprove the sayings of Mr. Mao.

[Footnote 4: The hero of a novella by Lu Hsün, China's outstanding

modern writer, Ah-Q is a figure of profound pathos.]

V. A SINGLE ENEMY? OR A SINGLE ALLY?

Everybody knows that our foreign policy during the period of the war is

to spot one enemy only. We attack only Japan. We try to be friends with

every country other than Japan. This spirit can be seen in the

manifestoes and other proclamations of the Government. Hence although

Germany and Italy are the allies of our enemy, we still have every wish

to bind their friendship, and hope that they will help our enemy the

less in her war of aggression, and contribute more materially to our

success by selling us armaments. Such a "one-enemy" foreign policy is

the basis of our future success. Otherwise, the Nation will easily be

led into a path of thorns, if we adopt the policy of allying with one

today and cutting another tomorrow. In Molotov's report, there are

several sharp sentences: "In foreign policy, the aim is always not to

make more enemies, but rather to lessen the number of enemies." This can

be jotted down as a note to the "one-enemy" policy.

But what about Mao Tsê-tung's idea? In fact he preaches "one-ally"

policy. He has condemned them all, except for the Soviet Union. Now he

again places Soviet Russia in another almost intangible world. What does

he mean, then? Does he mean that we can satisfy our hunger by looking at

a cake? In fact, this was the same old question long before disputed.

We can all remember that the Communists were the advocates of a military

alliance with Soviet Russia. Now it was Soviet Russia, not we, who

declined. Those who were boasting of the alliance were Communists; and

so were those who stopped it. Soviet Russia said that she alone was too

weak and that she hoped China could find more allies. Because of this,

the "one-ally" policy did not gain as much support as the

British-American-French-Soviet union. When the British-French-Soviet

parleys broke off, Mr. Mao found it difficult to give a good

explanation, so that he could not but take up the old theory of

"one-ally" to ward off attack.

The chief countries helping China in the war are Great Britain, the U.

S. A., and Soviet Russia. In the past, at present, and in the future,

their central powers of aiding China are economic power from Great

Britain, political power from the U. S. A., and military power from

Soviet Russia. It is a fact that even if Soviet Russia remains at peace,

she can check Japan (unless Soviet Russia proclaims amity with Japan,

and makes adequate assurances, in which case it will greatly influence

our condition). But the economic power of Great Britain and the

political power of the U. S. A. are also absolutely necessary. At

present, we are still enjoying these advantages, and the breaking-up of

the British-French-Soviet parleys does not influence this situation. We

don't know why Mr. Mao is bent upon rejecting the friendly assistance of

Great Britain and the U. S. Should we act like this if we believe that

"the country and the nation are above all?" Now suppose we follow the

Communists and throw ourselves into the bosom of Soviet Russia, are we

sure that she will do everything for us? If she signs a treaty with our

enemy, what then?

The most unreasonable point in Mao's discussion is his attitude toward

Great Britain. He probably wants to please his superiors by guessing

their ideas. Perhaps he thinks that the Third International is going

back on the policy adopted years ago--the policy of "Anti-Britain" so

much sung by Trotsky and his followers. Hence Mao starts this movement

in China, and gathers false proofs that Japan and Great Britain will

sooner or later be allies so that they can divide up China. Up to now,

Mr. Mao's words have not yet become fact. Furthermore, Great Britain has

reassured us that her policy towards China will not be changed. To us

this is good news--but perhaps unhappy news for Mr. Mao.

Mr. Mao's opinion that we "may approach Germany" does not sound very

safe or very natural. Mr. Mao does not adopt the foreign policy of

"befriend those who help us and hate those who help our enemy," but

rather of "befriend Soviet Russia's friend, attack Soviet Russia's

enemies." This is flatly against the principles of independent foreign

policy. The old German-Italian line advocated by Wang Ch'ing-wei is

wrong because it makes us bend our knees. But we must also know what the

new German line amounts to. Japan's _rapprochement_ with Soviet Russia

and Great Britain are rumors scattered out simultaneously, but are

things that cannot be possible. According to foreign telegraphic

reports, the German foreign minister is now trying to pull together

Japan and Soviet Russia, with the hope of forming a future grand

alliance among Germany. Italy, Japan, and Soviet Russia. As to the

Japan-Soviet line, it is based upon the "double-south policy" of

attacking Great Britain. Japan will move south from the Pacific and

[Soviet] Russia will move south from Central Asia, so that British

interest in all districts lying between the Near and the Far East will

be equally divided up by [Soviet] Russia and Japan. Their method of

procedure is like this: 1, A treaty will be signed by Soviet Russia, as

the protector of Outer Mongolia, and Japan; Soviet Russia will stop

enmity against "Manchukuo" and Japan, so that Japan may concentrate her

attention on China. 2, A commercial treaty will be signed between them.

3, A final alliance promising mutual non-interference with appended

clauses. Of course this is Germany's dream, or may be a flat rumor,

since it is unbelievable that Soviet Russia should join Japan. Even from

the point of material benefit, why should Soviet Russia act so as to

hurt others but remain doubtful that she can derive real benefit? But to

insure absolute safety, we must be careful of any German intrigue. We

must warn her often. In the past we used to buy munitions from her, so

we must have her goodwill. Now with the War, it is unlikely that Germany

will still sell us munitions. Hence why must we still follow Germany and

"approach her"? After all, what is the difference between this and the

German-Italian line advocated by Wang Ch'ing-wei? Now, just a "warning":

if [Soviet] Russia and Japan do join up to form an alliance, I must ask

the Chinese Communist Party a question: Concerning the name, the Chinese

Communist Party, are they going to throw away the word "Chinese" and

adopt a Soviet Russian nationality, or, as said in the _Hsin Min Pao_,

to be so base as to join Wang Ch'ing-wei's regime, or shall they stick

to the word "Chinese" and cancel the word "Communist"? I hope they will

reply to my question.

Concerning the theory of a Second Imperialistic War, Mao himself has for

two years forbidden his followers to comment, on the charge of being a

Rightist, a closed-door Rightest, a childish Rightest, or a Trotskyite

who is plotting with Germany. Now we see that he himself has fully

adopted a Trotskyite view. In that article he used the words

"progressive" and "retrogressive" to suppress any upheaval within his

party; but now what he means by "progressive" is exactly "retardation";

what he formerly advocated as "progress" is now a discarded fig. He is

just making a circle, like a donkey fastened to turn a grind-stone,

pressed onward by whipping and kicking, and when he has turned half a

circle, he may be said to have retarded half a circle.

Now Mr. Mao condemns every country as imperialistic. But we must ask, in

his opinion, does he think that Poland is imperialistic? Why is the war

of national defense on the part of Poland not a rightful war? Under the

exactly similar conditions, why did the Communists formerly show

sympathy for Abyssinia and Spain, and are now cold toward Poland? He

says that Communists always hate wars; then why did he advocate the

Help-Abyssinia Movement? This is a paradox. Perhaps the saying that

Communists hate war is invented by Mr. Mao himself. So far as we know,

the Communists in Poland, Great Britain, and France are absolutely

sympathizing with the Poles in their defensive war.

There is another ridiculous point: Mr. Mao also labelled Chamberlain and

Daladier as Fascist Reactionaries. Before the German-Soviet Pact, they

were hailed as saints, but now they are convicts, as it were. If Mr. Mao

is not satisfied with them, then condemn them as he wishes. But why must

he put such a "Fascist" hat upon the oldest democratic countries? This

spring, one American political commentator predicted jokingly that in

the near future Hitler will say that the headquarters of the Communists

are located in London and Paris, hence anti-Communist will mean

anti-French. Now the direction of this pseudo-prophecy is already

established, though Hitler did not give the above reason. But we did not

expect that the Chinese Communists would adopt such a belief by calling

democratic countries Fascist and by advocating "that we may approach

Germany." This is perhaps a conclusion by their special logic.

VI. A REASONLESS CONCLUSION

Concerning the future of China, Mr. Mao made many surface talks, though

in general there is no serious fault. But his theories and his

conclusions are disjointed. For example, if he makes light of the Polish

war, what will be the value of this Oriental war? Besides, is the policy

of "single alliance with Soviet Russia" in unison with the principle:

"We will befriend those who aid us, and attack those who aid our enemy"?

If Soviet Russia aids Japan, what shall then be done? If he opposes the

splitting movement, then why not advocate unity? These are but a few of

the numerous contradictions that may be found in his article.

Especially strange is his idea that to ally with countries other than

Soviet Russia, we should ally with their peoples and not with their

governments. But the word "people" is not used in foreign affairs and

its meaning is also most indistinct. According to him (I presume) he

desires that China fan up revolutions in all countries while carrying on

the War of National Resistance. True, the method may apply to Japan, but

not to other countries. Otherwise, all world Powers will begin to hate

China who is still fighting the War of National Resistance. What will we

think of this? Now to speak frankly, the Communists in various countries

have not succeeded in fanning up revolutions in their countries, and on

the contrary, with their force weakening year after year, what shall we

help them for? When we ourselves have not yet stood up firmly, we are

already thinking of shouldering a weight of a thousand pounds. Is there

a reason in such an attempt? In reality, we know the force of the

Chinese proletarian classes. They amount to about two million people,

mostly in Shanghai and Tientsin. Now the puppet regimes of Yin Ju-keng

and Wang Ch'ing-wei are all formed in these districts. Ch'ên Shao-yü is

the chief representative of the Shanghai section of the Communist Party.

Has he gone there for an investigation? To whom do those who are

performing Anti-Japanese and Anti-Traitor work belong--to the Communist

Party, or what? It is better for Communists to moderate their tune and

not boast of any more world revolution.

Concerning the present European war, Mr. Mao's attitude is that of a man

expressing his joy on seeing others' loss and misfortune. This is not

the way of the Chinese people. We always express our sorrow in a war.

What General Chiang has said concerning his hope for peace in Europe is

the natural revelation of the Chinese moral character based upon love

and compassion. What Mr. Mao expresses is something like the spirit of

"kill-kill-kill" advocated by the notorious robber Chang Shen-chou. This

is because Mr. Mao has not yet thoroughly imbibed the idea of

"Chinafying" things. I express my sympathy for him in his policy of

"Chinafication." This of course does not mean that I believe in the

preachings of old-fashioned Chinese that the eight planets were first

discovered by the Chinese because a line can be found in the _Book of

Poetry_:[5] "Three and Five stars in the East." What I mean by sympathy

is that I like the way he appreciates the Chinese national culture, and

wants to be a one hundred per cent Chinese.[6] In this respect he is

more worthy than Ch'ên Shao-yü, and hence deserving of greater

achievement.

[Footnote 5: _Shih Ching_, one of the Confucian classics.]

[Footnote 6: The Americanism, _i-pai-fên chih pai-ti Chung-kuo-jen_,

occurs in the original.]

Lastly, I sincerely hope that Mr. Mao can find a better secretary,

without considering the question of class. He must not follow the

example of Mr. Lu, the Vice-President of the Anti-Japanese University,

who never employs a secretary unless she is beautiful. Though he does

not consider the question of class, such actions do not befit Mr. Mao.

But speaking about this, we can have a comparison. The second wife of

Mr. Mao, Miss Ho, is the heroine who marched with the Red Army for a

distance of twenty-five thousand _li_ to North Shensi. But why is it

that Mr. Mao sends her to Soviet Russia, and lives together with film

actress Miss Lan Pin? The reason is quite simple: considering the

question of class, Miss Ho stands higher than Miss Lan; considering the

question of sexual love, Miss Lan is much more beautiful than Miss Ho.

Hence with similar reasoning, I should say that the standard set by Mr.

Mao concerning the employment of a secretary will be whether she can

write beautifully, and the question of class must not be considered. If

so, I can predict that Mr. Mao's articles will be better written, not

like his past ones which arouse a great deal of unnecessary

argumentation. I hereby humbly present before him my personal ideas.[7]

[Footnote 7: The conclusion, couched in billingsgate, is less a

violation of the unmentionable in China than it would be in America;

but it does strike a note sharply discordant to the gently sardonic

tone of the main line of debate. A secretary is germane to the point

of literary style, however; ghost-writing is a rarely disturbed

tradition of Chinese public life. Mao Tsê-tung, according to Western

observers, is, with Chiang K'ai-shek, one of the few leaders to write

his own speeches, so that the present charge, while familiar, is

certainly unjust.]

E. CHINA'S LONG-RANGE DIPLOMATIC ORIENTATION (WANG CH'UNG-HUI)[1]

[Footnote 1: Private communication transmitted from Chungking,

September 10, 1940; in possession of the present author.]

This memorandum was graciously supplied by Dr. Wang

Ch'ung-hui.

1. OUTLINE OF CHINA'S FOREIGN POLICY

Since the establishment of the National Government, China's foreign

policy has been elucidated from time to time. Following the outbreak of

the war, the Extraordinary Session of the Kuomintang National Congress

convened in 1938 laid down five principles:

"1. China is prepared to ally herself with all states and nations that

sympathize with her and to wage a common struggle for peace and justice.

"2. China is prepared to safeguard and strengthen the machinery of peace

as well as all treaties and conventions that have the maintenance of

peace as their ultimate object.

"3. China is prepared to ally herself with all forces that are opposed

to Japanese aggression and to safeguard peace in the Far East.

"4. China will endeavor not only to preserve but also to enhance the

existing friendly relations with other countries.

"5. China repudiates all bogus organizations which Japan has created and

declares all their actions null and void."

2. CHINA'S STAND VIS-À-VIS JAPAN

From the above outline it can be clearly seen that China's foreign

policy aims at achieving independence internally and co-existence

externally.

Shortly before the outbreak of the Lukouchiao Incident I told a group of

Japanese newspapermen in Nanking that "China's diplomatic policy has

always been consistent. It aims at self-existence and co-existence....

It is important to harmonize the friendship between the two peoples; but

such a task should not rest only upon the shoulders of one party.... If

any foreign country has any designs on China, the Chinese people are

determined to resist.... I hope Japan will respect China's territorial

integrity and political sovereignty and will seek to readjust

Sino-Japanese relations through diplomatic channels and in accordance

with the spirit of reciprocity and equality."

Japan was bent on disturbing peace and order and launched her attack on

North China on July 7, 1937. Not only had every effort at conciliation

failed, but the hostilities were extended to Shanghai on August 13th. On

the following day the Ministry of Foreign Affairs made China's position

clear in an official statement, an extract of which follows:

"The Chinese Government now solemnly declares that China's territorial

integrity and sovereign rights have been wantonly violated by Japan in

glaring violation of such peace instruments as the Covenant of the

League of Nations, the Nine-Power Treaty and the Paris Peace Pact. China

is in duty bound to defend her territory and her national existence, as

well as the sanctity of the above-mentioned treaties. We will never

surrender any part of our territory. When confronted with aggression, we

cannot but exercise our natural right of self-defense. If Japan did not

entertain territorial designs on China, she should use her efforts to

seek a rational solution of Sino-Japanese problems and at the same time

cease all her aggressions and military movements in China. In the event

of such a happy change of heart, China would, in conformity with her

traditional policy of peace, continue her efforts to avert a situation

pregnant with dangerous possibilities both for East Asia and for the

world at large.

"In this our supreme fight not only for a national but for a world

cause, not only for the preservation of our own territory and

sovereignty, but for the maintenance of international justice, we are

confident that all friendly nations, while showing sympathy with us,

will be conscious of their obligations under the international treaties

to which they have solemnly subscribed."

3. NON-RECOGNITION OF PUPPET REGIMES

With regard to Japanese-sponsored puppet regimes in China, the Chinese

Government has consistently denounced them as illegal. On December 20,

1937, following the appearance of the so-called "Provisional Government"

in Peiping, the National Government solemnly declared that "the

establishment of any bogus regime in Peiping or other localities under

Japanese military occupation constitutes a violation by Japan of China's

sovereignty and administrative integrity. Any action taken by such

puppet regimes, whether of an internal or external nature, shall _ipso

facto_ be null and void."

Following the installation by the Japanese of Wang Ch'ing-wei as the

chief puppet of the bogus "National Government" in Nanking, the Foreign

Minister reiterated this stand in his identic notes of March 30, 1940 to

the various embassies and legations in China to the following effect:

"The Chinese Government desires to take this opportunity to repeat most

emphatically the declaration already made on several occasions that any

act done by such an unlawful organization as has just been set up in

Nanking or any other puppet body that may exist elsewhere in China, is

_ipso facto_ null and void and shall never be recognized by the Chinese

Government and people. The Chinese Government is convinced that all

self-respecting States will uphold law and justice in the conduct of

international relations and will never accord _de jure_ or _de facto_

recognition to Japan's puppet organization in China. Any manifestation

of such recognition, in whatever form or manner, would be a violation of

international law and treaties and would be considered as an act most

unfriendly to the Chinese nation, for the consequences of which the

recognizing party would have to bear full responsibility."

4. CHINA'S FOREIGN RELATIONS BASED ON NINE-POWER TREATY

China's foreign policy relating to the Sino-Japanese hostilities is

based upon the Nine-Power Treaty, which provides that the contracting

Powers, other than China, agreed to the following:

1. To respect the sovereignty, the independence and the territorial and

administrative integrity of China;

2. To provide the fullest and most unembarrassed opportunity to China to

develop and maintain for herself an effective and stable government;

3. To use their influence for the purpose of effectually establishing

and maintaining the principle of equal opportunity for the commerce and

industry of all nations throughout the territory of China.

4. To refrain from taking advantage of conditions in China in order to

seek special rights or privileges which would abridge the rights of

subjects or citizens of friendly States, and from countenancing action

inimical to the security of such States.

Under present conditions, the aggressor is still reluctant to attend any

international conference for seeking a just settlement. Therefore, the

only alternative is for China to continue her war of resistance until

Japan comes to her senses or reaches the point of exhaustion, which can

be accomplished through the extension of greater assistance to China and

the application of an embargo on military supplies to Japan.

There is no need to elaborate on the well-known fact that the role of

the United States in the maintenance of peace in the Pacific area is an

important one. We have great confidence in the sense of justice of

America, our traditional friend, who realizes the full significance of

the so-called "New Order in Greater East Asia," which Japanese spokesmen

admit applies to the South Seas region.

World peace and peace between China and Japan are indivisible. An era of

prosperity in this part of the world, which cannot but be of benefit to

the world in general, can only be ushered in after a just and lasting

solution to the Sino-Japanese conflict has been found.

GLOSSARY

[Chinese ideographs have been attached to the names of all the more

important political terms, as given in the following list. Proper names

may be found with their correct ideographs in _Who's Who in China_ and

the _Supplement_ thereto, cited above. Place-names have been given in

the Chinese Postal transliteration; all other names and terms are given

in the Wade-Giles spelling, but with the tones omitted. In a few cases,

the spelling of a name has been well established by long newspaper

usage, by the caprice or decision of a man in re-spelling his own name,

or by common practice which has become standard English. Examples are

_tuchün_, Kuomintang (instead of _Kuo-min Tang_ or _Kuo-min-tang_) and

T. V. Soong. Capitalization and hyphenation follow, as closely as

possible, the practices established by the _Quarterly Bulletin of

Chinese Bibliography_, Peking and Kunming.]

_Chan-ti Tang-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_ 戰地黨政委員會 the (Kuomintang) Party

and (National) Government War Area Commission; the Chungking agency for

the government of those parts of China technically occupied by the

Japanese; under the Military Affairs Commission

_chang_ 長 a chief, or head

_Ch'ang-wu Wei-yüan_ 常務委員 a Standing Committee, or administrative

committee

_Ch'ang-wu Tz'ŭ-chang_ 常務次長 an Administrative Vice-Minister (of a

_pu_)

_chên_ 鎮 a unit of local government; "community"; the equivalent of a

_hsiang_

_Chên-chi Wei-yüan-hui_ 振濟委員會 the (National) Relief Commission

_Chêng-chih-pu_ 政治部 the Political Department (of the Military Affairs

Commission); the important and powerful agency which coordinates

civilian aid to the war from Chungking, in propaganda, civilian

mobilization, etc.; competitive with the Chinese Communists

_Chêng-wu Ch'u_ 政務處 a Political Affairs Department; the political

secretariat of a _Yüan_

_Chêng-wu Tz'ŭ-chang_ 政務次長 a Political Vice-Minister (of a _pu_)

_Ch'i Chün-tzŭ_ 七君子 the "Seven Gentlemen"; the leaders of the National

Salvation movement

_chia_ 甲 a group of households; a unit in the _pao-chia_ system of

local government

_Chiao-t'ung Pu_ 交通部 Ministry of Communications

_Ch'iao-wu Wei-yüan-hui_ 僑務委員會 Commission on Overseas Chinese

Affairs (under the Executive _Yüan_)

_Chiao-yü Pu_ 教育部 Ministry of Education (under the Executive _Yüan_)

_chien-ch'a_ 監察 one of the five powers of government in the plans of

Sun Yat-sen; a combination of impeachment, audit, supervisory

investigation and other functions

_Chien-ch'a Yüan_ 監察院 the Control (or Censoral) _Yüan_; one of the

five major divisions of the government

_Chien Kuo Ta Kang_ 建國大綱 the _Outline of National Reconstruction_, a

manifesto by Sun Yat-sen which charted the subsequent formal policies of

the Kuomintang

_ch'ih_ 恥 self-respect; honor

_Chin-ch'a-chi Pien-ch'ü Lin-shih Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_ 晉察冀邊區臨時

行政委員會 "Provisional Executive Committee of the Shansi-Chahar-Hopei

Border Region"; formal style of the Border Region, _q.v._

_Ching-chi Pu_ 經濟部 Ministry of Economic Affairs (under the Executive

_Yüan_)

_Chiu Kuo_ 救國 National Salvation; an anti-aggression movement

organized outside the Kuomintang

_Chu-hsi_ 主席 chairman; refers particularly to the _Kuo-min Chêng-fu

Chu-hsi_ (President of the National Government)

_ch'ü_ 區 a unit of local government above the _pao_, _chia_, and

_hsiang_, but below the _hsien_ ("county"); a township; with reference

to the Party organization of the Kuomintang, a district

_ch'ü-fên_ 區分 sub-district; the lowest territorial unit in Kuomintang

organization

_ch'üan_ 權 "power," _i.e._, of the people, as contrasted with the nêng

(capacity) of the government; the distinction is Sun Yat-sen's, and

applies to the political process

_Ch'üan-hsü Pu_ 銓敘部 the Ministry of Personnel; under the Examination

_Yüan_

_Ch'üan-hsü T'ing_ 銓敘廳 Administration of Personnel (for the military);

under the Military Affairs Commission

_Ch'üan-kuo Hui-i_ 全國會議 the (Chinese Communist) National Party

Convention

_Ch'üan-kuo Ta-hui_ 全國大會 the (Chinese Communist) National Party

Congress

_Ch'üan-kuo Tai-piao Ta-hui_ 全國代表大會 the (Kuomintang) Party Congress

_Chün-chêng-pu_ 軍政部 the Ministry of War; under the joint jurisdiction

of the Executive _Yüan_ and the Military Affairs Commission

_Chün-fa Chih-hsing Tsung-chien-pu_ 軍法執行總監部 the Directorate-General

of Courts Martial; under the Military Affairs Commission

_Chün-hsün-pu_ 軍訓部 Department of Military Training; under the Military

Affairs Commission

_Chün-ling-pu_ 軍令部 Department of Military Operation; office of the

Chinese high command; under the Military Affairs Commission

_Chün-shih Ts'an-i-yüan_ 軍事參議院 Military Advisory Council; under the

Military Affairs Commission

_Chün-shih Wei-yüan-hui_ 軍事委員會 the Military Affairs Commission; the

chief politico-military organ of the National Government

_Chung-hua Min-kuo Kuo-min Chêng-fu_ 中華民國國民政府 literally: the

Republic of China, National Government; the style of the National

Government under the Kuomintang

_Chung-hua Min-kuo Lin-shih Chêng-fu_ 中華民國臨時政府 the "Provisional

Government of the Republic of China," Peking, 1937-1940; pro-Japanese

_Chung-hua Min-kuo T'ê-ch'ü Chêng-fu_ 中華民國特區政府 "Special District

Government of the Chinese Republic"; the first formal style of the

Chinese Soviet area in the Northwest after the intra-national armistice

_Chung-hua Min-kuo Hsiu-chêng Kuo-min Chêng-fu_ 中華民國修正國民政府 the

"Reorganized National Government of the Republic of China"; the National

Government of Wang Ch'ing-wei at Nanking; pro-Japanese

_Chung-hua Min-kuo Wei-hsin Chêng-fu_ 中華民國維新政府 the "Reformed

Government of the Republic of China," Nanking, 1938-1940; pro-Japanese

_Chung-hua Su-wei-ai Kung-ho-kuo_ 中華蘇維埃共和國 the Chinese Soviet

Republic

_Chung-kuo Kê-ming Tang_ 中國革命黨 the Chinese Revolutionary Party;

style of the Kuomintang, 1914-1920; style of the Third Party, 1929-1930

_Chung-kuo Kuo-min-tang Kê-ming Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_ 中國國民黨革命

行政委員會 the Revolutionary Action Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang;

first style of the Third Party

_Chung-kuo Kung-yeh Ho-tso Hsieh-hui_ 中國工業合作協會 the Chinese

Industrial Cooperatives

_Chung-yang Chêng-chih Hsüeh-hsiao_ 中央政治學校 the Central Political

Institute; under the Kuomintang

_Chung-yang Chêng-chih Wei-yüan-hui_ 中央政治委員會 the Central Political

Council; the agency whereby the Kuomintang exercised its power over the

National Government until the Supreme National Defense Council was

created

_Chung-yang Chien-ch'a Wei-yüan-hui_ 中央監察委員會 the (Kuomintang)

Central Control Committee

_Chung-yang Chih-hsing Wei-yüan-hui_ 中央執行委員會 the (Kuomintang)

Central Executive Committee

_Chung-yang Hsüan-ch'uan Pu_ 中央宣傳部 the (Kuomintang) Party-Ministry

of Publicity [or Central Publicity Board]

_Chung-yang Wei-yüan-hui_ 中央委員會 the (Chinese Communist Party)

Central Committee

_fa pi_ 法幣 (National Government) legal tender notes

_fang_ 坊 a territorial unit of municipal government; roughly, a

precinct

_Fu-hsing Shê_ 復興社 the Regeneration Club; former center of the

so-called Blue Shirts

_Fu-hsüeh Wei-yüan-hui_ 撫郋委員會 the Pensions Commission; under the

Military Affairs Commission

_Fu I-chang_ 副議長 Deputy Speaker (of the People's Political Council)

_Fu Mi-shu-chang_ 副秘書長 a Deputy Secretary-General

_Fu-yüan-chang_ 副院長 the Vice-President of a _Yüan_ (one of the five

divisions of the government)

_Hai-chün Tsung-ssŭ-ling-pu_ 海軍總司令部 Office of the Naval

Commander-in-Chief, successor to the Ministry of the Navy which manages

the up-river remnants of the Chinese fleet; under the Military Affairs

Commission

_Hang-k'ung Wei-yüan-hui_ 航空委員會 the (National) Aviation Commission;

under the Military Affairs Commission

_Hou-fang Ch'in-wu-pu_ 後方勤務部 the [Rear-Area] Service Department

under the Military Affairs Commission

_hsiang_ 鄉 a unit of local government, also termed _chên_; a village or

community

_hsiao-tsu_ 小粗 the "small-group"; the lowest fraction of Kuomintang

organization

_Hsieh-ho-hui_ 協和會 the Concordia Society; the propaganda agency of

Manchoukuo

_hsien_ 縣 district; roughly comparable to the American county

_Hsien-fa Ts'ao-an_ 憲法草案 the Draft Permanent Constitution; the

official sponsored project for the new constitution, known most widely

in the version of the Double Five Draft of May 5, 1936

_Hsin-min-hui_ 新民會 a political "party" organized by pro-Japanese

elements in North China

_Hsin Min Chu I_ 新民主義 a pro-Japanese doctrine taught in occupied

North China

_Hsin Shêng-huo Yün-tung_ 新生活運動 the New Life Movement

_Hsin-ssŭ-chün_ 新四軍 New Fourth Army; a guerrilla force under

Communist influence; operating in the Yangtze lowlands, it clashed with

Chinese National forces early in 1941, and was formally disbanded

_Hsing-chêng Fa-yüan_ 行政法院 the Administrative Court; under the

Judicial Yüan

_Hsing-chêng Yüan_ 行政院 the Executive _Yüan_, greatest of the five

divisions of the government

_Hsün-lien T'uan_ 訓練團 the Training Corps (of the Kuomintang)

_Hsün-lien Wei-yüan-hui_ 訓練委員會 the (Central) Training Committee (of

the Kuomintang)

_Huangpu_ 黃埔 the name of a military academy (in Cantonese, Whampoa),

now applied to the Generalissimo's protégés as a political faction

_hui_ 會 a meeting, guild, league, or society

_Hui-i_ 會議 a deliberative body; particularly, a City Council

(Shih-chêng Hui-i)

_i_ 議 propriety; ethics; justice

_I-chang_ 議長 Speaker (of the People's Political Council)

_I Ho Ch'üan_ 義和拳 the "Boxers" of 1900

_Kan Shih_ 幹事 the police executive in a _hsiang_ or _chên_

_K'ang-chan Chien-kuo Kang-ling_ 抗戰建馘綱領 the Program of Resistance

and Reconstruction; the formal declaration of government policy during

the invasion; adopted at Hankow in March, 1938

_K'ao-hsüan Wei-yüan-hui_ 考選委員會 the Examinations Commission; under

the Examination _Yüan_

_K'ao-shih Yüan_ 考試會 the Examination _Yüan_; one of the five major

divisions of the government

_Kung-ch'an Ch'ing-nien T'uan_ 共產青年團 the Communist Youth Corps

_Kung-ch'an Tang_ 共產黨 the (Chinese) Communist Party

_Kung-wu-yüan Ch'eng-chieh Wei-yüan-hui_ 公務員懲戒委員會 the Commission

for the Disciplinary Punishment of Public Officers (under the Judicial

_Yüan_), a lower agency than the Commission for the Disciplinary

Punishment of Public Officials (attached to the Council of State)

_Kuo-chia Chu-i P'ai_ 國家主義派 the "Nationalist Party"; Parti

Républicain Nationaliste de la Jeune Chine

_Kuo-chia Shê-hui Tang_ 國家社會黨 the (Chinese) National Social(ist)

Party

_Kuo-fang Tsui-kao Wei-yüan-hui_ 國防最高委員會 the Supreme National

Defense Council; the quasi-governmental agency whereby the Kuomintang

controls the National Government; established in 1938 as a war measure,

it supersedes the _Chung-yang Chêng-chih Wei-yüan-hui_ (Central

Political Council)

_Kuo-li Chung-yang Yen-chiu Yüan_ 國立中央研究院 the Academia Sinica; the

national scientific and scholastic body, attached to the Council of

State

_Kuo-min Chêng-fu Wei-yüan-hui_ 國民政府委員會 "National Government

Council"; commonly termed Council of State, this is the highest strictly

governmental agency in China

_Kuo-min Chêng-fu Chu-hsi_ 國民政府主席 "chairman of the National

Government"; more formally, President of the National Government of

China; _ex-officio_ chairman of the Council of State, and ceremonial

chief of the government

_Kuo-min Ching-shên Tsung-tung-yüan_ 國民精神總動員 the National Spiritual

Mobilization

_Kuo-min Hui-i_ 國民會議 the National People's Convention of XX (1931),

which adopted the Provisional Constitution

_Kuo-min Ts'an-chêng Hui_ 國民參政會 the People's Political Council;

advisory legislature inaugurated in Hankow

_Kuo-min Ta-hui_ 國民大會 the National Congress or People's Congress;

this term designates both the constituent body which shall adopt the

projected Constitution, and a subsequent constitutional legislature

meeting triennially

_lao-pai-hsing_ 老百姓 old inhabitants; common people; archaically or

etymologically, the Old Hundred Names

_li_ 禮 rites; ceremonies; ideological conformity

_Li-fa Wei-yüan_ 立法委會 members of the quasi-cameral plenary session of

the Legislative _Yüan_; experts in legal matters, they combine the

function of legislators with that of consultants in codification

_Li-ja Yüan_ 立法會 the Legislative _Yüan_; one of the five divisions of

the government

_lien_ 廉 integrity

_lü_ 旅 a brigade

_Mêng-ku Lien-ho Tzŭ-chih Chêng-fu_ 蒙古聯合自治政府 the "Federated

Autonomous Government of Mongolia"; pro-Japanese

_Mêng Tsang Wei-yüan-hui_ 蒙藏委員會 Commission on Mongolian and Tibetan

Affairs (under the Executive _Yüan_)

_Mi-shu-chang_ 秘書長 a Secretary-General

_Mi-shu Ch'u_ 秘書處 a Secretariat; particularly important in the case of

the Executive _Yüan_

_min ch'üan chu-i_ 民權主義 the "principle of democracy," by Sun Yat-sen;

second of the _San Min Chu I_

_min-shêng chu-i_ 民生主義 the "principle of the people's livelihood," by

Sun Yat-sen; third of the _San Min Chu I_

_Min-ts'u Chieh-fang Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_ 民族解放行政委員會 the

Acting Commission for the National Emancipation of China; third, final,

formal style of the Third Party

_min ts'u chu-i_ 民族主義 the "principle of nationalism," by Sun Yat-sen;

first of the _San Min Chu I_

_Nei-chêng Pu_ 內政部 the Ministry of the Interior (or of home affairs);

under the Executive _Yüan_

_nêng_ 能 "capacity" (see _ch'üan_)

_Nung Lin Pu_ 農林部 Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry (under the

Executive _Yüan_)

_Pa-lu-chün_ 八路軍 "Eighth Route Army"; the chief Chinese Communist

force, formerly the Chinese Red Army and now the Eighteenth Army Corps

_pao_ 保 a unit of local government; roughly, a neighborhood

_pao-chia_ 保甲 a system of local government embodying principles of

collective responsibility and mutual aid within interlocking groups of

households and neighborhoods

_Pien-ch'ü_ 邊區 Frontier Area or Border Region; the former translation

is used for the Communist zone in the Northwest, and the latter for the

guerrilla government in North China

_Pu_ 部 a Ministry (under the _Yüan_), Department (under the Military

Affairs Commission), or equivalent organ of government; the term is one

of long standing in Chinese government

_Pu Chang_ 部長 Minister; head of a _pu_

_San Min Chu I_ 三民主義 the three principles of the people; Sun

Yat-sen's political philosophy, now the official state dogma of China

_San Min Chu I Ch'ing-nien T'uan_ 三民主義青年團 the _San Min Chu I_

Youth Corps

_Shan-kan-ning Pien-ch'ü Chêng-fu_ 陝甘寧邊區政府 the "Government of the

Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia Frontier Area"; second formal style of the

Communist zone in the Northwest

_Shan-pei Hsing-chêng-ch'ü_ 陝北行政區 the "Administrative Area of North

Shensi"; third formal style of the Communist zone in the Northwest

(Frontier Area)

_Shê-hui Yün-tung Pu_ 社會運動部 the (Kuomintang) Party-Ministry of

Social Movements

_Shên-ch'a Wei-yüan-hui_ 審查委員會 the (Chinese Communist Party) Control

Committee

_Shêng_ 省 a province

_Shêng-chang_ 省長 Governor; the civilian head of a province; now

superseded by a Provincial Chairman

_Shêng Chêng-fu_ 省政府 a Provincial Government

_Shih_ 市 a Municipality

_Shih-chang_ 市長 a Mayor

_Sui-ching Chu-jên_ 綏靖主任 a Pacification Commissioner; the chief

military officer of a province

_Ssŭ-fa Hsing-chêng-pu_ 司法行政部 the Ministry of Justice, literally the

"executive ministry of the judiciary"; under the Judicial _Yüan_ in the

National Government, but under the executive in the Reorganized

Government of Wang Ch'ing-wei

_Ssŭ-fa Yüan_ 司法院 the Judicial _Yüan_, one of the five divisions of

the government

_ssŭ p'ai_ 四派 the "four cliques" (in the People's Political Council)

_ssŭ tang_ 四黨 the "four parties" (in the People's Political Council)

_Ta-min-hui_ 大民會 a political "party" organized by pro-Japanese

elements in Central China

_tang chih_ 黨治 "party government"; the single-party tutelary

dictatorship of the Kuomintang

_Tai-piao Ta-hui_ 代表大會 the (Chinese Communist) "Council of Party

Delegates"

_Tangpu_ 黨部 (local) Party Headquarters of the Kuomintang

_Ti-san Tang_ 第三黨 the Third Party; a popular name

_Ts'ai-chêng Pu_ 財政部 Ministry of Finance

_Ts'an-chêng-hui_ 參政會 a People's Political Council; preceded by a term

indicating the level at which established, _e.g._, _Shêng

Ts'an-chêng-hui_, Provincial People's Political Council

_Ts'an-chün Ch'u_ 參軍處 Office of Military Affairs; a military

secretariat attached to the Council of State

_Ts'an-i-hui_ 參議會 an Advisory Council, as in the Municipality

_Tsui-kao Fa-yüan_ 最高法院 the Supreme Court; under the Judicial _Yüan_

_Tsung-li_ 總理 the [Party] Leader; the formal office held by Sun

Yat-sen in the Kuomintang; his in perpetuity, the title is used as a

respectful form of reference to Sun

_Tsung-ts'ai_ 總裁 the [Party] Chief, or leader; title vested in Chiang

K'ai-shek as formal head of the Kuomintang by the Emergency Party

Congress, Hankow, March, 1938

_t'uan_ 團 a regiment

_tuchün_ 督軍 the military chief of a province, a war-lord

_Wai-chiao Pu_ [also written _Waichiaopu_] 外交部 the Ministry of Foreign

Affairs; under the Executive _Yüan_

_Wang Tao_ 王道 "the kingly way," a cardinal concept of traditional

Chinese political thought; now, reinterpreted, the state philosophy of

Manchoukuo

_Wei-shêng Shu_ 衛生暑 National Health Administration (in the Ministry of

the Interior)

_Wei-yüan-chang_ 委會長 chairman (of a committee, commission, etc.); this

title often refers to Generalissimo Chiang in his capacity of Chairman

of the Military Affairs Commission

_Wên-kuan Ch'u_ 文官處 Office of Civil Affairs; a civilian secretariat

attached to the Council of State

_wu-ch'üan hsien-fa_ 五權憲法 the "five power constitution"; the

five-fold separation of powers taught by Sun Yat-sen and applied by the

National Government

_Yüan_ 院 literally "board"; one of the five divisions of the National

Government of China

_Yüan-chang_ 院長 the President of a _Yüan_

_Yüeh Fa_ 約法 the Provisional Constitution, adopted in 1931

INDEX

Ability (_nêng_), 253

Academia Sinica (_Kuo-li Chung-yang Yen-chiu Yüan_), 56

_Act Governing the Elections of Representatives to the National

Congress_, 302

_Acting Commission for the National Emancipation of China_ (_Min-ts'u

Chieh-fang Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_), 178

Administration of Personnel (_Ch'uan-hsü T'ing_), 62

Administrative agencies, chart, 80

Administrative Area of North Shensi (_Shan-pei Hsing-chêng-ch'ü_), 112

Administrative Court (_Hsing-chêng Fa-yüan_), 67

Administrative:

development, 96

law, 65

organs, 69

pattern, 79

Administrative Vice-Minister (_Ch'ang-wu Tz'ŭ-chang_), 96

Adult education, 30

Agitation, 61

Agrarian problems, 104

Agriculture, 91

Agriculture and Forestry, Ministry of (_Nung Lin Pu_), 91

Air communications, 90

Alexander the Great, 239

Alley, Rewi, 224

Amendments to the Constitution (proposed constitutional provisions), 300

American Friends of the Chinese People, 234

American Lease-lend Bill, 217, 274

American loans, 19

Ao-yü-wan, 161

Appointment and discharge of officials, 59

Armistice, intra-national, 10

Army participation in rural reform, 221

Atatürk, Kemal, 272

Audit, Ministry of, 96, 320

Autonomous East Hopei Anti-Communist Government, 185

Bank of China, 87

Bank of Communications, 87

Basic patterns of modern Chinese politics, 8

Bibliographical notes, 20, 21, 160, 190, 221, 223, 242, 256

"Blue Shirts," 144

Border Region, 16, 35, 116

chart of government, 118

Boxers (_I Ho Ch'üan_), 213, 237

Buddhism, 258

Budget, 59, 75

Bureaucracy:

traditional ideal, 44

at Chungking, 68

Burma, 189

Burma road, 93, 95, 279

Bukharin, 164

Bus services, 93

Cabinet, 56

Canton, 18

Cantonese clique, 145

Capacity (_nêng_), 43

Capitalism, 30

Caribbean, 188

Carlson, Major Evans Fordyce, 116, 167

"C.C." clique, 142

Censor _Yüan_ (_see_ Control _Yüan_)

Censoral power, 27

Censorship of news, 138

Censure, motion of, 314

Central America, 188

Central Bank of China, 87

Central China clique (_Hua-chung P'ai_), 76

Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang, 72

Central government (proposed constitutional provisions), 287

Central Secretariat of the Kuomintang (_Chung-yang Mi-shu-ch'u_), 137

Central News Agency, 137

Central Political Council (_Chung-yang Chêng-chih Wei-yüan-hui_), 16, 46

Central Political Institute (_Chung-yang Chêng-chih Hsüeh-hsiao_), 134

Central Publicity Board (_see_ Party-Ministry of Publicity)

Chamberlain, Neville, 15

Chang, Carson (_Chang Chia-shêng_), 179

Chang Ching-chiang, 261

Chang Hsüeh-liang, 9, 200

Chang Kuo-tao, 163, 167, 168

Chang Peh Chuen (Chang Pai-chün), 178

Charts (_see also_ type of government)

Control _Yüan_, 318

_Hsien_ classifications, 388

Kuomintang organization, 331

national governmental structure, 330

provincial and urban government, 98

_Chên_ (_see_ Community)

Chen Ch'i-mei, 260

Chen Chi-tang, 91

Chen, Eugene, 178

Ch'ên brothers, 134

Ch'ên Ch'êng, 340

Ch'ên I, 102

Ch'ên Kung-po, 198

Ch'ên Kuo-fu, 84, 134, 142

Ch'ên Kuo-hsin, essay on Mao Tsê-tung, 403

Ch'ên Li-fu, 84, 142

Ch'ên Lo, 204

Ch'ên Shao-yu (Wang Ming), 163

Ch'ên Tu-hsiu, 163

_Ch'ê-yeh Chiao-yü P'ai_ (_see_ Vocational Educationists' Clique)

_Chia_, 107, 324, 395

Chiang Chieh-shih (_see_ Chiang K'ai-shek)

Chiang Ching-kuo, 262

Chiang K'ai-shek:

biography, 254

in Canton, 260

character, 255

childhood, 257

Chinese appraisals, 266

and Christianity, 257

on constitutionalism, 32

_Definition of the Problems of Various Classifications of Hsien_, 388

ethical theory, 150

governmental role, 48

historical role, 255

ideals, 257

kidnapped at Sian, 10

in the Kuomintang, 128

life, 256

marriage, 261

military rise, 263

military writings, 260

nature of his power, 268

and the New Life Movement, 149

political theory, 265, 269

present personality, 265

and President Lin, 53

relations with Wang Ch'ing-wei, 201

rise in the Kuomintang, 263

and Roosevelt, 278

secret police, 268

in Shanghai, 261

and the Shanghai Communists, 263

statement to the author, 371

Soviet training, 262

and Sun Yat-sen, 245

training in Japan, 259

_What I Mean by Action (Li-hsing Chê-hsiao)_, 373

writings, 268

_Chiao-shou P'ai_ (_see_ Professors' Clique)

Chicherin, 164

Chief (_Tsung-ts'ai_), 239

_Chien-ch'a_ power, 27

_Chien Kuo Ta Kang_, 6

_Ch'ih_, 150

China Branch of the International Peace Campaign, 234

China Defense League, 119

_China Forum, The_, 235

_China Herald, The_, 234

"China's Long-range Diplomatic Orientation," 418

China National Aviation Corporation, 93

Chinese Central Asia (_see_ Sinkiang)

Chinese Communist Party (_see_ Communist Party)

Chinese ideals, 2

Chinese Industrial Cooperatives (_see_ C.I.C.)

Chinese Mass Education Movement, 218

Chinese National Socialist Party (_Kuo-chia Shê-hui Tang_), 179

Chinese Red Army, 13, 161

Chinese Republic, 2

Chinese Revolutionary Party (_Chung-kuo K'ê-ming Tang_), 178

Chinese Soviet Republic (_Chung-hua Su-wei-ai Kung-ho-kuo_), 13, 112, 161

Chinese Turkestan (_see also_ Sinkiang), 85

Chi, C.C., 139

Chin P'u-yi, 184, 256

Ch'in state and dynasty, 2, 107

Ch'in Po-k'u, 168

Chou En-lai, 64, 168

Chou Fu-hai, 198

Christian activities, 235

Chu Djang, 153

_Chu-Mao_, 166

Chung Fu Joint Mining Administration, 90

Chungking, 1, 15, 18, 56

Chung Shan (_see also_ Sun Yat-sen), 249

Chu Tê, 166, 261

_Ch'ü_, 107, 327, 391

_Ch'üan_ (power), 253

Ch'üan-min K'ang-chan Shê (United Front Club), cited, 37

Ch'u Chia-hua, 136

C.I.C. (Chinese Industrial Cooperatives; _Chung-kuo Kung-yeh Ho-tso

Hsieh-hui_):

appraisal, 233

distribution of profits, 230

establishment, 224

formation of cooperatives, 226

the Model Constitution, 232

regions, 226

relation to government, 223

social welfare work, 231

the three zones, 224

Citizenship (proposed constitutional provisions), 284

City Council (_Shih-chêng Hui-i_), 104

Civil governor of a province (_Shêng-chang_), 99

Civil service reform, 66

Civil Service Training Corps, 134

Clark-Kerr, Sir Archibald, 224

Class politics in China, 146

Class war, 13

Coal and iron, 228

Coal mining, 90

Collection of revenue, 86

College students, 9

Commission for the Disciplinary Punishment of Public Officers

(_Kung-wu-yüan Ch'êng-chieh Wei-yüan-hui_), 67

Commission on Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs (_Mêng Tsang

Wei-yüan-hui_), 8

Commission on Overseas Chinese Affairs (_Ch'iao-wu Wei-yüan-hui_), 84

Committee Chairman (_Wei-yüan-chang_; _see_ name of Committee)

Communications, Ministry of (_Chiao-t'ung Pu_), 92

Communications Southward, 95

Communications system, foreign personnel in, 95

Communism, 30, 270

Communist communes, 213

Communist Party (_Kung-ch'an Tang_), 13, 159, 263, 275

and American aid to China, 172

appraisal of, 173

Branch Party Organs, 363

Central Party Committee, 368

chart of structure, 162

and Chiang K'ai-shek, 175

_Constitution_, 359

Council of Party Delegates, 162, 364

foundation, 160

_Hsien_ Organs, 364

international policy, 403

leaders, 166

and Moscow, 163

motives, 164

National Party Congress, 367

National Party Convention, 367

organization, 361

and peasants, 165, 213

in perpetual revolution, 213

policy toward the Kuomintang, 174

potential treason, 172

Provincial Party Organs, 366

purges and schisms, 169

Sun Yat-sen's alliance, 245

Supreme Party Organs, 362

views on Chiang K'ai-shek, 267

Communist Youth Corps (_Kung-ch'an Ch'ing-nien T'uan_), 132, 370

Communist zone (_see_ Frontier Area)

Communists:

compared with Kuomintang, 146

and the five-power system, 45

and the guerrillas, 162

in the People's Political Council, 76

policy of collaboration, 121

and the proposed Constitution, 37

rivalry with Kuomintang, 159

"Community" (_hsiang_), 107

Community life in China, 4

Complexity of government structure, 61

Concordia Society (_Hsieh-ho-hui_), 194

Conflict: the term, 11

Confucianism, 2, 3, 45, 189, 250

Confucius, 239

Constitution, Chiang's comment on, 32

_Constitution of the Chinese Soviet Republic_, 31

_Constitution of the_ San Min Chu I _Youth Corps_, 331

Constitutional change, issues of, 31

Constitutionalism, 6, 177, 213, 371

Constitutions (_see also_ Draft Constitution), 21

Constitutions, ineffectual, 39

Consultative organs, 39

_Control_ (_chien-ch'a)_ power, 27

Control _Yüan_ (_Chien-ch'a Yüan_):

appraisal, 66

chart of functions, 318

diagram of organization, 319

proposed constitutional provisions, 292

reorganization under the proposed Constitution, 29

war work, 313, 318

Cooperatives (_see also_ C.I.C.), 89, 393

Corruption, 38, 120

Cotton, 228

Council of State (_Kuo-min Chêng-fu Wei-yüan-hui_):

administrative and constitutional status, 52

agencies directly attached, 54

functions, 47

proposed constitutional role, 28

County (_see hsien_)

Courts of justice (proposed constitutional position), 292

Credit, national, 86

Currency, Japanese, 186

Currency rivalry, 87

Currents of documents in Chinese government, 55

Customs, 88

Declarations of war and peace, 59

_Definition of the Problems Concerning the Organization of the

Various Classifications of Hsien_, 388

Delegates to the constituent People's Congress, 38

Democracy (_min chu_; Sun Yat-sen's term, _min ch'üan_), 270

Democracy in free China, 371

Democracy, inauguration of, 38

Democracy, prospects, 273

Democracy (_min ch'üan_), the theory of, 253

Democratic Centralism, 162

Democratic tendencies in the armies, 372

Democratic toleration, limits of, 40

Department of Military Operations (_Chün-ling-pu_), 62

Department of Military Training (_Chün-hsün-pu_), 62

Deputy Secretary-General (_Fu Mi-shu-chang_) of the People's

Political Council, 73

Deputy Speaker (_Fu I-chang_) of the People's Political Council, 72

Dialectical materialism (_see_ Communism, Communists)

Diplomacy, 310

Diplomatic Orientation, China's Long-range, 418

Direct taxes, 87

Director of Political Affairs, 57

Directorate-General of Courts-Martial (_Chün-fa Chih-hsing

Tsung-chien-pu_), 62

_Discussion of Mao Tsê-tung's Comments on the Present State of

International Relations_ (Ch'ên Kuo-hsin), 403

District (_see hsien_ for government; _ch'ü_ for parties)

Double Five Constitution (_see_ Draft Permanent Constitution)

Draft Permanent Constitution (_Hsien-fa Ts'ao-an_), 25, 283

_Duties and General Activities of the_ San Min Chu I _Youth

Corps_, 340

East Hopei Autonomous Anti-Communist Government, 192

Eastern Inner Mongolia, 85

Economic affairs:

advance in the West, 89

industrial development, 90

in _Program of Resistance and Reconstruction_, 311

policy and administration, 85

proposed constitutional provisions, 296

war finance, 87

Economic Affairs, Ministry of (_Ching-chi Pu_), 88

Economic cycle in China, 106

Economic groups in politics, 236

Economic theory in the _San Min Chu I Youth Corps_, 351

Economics of old China, 3

Education, 30, 61, 83, 214, 312, 393

Education, Ministry of (_Chiao-yü Pu_), 83

Education: proposed constitutional provisions, 298

Eighteenth Army Corps, 168

Eighth Route Army, 13, 168

Election Committee for Representatives to the People's [Constituent]

Congress, 38

Elections, Communist, 163

Elections of representatives to the National [People's]

Congress, 302

Emergency Session of the Kuomintang Party Congress, 16

Empire, Chinese, 2

_Erh Ch'ên_ group, 142

Espionage, 61

Establishment, period of, 5

Eurasia airlines, 93

Examination _Yüan_, 56, 66, 68, 134

proposed constitutional provisions, 292

Examinations Commission (_K'ao-hsüan Wei-yüan-hui_), 68

_Exclusive inspection_, 316

Executive _Yüan_ (_Hsing-chêng Yüan_):

executive responsibility, 57

functions, 59

Meeting, 58

proposed constitutional provisions, 29, 288

structure, 58

_Fa chih_ (government of laws), 33

Farmers, 218

Farmers' Bank of China, 87

Fêng Yü-hsiang, 104

Fenghua, Chekiang, 262

Farouk, 255

Fascism, 270

Finance, Ministry of (_Ts'ai-chêng Pu_), 86

Five-fold separation of powers, 27, 206, 264

Five-power constitution (_wu-ch'üan hsien-fa_), 42, 68

_Five rights_, 43

Five _yüan_, 253

Foo Shing Corporation, 88

Foochow insurrection, 179

Ford, Henry, 233

Foreign Affairs, Ministry of (_Waichiaopu_), 81

Foreign financial aid, 87

Foreign policy, 403, 418

Foreign trade, 88

Formosans, 187

Four Cliques (_Ssŭ P'ai_), 76

Four Parties (_Ssŭ Tang_), 76

_Four powers_, 43

France, 181

Frederick the Great, 255

Free China, extent of, 98

Free China, prosperity, 89, 222

Freedoms under the proposed constitution:

assembly and forming associations, 285

domicile, 284

religious belief, 284

speech, writing, and publication, 284

French Indo-China, 19

Friends of the Wounded Society, 155

Frontier Area (for Chinese, _see_ Administrative District of North

Shensi), 13, 16, 111, 115, 162

Fu Hsiao-ên, 212

Fukien province, 102, 217

Function of auditing, 313

Fup'ing, 118

Future development of Chinese politics, 274

_Gaimusho_, 82

Galens, General (Vassili Blücher), 142

Gasoline, 91, 95

Gautama Buddha, 239

_General inspection_, 316

General Staff, 62

General strikes, 39

Generalissimo (_Tsung-ssŭ-ling_), 61

Genghis Khan, 239

Gentry in politics, 106

George, Henry, 30, 254

Germany, 273, 274

Glossary, 423-433

Gold-washing, 228

Government-owned corporations, 90

Government, nature of, 211

Government organization: chart, 330

Grants in aid to the provinces, 109

Grass cloth, 228

Great Revolution, 5, 60, 213

Green Gang, 261

Groups of households (_chia_), 107

Guerrillas:

areas, 372

governments, 116

and the Military Affairs Commission, 62

and the National Salvationists, 177

schools, 84

strategy, 12

warfare, 310

zones under Chungking, 64

Guilds, 10

Han dynasty, 3

Han Fu-ch'u, 202

Hankow, 4, 15

Hanson, Haldore, 116

Hedin, Sven, 255

Highway system, 93

Hitler, Adolf, 239

Hong Kong, 4

Honolulu, Sun Yat-sen in, 243

Hopei-Chahar Political Council, 195

Hopei-Chahar-Shansi Border Region (_Chin-ch'a-ch'i Pien-ch'ü Lin-shih

Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_), Provisional, Administrative Committee

of, 116

Ho Ying-chin, 63

_Hsiang_ (or _chên_; "community"), 107, 324, 391

_Hsiang_ guild, 393

_Hsiao-tsu_ ("small group") training program, 354

_Hsien_ ("county" or district), 29, 107, 253, 311

area, 391

definition of problems by Chiang K'ai-shek, 388

experimental, 219

governments, 391

organizations of the Communists, 364

proposed constitutional provisions, 294

regulations (text), 324

_Hsin Min Chu I_, 194

_Hsin Min Hui_, 208

Huang, J. L., 149

Huang Hsing, 245, 259, 262

_Huangpu_ (Whampoa) Academy and political group, 142, 262

Huapeikuo, 194

Hu Han-min, 8, 142, 202, 262

_Hui-i_ (a legislative "council"; _see_ level of government concerned)

Hull, Cordell, 278

Hunan, 19

Hung Hsiu-ch'üan, 241

Hu Shih, 215

Hypo-colony, 190

_I_ (ethics), 150

Ideological control, 251

_I Ho Ch'üan_ (Boxers), 237

Impeachment, 313

Impeachment, proposed constitutional provisions, 293

"In accordance with law," 26

Incident, 11

Income taxes, 87

Indirect rule, 183

Indo-China, 183

Indusco (_see_ C.I.C.)

Industrial cooperatives (_see_ C.I.C.)

Inheritance, the Chinese political, 1

Inheritance taxes, 87

Inner Mongolia, Federated Autonomous Government of (_Mêng-ku Lien-ho

Tzŭ-chih Chêng-fu_), 192

Inner Mongolia and Chungking, 85

Inspection systems, 108

Institute of National Culture, 179

Intellectual traditionalism, 251

Interior, Ministry of (_Nei-chêng Pu_), 82

Internal revenue, 88

_International Development of China, The_, 244

International relations (_see_ diplomacy, foreign policy, etc.)

Interpretation of statutes and ordinances: proposed constitutional

provisions, 291

Invasion, period of, 5

Italy, 274

Japanese:

aims in China, 184

army, 18, 276

army as a Chinese government, 185

attitudes to Chinese foreign policy, 82

Imperial Government in China, 183

prospects in China, 274

recognition of Wang Ch'ing-wei, 209

role of the army, 183

subsidiary Chinese governments (_see_ Pro-Japanese Groups)

training of Chiang K'ai-shek, 259

Japan's puppets or Japanophiles (_see_ Pro-Japanese Groups)

_Joint inspection_, 316

Judicial _Yüan_ (_Ssŭ-fa Yüan_), 65, 291

Justice, Ministry of (_Ssŭ-fa Hsing-chêng Pu_), 67, 96

K'an Nai-kuang, 137, 140

Kang Tê, Emperor of Manchoukuo, the (_see_ Chin P'u-yi)

Kao Tsung-wu, 198

Kentwell, L. K., 205

Kialing river, 18

Kiang Kang-hu, 181

Kiangsi, 161

Korea, 189

Kung, H. H., 57, 86, 223

Kung, Mme. H. H. (Ai-ling Soong), 248

Kung so, 393

_Kuo-chia Chu-i P'ai_ (_La Jeunesse_ party), 181

Kuomintang:

appraisal of, 146

army connections, 143

attitude toward Communists, 144

Bolshevik pattern of organization, 131

bureaucracy, 7

central administrative structure, 72, 131, 137

Central Control Committee (_Chung-yang Chien-ch'a

Wei-yüan-hui_), 127, 131

Central Executive Committee (_Chung-yang Chih-hsing

Wei-yüan-hui_), 57, 126, 127, 131

Central Political Institute (_Chung-yang Chêng-chih

Hsüeh-hsiao_), 134

Central Publicity Board (_see_ Publicity, Party-Ministry of)

Central Training Committee (_Hsün-lien Wei-yüan-hui_), 133

chart of field organization, 139

chart of central organization, 131

chart of general structure, 331

and the Ch'ên brothers, 84

and the Communists, 159

Congress (_Ch'üan-kuo Tai-piao Ta-hui_), 57

constitutional status, 124

democratic outlook, 143

and economic classes, 135

Emergency Session of the Party Congress, 69, 128

_hsiao-tsu_ ("small-group"), 140, 354

intra-Party politics, 142

membership, 141

monopoly of government, 41

organization, 125, 129, 331

"Orthodox" fraction, 200

Party cell, 140

Party Chief (_Tsung-ts'ai_), 126, 128

Party Congress (_see_ Congress)

Party Constitution, 125

Party democracy, 124

Party-Ministries, 136

Party purges, 141

in the People's Political Council, 76

policy toward Communist Party, 174

purposes, 125

"Reorganized" fraction, 200

rivalry with Communists in the Northwest, 135

"small-group" (_see hsiao-tsu_)

Supreme National Defense Council (_Kuo-fang Tsui-kao

Wei-yüan-hui_), 132

Training Corps (_Hsün-lien T'uan_), 133

Wang Ch'ing-wei, 197

Youth Corps (_see San Min Chu I_ Youth Corps)

Kwangsi province, 19, 102, 109, 217

Kwangtung province, 102

Labor:

law, 39

proposed constitutional provisions, 297

_La Jeunesse_ (Parti ... de la jeune Chine; _Kuo-chia Chu-i

P'ai_), 76, 181

Land problem:

proposed constitutional provisions, 296

reform, 106, 110, 218

Landlords, 4, 148, 221

_Lao-pai-hsing_ (the common people), 236

Lattimore, Owen, 3

Law: the term, 299

_Laws Governing the System of Organization of the National

Government of the Republic of China_ (1925), 23

_Laws Governing the System of Organization of the National

Government_ (1931), 24

Leader (_Tsung-li_), 239

League of Nations Union, 234

Left Kuomintang, 264

Leftists and Leftism, 9, 101, 111, 248

Legal Adviser to the National Government (_Kuo-min Chêng-fu Fa-lü

Ku-wên_), 54

Legal tender notes (_fa pi_), 87, 312

Legislative _Yüan_ (_Li-fa Yüan_): function, 65

Members (_Li-fa Wei-yüan_), 66

proposed constitutional provisions, 29, 289

_Li_ (ideological conformity), 150

_Li chih_ (government by _li_), 33

Liang, Hubert, 224

_Lien_ (integrity), 150

Li Hung-chang, 189

Li Li-san, 163

Linebarger, Paul M. W., 54, 105, 242, 246

Lin Pai-shêng, 198

Lin Shên (Lin Sen; Lim Sun), 53, 145

Li Shêng-wu, 206

Literacy, 214, 215

Liu, K. P., 224

Local finance, 402

Local government (_see also hsien_):

appraisals, 109

chart, 107

Chiang K'ai-shek's comment, 397

general role, 98

under the _Hsien Fa_, 29

proposed constitutional reforms, 294

in the recent past, 104

reform of, 311

reform under the Kuomintang, 137

reform methods, 108

Long March of the Chinese Reds, 119, 161

Long-Range Diplomatic Orientation, China's, 418

Lung Yün, 101

Mahayana Buddhism, 259

Mail censorship, 95

Main Office of the Military Affairs Commission, 62

Malaysia, 183

Malraux, André, 161

Manchoukuo, 98, 183, 189, 256

Manchoukuo-Outer Mongol war, 19

Manchu Empire of China (Ch'ing dynasty), 5

Manchuria, 89

Manchus, 2, 241

Mao Tsê-tung, 166, 403-417

Marx, Karl, 241, 254

Marxism, 160, 234, 258, 263

Marxism and Chinese history, 165

Marxism-Leninism, 84

Marxist effect on the _San Min Chu I_, 252

Mass:

action, 10

education, 215

literacy movement, 84

marriages, 153

mobilization, 157

movements, 312

singing, 154

Material and Resources Control and Supervision Ministry, 91

Mayor (_Shih-chang_), 104

Mayors under the proposed constitution, 295

Mazzini, 241

Miao Ping, 194

Migration of schools, 83

Migrations, 88

Militarism in the provinces, 100

Military Advisory Council (_Chün-shih Ts'an-i-yüan_), 62

Military affairs, 310

Military Affairs Commission (_Chün-shih Wei-yüan-hui_), 13, 60, 162

Military governor (_tuchün_), 99

Military jurisdiction under the _Hsien Fa_, 284

Military policy, 61

Military service under the _Hsien Fa_, 285

Military unification, 6

Militia, 393

_Min-ch'üan chu-i_ (_see_ Democracy, Sun Yat-sen, and _San Min Chu I_)

_Min shêng chu-i_, 30, 223, 253

_Min ts'u chu-i_ (_see_ Nationalism, Sun Yat-sen, and _San Min Chu I_)

Ming Emperors, 249

Minister (_Pu Chang_), 96

Ministry of ---- (_see_ name of Ministry)

Ministries, 81

Minor parties:

and constitutionalism, 34

at Nanking, 208

in occupied China, 235

representation, 72

status, 160

Minority democracy, 41

Mobilization, economic, 86

Model _hsien_, 109

Modernization of West China, 89

Mohammed, 239

Monarchist legitimism, 184

Morale, governmental, 236

Moscow (_see_ Communism)

Moslem rebellions, 213

Motor communications, 93

Motor fuel trade, 90

Municipal Advisory Assembly (_Shih Ts'an-i-hui_), 72, 104

Municipal food stores, 90

Municipal government, 103

Municipal People's Political Council (_see_ Municipal Advisory

Assembly)

Municipalities under the _Hsien Fa_, 295

Munitions, 90

Nanking, capture of, 14

Nanking regimes (_see_ Reorganized Government; Reformed Government)

Napoleon, 239

"National" (_see also_ "People's," "Chinese")

National Aviation Commission, 63

National capital in the _Hsien Fa_, 284

National [Constituent] Congress (_Kuo-min Ta-hui_), 25, 27, 300

National Congress: election of representatives, 302

National Congress: system of organization, 300

National Government (_Kuo-min Chêng-fu_): the term, 52

National Government Committee (_see_ Council of State)

National Health Administration (_Wei-shêng Shu_), 83

National Institute of Rural Reconstruction, 220

National Military Council (_see_ Military Affairs Commission)

National People's Convention (_Kuo-min Hui-i_), 7

National Relief Commission (_Chên-chi Wei-yüan-hui_), 92

National Salvation (_Chiu Kuo_) movement, 175

National Socialism (German), 252

National Socialist Party (_Kuo-chia Shê-hui Tang_), 75, 179

National Spiritual Mobilization (_Kuo-min Ching-shên

Tsung-tung-yüan_), 157

National treasury, 88

Nationalism (_min ts'u_), theory of, 252

Negrin, 15

Neighborhood (_pao_), 107

Nêng (ability), 253

New Fourth Army (_Hsin-ssŭ-chün_), 119

New Life Movement (_Hsin Shêng-huo Yün-tung_), 149

New Life Secretaries' Camp, 155

New Life Students Rural Summer Service Corps, 154

New Order in East Asia, 184, 189

News services, 137

North China, 14

North Shensi (_see also_ Frontier Area), 161

Northeastern Clique (_Tungpei P'ai_), 76

Occupied China:

Chungking control over, 64

missions, 235

poverty, 92

Office of Civil Affairs (_Wên-kuan Ch'u_), 54

Office of Military Affairs (_Tsan-chün Ch'u_), 54

Office of the Naval Commander-in-Chief (_Hai-chün

Tsung-ssŭ-ling-pu_), 63

Office of Political Affairs (_Chêng-wu Ch'u_), 57

Officers' Moral Endeavor Corps, 63, 149

Old China:

economics, 3

government, 5

socio-economic structure, 211

in Sun Yat-sen's theory, 251

Old Hundred Names (_lao-pai-hsing_), 236

Opinion, public, 39

Organic Law of XVII (1928), 28

Organization of the Kuomintang, etc. (_see_ relevant group or agency)

"Orthodox" Kuomintang, 200, 207

Outer Mongol People's Republic, 183, 188

_Outline of National Reconstruction_, 6

_Outline of War-Time Controlment_, 313

_Outlines of Political Tutelage_, 24

Overseas Chinese, 84

Pacification Commissioner (_Sui-ching Chu-jên_), 100

Pai Chung-hsi, 102

_pai-hua_ (written vernacular), 215

Pan American airlines, 93

Panchen Lama, 71

Pan Ch'ao, 81

_Pao_ ("neighborhood"), 107, 324, 394

_Pao_ schools, 216

_Pao-chia_ system, 106

Paper money, 86

_Parti Républicain Nationaliste de la Jeune Chine_ (_see Kuo-chia

Chu-i P'ai_)

Party Affairs Committee of the Kuomintang (_Tang-wu

Wei-yüan-hui_), 133

Party Chief (_Tsung-ts'ai_), 41

Party Constitution (_Tang-chang_):

Communist, 359

Kuomintang, 125

Party dictatorship (_tang chih_), 6, 23

Party-government relations, 49

Party and Government War Area Commission (_Chan-ti Tang-chêng

Wei-yüan-hui_), 64, 112

Party headquarters, 141

Party-politics, 158

Party-politics in the People's Political Council, 76

Party Supervisor's Net (_Tang-jên Chien-ch'a Wang_), 141

Party-Ministries of the Kuomintang, 136

Party's role in the constitutional system, 23

Peasant rebellions, 4

Pensions Commission (_Fu-hsüeh Wei-yüan-hui_), 62

People's Advisory Political Council (_see_ People's Political Council)

People's Congress (_see_ National Congress)

People's Foreign Relations Association, 234

People's Political Council (_Kuo-min Ts'an-chêng Hui_):

competence, 73

election, 72

function of representation, 66

membership, 70

nominations, 71

practicality, 74

procedure, 74

in _Program of Resistance and Reconstruction_, 311

reorganization, 75

sessions, 70

Permanent Constitution, Draft (_Hsien-fa Ts'ao-an_), 5, 25, 283

Personnel, Ministry of (_Ch'üan-hsü Pu_), 68, 96

_Philosophy of Action, A_, 373

_Pi Chiao Hsien Fa_ (_Comparative Constitutions_, by Wang Shihchieh),

translated and quoted, 23, 49, 50, 52, 67, 125

Pilsudski, 272

Planning Committee for the Western Capital (_Hsi-ching Ch'ou-pei

Wei-yüan-hui_), 56

Pluralism, 3, 211

Policy-making, 47, 74, 79

Political Affairs Department or Office (_Chêng-wu Ch'u_), 57

Political commissars in the army, 63

Political Department (_Chêng-chih-pu_) of the Military Affairs

Commission, 64

Political laxity, 251

Political rights: proposed constitutional provisions, 285

Political Scientists' group (_Chêng-hsüeh Hsi_), 145

Political Vice-Minister (_Chêng-wu Tz'u-chang_), 96

Politics of ideology, 8

Popular democracy, 39

Popular Front group, 78, 129

Popular government in the Border Region, 119

Population, 3

Poverty in occupied China, 222

Power (_ch'üan_), 43, 253

Pragmatic utilitarianism of Sun Yat-sen, 252

Presidency proposed under the _Hsien Fa_, 28, 287

President (_Yüan-chang_) of the Executive Yüan, 56

President (_Chu-hsi_) of the National Government, 52

Presidium of the People's Political Council, 73

Pressure politics, 234

Prime movers, 229

Principles of the Great People (_Ta Min Chu I_), 196

Private rights: proposed constitutional provisions, 284

Private property: proposed constitutional provisions, 285

Privy Council, 56

Problems of the _hsien_: comment of Chiang K'ai-shek, 388

Professors' Clique (_Chiao-shou P'ai_), 77

_Program of Resistance and Reconstruction_ (_K'ang-chan Chien-kuo

Kang-ling_), 17, 35, 309

Pro-Japanese elements, 186, 192, 212, 276, 310

Propaganda, 61, 137

_Proposition_, 314

Prosperity, 222

Protestant schools, 215

Provincial Governments (_Shêng Chêng-fu_):

Chairman (_Shêng Chêng-fu Chu-hsi_), 100, 294

connection with central government, 82

councils, 72

current role, 98

proposed constitutional provisions, 293

Provincial People's Political Councils (_Shêng

Ts'an-chêng-hui_), 103

structure, 102

Provincialism, 8, 99

Provisional Constitution (_Yüeh Fa_), 22, 24

Provisional Executive Committee of the Shansi-Chahar-Hopei Border

Region (_Chin-ch'a-chi Pien-ch'ü Lin-shih Hsing-chêng

Wei-yüan-hui_; _see also_ Border Region), 16

Provisional Government of the Republic of China (_Chung-hua Min-kuo

Lin-shih Chêng-fu_), 14, 192, 207

_Pu_ (ministries or departments), 61

Public Administration, School of, 219

Public opinion, 214

Public service: proposed constitutional provisions, 285

Public utilities: proposed constitutional provisions, 296

Publicity, 79

Publicity, Party-Ministry of (_Chung-yang Hsüan-ch'uan Pu_), 137

Publicity of the _San Min Chu I_ Youth Corps, 350

"Puppet states," 188

Purple Mountain, 249

P'u Yi (_see_ Chin P'u-yi)

Races: proposed constitutional provisions, 284

Radio, 94

Railways in Free China, 92

_Resistance and Reconstruction, Program of_, 309

Reformed Government of the Republic of China (_Chung-hua Min-kuo

Wei-hsin Chêng-fu_), 17, 192, 195

Regeneration Club (_Fu-hsing Shê_), 144

Regional autonomy, 8

Regular troops, 8

_Regulations Concerning the Organization of the Various

Classifications of Hsien_, 324

Relief, 61, 297

"Reorganized Kuomintang," 200

Reorganized National Government of China (_Hsiu-chêng Kuo-min

Chêng-fu_):

affiliation with Japan, 183

creation and function, 197

personnel, 204

practical work, 205

significance to Chiang K'ai-shek, 372

status, 203

Representation, function of, 66

Republic: the term, 161

Republican revolution, 213

Republicans (_Kung-ho Tang_), 208

Resident Committee of the People's Political Council, 73

Resist-Japan University, 84

Resistance, 12, 213

Revolution by three stages, 6, 22, 35, 253

Revolutionary Action Commission of the Chinese Kuomintang (_Chung-hua

Kuo-min-tang K'ê-ming Hsing-chêng Wei-yüan-hui_), 178

Rights, constitutional, 28

Roosevelt, Franklin D., 233, 278

Rosinger, Lawrence K., 81

Rural education, 218

Rural reconstruction, 218, 397

Rural Service Corps, 154

Russian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic, (R.S.F.S.R.), 188

Salazar, Antonio de O., 272

_San Min Chu I_:

and Chiang K'ai-shek, 270

explanation and comment, 8, 13, 34, 178, 245, 250, 371

and _Hsin Min Chu I_, 194

proposed constitutional provisons, 287

_San Min Chu I_ Youth Corps (_San Min Chu I Ch'ing-nien T'uan_):

appraisal, 352

chart of organization, 345

Constitution, 331

description by General Ch'ên Ch'êng, 340

history, 341

and the Kuomintang, 132

Leader, 342

Salt gabelle, 88

Scholars of old China, 3

Scholastic bureaucracy, 3, 250

School for the Border Provinces, 135

Schools (_see_ education), 216

_Scorched earth_ policy, 12

Second Revolution, 259

Secret societies, 10

Secretariat (_Mi-shu-ch'u_), 57, 73

Secretary-General (_Mi-shu-chang_), 57, 73

Service Department, military (_Hou-fang Ch'in-wu-pu_), 63

Seven Gentlemen (_Ch'i Chün-tzu_), 36, 76, 176

Shanghai, 13

Sharecropping, 91

Sheean, Vincent, 161

Shên Chun-lu, 176

Shêng Shih-ts'ai, 176

Shensi (_see_ Frontier Area)

Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia Frontier Area (_Shan-kan-ning Pien-ch'ü

Chêng-fu_), 112

_Shih_ (_see_ municipality, _q.v._)

Sian affair, 5, 10, 176

Sinkiang (Chinese Central Asia; Chinese Turkestan), 85, 101

Sino-American trade, 88

Sino-Siberian highway, 93, 95

Small-Group Training Program, 354

Smith, Joseph, 241

Snow, Edgar, 146, 160

Social Affairs, Ministry of, 96

Social Movements, Party-Ministry of (_Shê-hui Yün-tung Pu_; also

translated Party-Ministry of Social Affairs, Board of Social

Affairs), 96, 136

Social Democratic Party, 181

Social rigidity, 251

Social work, 61

Social work of the _San Min Chu I_ Youth Corps, 351

Socialist Party, 181, 208

Soong, C. J., 247

Soong, T. V., 9, 86, 248

Soong Ching-ling, 245

Soong sisters, 248

Sovereignty: proposed constitutional provisions, 283

Soviet China, 275

Soviet form of government in China, 45

Soviet influence in Sinkiang, 101

Soviet-Japanese understanding, 275

Soviet policy in China, 171

Soviet training of Chiang K'ai-shek, 262

Soviet Union (_see also_ Communists; Marxism), 188, 273, 275

Speaker (_I-chang_) of the People's Political Council, 72

Special Administrative District of the Chinese Republic (_Chung-hua

Min-kuo T'ê-ch'ü Chêng-fu_), 112

Special-area governments, 98, 111, 120

_Special inspection_, 316

Special Regional Government ... (_see_ Special Administrative

District ...)

Specie, 86

Stalemate, 12

Stalin, Joseph, 263

Stalinism (_see also_ Communist Party), 234

State Council (_see_ Council of State)

State examinations: proposed constitutional provisions, 285

State socialism, 30, 89

Steamships, 93

Strategy of the Chinese, 12

Sub-district (_ch'ü-fên_) of the Kuomintang, 126, 139

Subterranean minerals: proposed constitutional provisions, 296

Sung Ai-ling (_see_ Kung, Mme. H. H.)

Sung Ch'ing-ling (_see_ Sun Yat-sen, Mme.)

Sung Mei-ling, 248, 261

Sung Tzu-wên (_see_ Soong, T. V.)

Sun I-hsien (_see_ Sun Yat-sen)

Sun K'ê (Sun Fo), 66, 145, 247

Sun Yat-sen:

biography, 240

doctrines (_see also San Min Chu I_), 6

family, 247

historical role, 239

on imperialism, 190

on local government, 105

Provisional President, 244

revolutionary technique, 244

sense of mission, 240

state planning, 245

Western training, 242

Sun Yat-sen, Mme., 145, 178, 247

Supreme Court (_Tsui-kao Fa-yüan_), 67

Supreme National Defense Council (_Tsui-kao Kuo-fang

Wei-yüan-hui_), 16, 46

Symbolism of government, 45

System of organization of the National Congress, 300

Szechwan, 181

T'ai Li, 145

T'aip'ing Rebellion, 161, 213, 241

Taiwanese, 187

_Ta Min Chu I_, 196

_Ta-min-hui_, 196, 208

_Tang Cheng Chien Chih T'u-piao_, cited, 46, 54

T'ang Leang-li, 198

Tannu-Tuva, 189

Tao Hsi-shêng, 198

Tayler, J. B., 224

Taylor, George, 116

Taxation: proposed constitutional provisions, 285

Telecommunications, 93

Telegraph, 94

Telephone, 94

Têng Yen-ta, 178

Territory: proposed constitutional provisions, 283

Third International (_see also_ Communist Party), 71, 161, 245

Third Party (_Ti-san Tang_), 178

Three-Power Pact, 274

Three-stage war, 12

Three stages of revolution (_see_ Revolution by three stages)

"Three principles of the people" (_see San Min Chu I_)

Tibet, 85

Tientsin, 4

Tinghsien, 219

Tong, Hollington, 138, 255

Tongs (_tang_), 261

Township (ch'ü), 107

Training Committee (_Hsün-lien Wei-yüan-hui_) of the Kuomintang, 133

Training conferences, 109

Trans-Sinkiang highway, 93

Tridemism (_see San Min Chu I_)

Trotsky, Leon, 164, 263

Truck service, 93

Tseng Chi, 181

Tso Shen-sheng, 181

Tso Tao-fên, 36, 176

_Tsung-ts'ai_, 41

_Tuchünism_, 5, 244

_Tungpei P'ai_ (_see_ Northeastern Clique)

Turksib railroad, 101

Tutelage, period of, 7

Tutelary dictatorship (_tang chih_), 23

Types of government sponsorship, 89

Unearned increment, 30, 296

United Council of the pro-Japanese, 195

United Front, 70, 111, 113, 119, 129

United States of America, 273, 275, 277, 279

Universal Trading Corporation, 88

Urban pattern of local government, 104

_Utterances on Reconstruction, The Party Chief's (Tsung-ts'ai

Chien-kuo Yen-lun Hsüan-chi)_, quoted, 33

Vayo, Julio Alvarez del, 15

Vice-President of a _Yüan (Fu-yüan-chang)_, 57

Vocational education, 217

Vocational Educationists' Clique (_Ch'ê-yeh Chiao-yü P'ai_), 77

Wang Ch'ing-wei, 20, 53, 56, 129, 142, 145, 192, 197, 239, 263, 372

agreements with the Japanese, 203

flight from Chungking, 203

following, 197

record of schism, 199

significance, 208

Wang Ch'ung-hui, 82, 418

Wang K'ê-min, 194

Wang Ming, 257

Wang Shih-chieh, 23, 73, 137

_Wang Tao_, 194

War Area Service Corps, 154

War finance, 87

War, Ministry of (_Chün-chêng-pu_), 60, 63, 96

War: the term, 11

War-time Controlment, Outline of, 313

Washington, George, 255

Water-conservancy regions, 4

Western imperialism, 4, 190

Western states, 3

Whampoa (_see Huangpu_)

_What I Mean By Action_, 373

William, Maurice, 254

Wireless, 94

Women's Advisory Council of the New Life Movement, 155

Wong Wen-hao, 91

Wool, 227

Workers' living conditions: proposed constitutional provisions, 296

World federation, 371

World government: comment of Chiang, 281

Wounded Soldiers' League, 155

Wu, Dr. John C. H., 26

Wu-han government, 15

Wu Pei-fu, 198

Yang Kan-tao, 181

Yangtze, 18

Yeh Ch'u-tsang, 137

Yen, Dr. James Y. C, 84, 218

Yenan, 115

Yin Ju-kêng, 185, 192

Y. M. C. A., 149, 235

Young, Brigham, 241

_Yüan_, 24, 28

_Yüan-chang_, 28

Yüan Shih-k'ai, 244, 259

Yü Yu-jên, 145

Yünnan, 101

Zinoviev, G., 164

* * * * * *

Transcriber's note:

Obvious printer's errors have been corrected.

Inconsistent spellings have been kept, as well as inconsistent use of

hyphens (e.g., "war-time," "wartime," and "war time"), inconsistent

use of space in contractions (e.g., "C. E. C." and "C.E.C.") and

inconsistent Chinese transcription (e.g., "Chün-tzŭ" and "Chüntzu").