and according to Henry, he was killed on this occasion by the hand of
Siward, who, in his turn, was cut down by Wallace. By the chamberlain’s
accounts it appears, that one John Bisset, a poor monk of Haddington,
received from King Robert Bruce a pension of 20s. per annum for
clothing. Whether this was given in consequence of any relationship to
the gallant patriot of that name, is not stated.
The battle of Blackironside appears to have been a protracted
forest-fight for the greater part of the day; and the heat of the
weather induced the combatants at times, as if by mutual consent, to
pause amid the deadly strife.
On one of those occasions, Wallace it is said unclasped the helmet
of a dead Englishman, and, repairing to a neighbouring fountain,
still unstained with the carnage of the day, he dipped it into the
stream, and continued to carry the water along the ranks of his
fainting soldiers. When he had in this manner allayed their thirst, he
afterwards partook himself; and declared, that the cooling beverage was
more grateful to his palate, than the richest wines he had ever tasted.
The effect which this mark of attention produced on the minds of his
followers, was evinced by the vigour they displayed in the charge which
they soon afterwards made on the enemy.
[14] For the satisfaction of the reader, we will here give the charter
referred to, as it is preserved in _Anderson’s_ Diplomata et Numismata
Scotiæ, (Edin. 1739)--from the original at that time in the possession
of Mr David Watson, writer, Edinburgh. An engraving from the seal of
Baliol, attached to this charter, forms the Frontispiece to our first
volume.
CHARTA.
_Domini Gulielmi Wallace, Custodis Scotiæ, nomine Johannis Balliol
Regis, cum sigillo ejusdem Johannis._
“Willelmus Walays miles, Custos Regni Scocie, et Ductor exercituum
ejusdem, nomine preclari Principis Domini Johannis, Dei Gracia Regis
Scocie illustris, de consensu communitatis ejusdem Regni. Omnibus
probis hominibus dicti Regni ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit
eternam in Domino, salutem. Noverit universitas vestra, nos, nomine
predicti Domini nostris Regis Scocie, per consensum et assensum
magnatum dicti regni, dedisse et concessisse, ac ipsas donationem et
concessionem presenti carta confirmasse Alexandro dicto Skirmischur
sex marcatas terre in territorio de Dunde, scilicet, terram illam que
vocatur campus superior, prope villam de Dunde ex parte boreali, cum
acris illis in campo occidentali que ad partem regiam spectare solebant
prope villam de Dunde ex parte occidentali, et etiam pratum regium
in predicto territorio de Dunde, et etiam constabulariam castri de
Dunde, cum suis pertinenciis, libertatibus et asyamentis sine aliquo
retinemento, pro homagio predicto Domino Regi et heredibus suis vel
suis successoribus faciendo, et pro fideli servicio et succursu suo
predicto regno impenso portando vexillum regium in exercitu Scocie
tempore confectionis presentium, tenenda et habenda predicto Alexandro
et heredibus suis de predicto Domino nostro Rege et heredibus suis vel
suis successoribus, libere, quiete, integre, pacifice et honorifice
in perpetuum, cum omnibus pertinenciis, libertatibus et asyamentis
ad dictam terram et pratum prenominatum, et prefatum constabulariam
spectantibus vel quoquo modo spectare valentibus in futurum, faciendo
inde annuatim Domino Regi et heredibus suis vel suis successoribus,
scilicet pro predictis terra, prato, et constabularia cum suis
pertinenciis, libertatibus, et asyamentis, servicium quod pertinet
ad dictam constabulariam tantum pro omnibus que de predictus exigi
poterunt in futurum. In cujus rei testimonium, sigillum commune
predicti Regni Scocie presenti scripto est appositum. Datum apud
Torpheichyn vigesimo nono die Marcii, Anno Gracie millesimo ducentesimo
nonogesimo octavo.”
From the above document, it will appear that Wallace was sole Regent;
and that, when he associated the name of the younger Sir Andrew
Murray along with his own, it may be considered as only a respectful
compliment to the memory of the gallant and patriotic father, whose
example the young warrior was thereby excited to emulate.
[15] This deed Baliol could have no great difficulty in executing; for
though residing in the Tower, he enjoyed the full liberty of twenty
miles round, and a princely retinue to attend him. That he transmitted
a commission of Regency to Wallace, is not only highly probable,
but placed almost beyond a doubt, not merely from the suspicions
entertained by Edward, and the severe treatment which Baliol latterly
experienced in consequence of his supposed duplicity, but also from the
fact of Wallace _possessing_ and _using_, in his character of Regent
of the kingdom, _the seal_ of the dethroned _monarch_; and that in the
presence, and with the sanction of the assembled nobility. Evidence
to this effect is furnished by the charter granted to Alexander
Scrymgeour, given in the preceding note; and as the lands which were at
that time conferred are declared to have belonged to the _crown_, the
full and unrestricted authority with which Wallace was invested becomes
thereby the more apparent.
[16] Lord Hailes, on the authority of Hemingford, says ‘Temple-liston,’
and thus condescends to notice a respectable writer:--“_Sir Robert
Sibbald_, Comment. in Relat. et Blair, p. 31, says ‘at _Torphichen_,’
because _Blind Harry_ says so. It was an admirable fancy to correct
W. Hemingford by _Blind Harry_! Had Edward fixed his head-quarters at
Torphichen, his communication with Edinburgh and the Frith of Forth
would have been speedily cut off.”
This is scarcely doing Sir Robert justice. It is more reasonable to
suppose that he said so, after weighing the probabilities of the
case. That Torphichen was a place of some importance, and possessed
accommodation, appears certain, from the circumstance of Wallace
having, only a few months before, assembled the Scottish Barons to
a parliament there; and it was, as has been already mentioned, the
station of a preceptory of the Templars, within the precincts of which
Edward was more likely to fix his head-quarters, than in any part of
the desolated country around him. During his stay, we also find him
employed in conferring the honour of knighthood on a number of young
esquires;--an idea very naturally produced by his residence in such a
spot. That Edward’s communication with Edinburgh and the Frith of Forth
became thereby liable to any interruption, is a supposition more to be
admired for simplicity, than depth of reflection. The distance between
Torphichen and Temple-liston, is but a very few miles. Edward was at
the head of an army consisting of 7000 cavalry, and about 100,000 foot;
a multitude that could find little more than tent-room in the space
between the two places. Had the English monarch, therefore, been the
most imbecile general that ever led men to the field,--with such a
force he could have no difficulty in keeping open his communication to
a much greater extent than what was required in such a position. That
a portion of the English army was stationed at Temple-liston, is not
to be doubted; and it seems equally certain, that Edward made the more
convenient station of Torphichen his own head-quarters. Sir Robert,
therefore, had reason, as well as the authority of Blind Harry, in
support of his statement.
[17] See Appendix, F.
[18] These noblemen, it is said, were the Earls of Dunbar and Angus.
With respect to the first, there is certainly a mistake, as he does not
appear _ever_ to have joined the standard of Wallace, and the other,
with more propriety, may be called an Anglo-Scot. What share he may
have had in the treason, is uncertain. That the plans of Wallace were
betrayed by those in his confidence, is evident; but who the guilty
parties were, remains doubtful. The subsequent conduct of Comyn excites
a strong suspicion against him.
[19] The banner of the Earl of Lincoln was of yellow silk, with a
purple lion rampant. That of the Constable was of deep blue silk, with
a white bend between two _cotises_ of fine gold, on the outside of
which he had six lioncels rampant.--_Walter of Exeter._
[20] In an encampment, this ensign was placed near the royal tent, on
the right of the other standards. It was intended to be expressive of
destruction to the enemy, and of safety to the weary and wounded among
the English. _Vide Illustrations of British History._
[21] See Appendix, G.
[22] Langtoft says, the Welsh, amounting to 40,000, would not act
against the Scots at Falkirk.
“The Walsch folk that tide did nouther ille no gode,
Thei held tham alle bi side, opon a hille thei stode.
Ther thei stode that while, tille the bataile was don.”
_Vol. ii. p. 306._
[23] Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 305, 306.
[24] This warrior is thus described by Langtoft, who claims him as an
Englishman:--
“Was no man Inglis maynhed no dede that day,
Bot a templer of pris, Sir Brian the geay
Maister templere he was on this half the se,
He folowed the Scottis pas, whan the bigan to fle
Fer in tille a wod; men calle it Kalenters,
Ther in a mire a mod, withouten help of pers,
Slank thei Sir Brian alone withouten mo.”
Vol. ii. p. 305, 6.
By Rymer, however, he is noticed as swearing fealty to Edward in
Edinburgh Castle, July 1291, after the convocation of Brigham, and
designated as _preceptor templi in Scotia_; and, by the same authority,
it appears his example was followed by _John de Sautre_, and those
under his control.
[25] Among the various documents which his Lordship appears to consider
authentic, is the following, which he thus introduces:--“I have seen
the title of a public instrument, which runs thus:--‘Acte contenant
les responses faites par Pierre Flotte, Seigneur de Revel, commis par
le Roy (de France) pour traitter et conferer avec les Ambassadeurs
Anglois, touchant l’execution du traité de treve, et reparation des
infractions d’icelle. Simon de Meleun l’arbitre nommé par le Roy,
offrit au Roy d’Angleterre de delivrer tous les prisonniers Anglois en
rendant par lui le Roy de Escosse et son fils, et les Escossois detenus
en Angleterre et ailleurs, ou les mettant en la garde d’un prelat
Francois qui les gardera soubs le nom du Pape pendant que le Pape
jugera de leur differend.’ The original, if extant, says Lord Hailes,
might serve to explain several circumstances respecting this treaty;
particularly, that Edward Baliol was in captivity, together with his
father, and that the Pope proposed himself as umpire between Edward I.
and his disobedient vassal.”
Now, the above is all good modern French, and the orthography exactly
as at present, with the exception of the following words, _responses_,
_traitter_, _Escosse_, _soubs_, which appear to have had their spelling
antiquated a little, to give the document a venerable air;--it has, on
the whole, a very clumsy appearance, and shows that it cannot be older
than the 17th century. If the “_full evidence_” referred to be liable
to similar objections, it will not appear very surprising, that our
early writers should have been so much in the dark respecting it.
[26] Vol. i. 311, 312.
[27] The son of Sir Chrytell, slain at Blackironside.
[28] “His Grace the Duke of Montrose (one of whose titles is Viscount
Dundaff), possesses an antique sword, on which is the following
inscription:--
‘SIR IONE YE GRAME, VERRY VICHT AND WYSE,
ONE OF YE CHIEFES RELIEVIT SCOTLAND THRYSE.
FAVGHT VITH YS SVORD, AND NER THOUT SCHAME,
COMMANDIT NANE TO BEIR IT BOT HIS NAME.’
“The Duke is also proprietor of Dundaff, where Sir John Graham of
Dundaff’s castle is seen in ruins.
“The grave-stone of Sir John de Graham is in the churchyard of Falkirk,
having the following Latin motto, with a translation:--
‘MENTE MANUQVE POTENS, ET VALLÆ FIDVS ACHATES;
CONDITVR HIC GRAMVS, BELLO INTERFECTVS AB ANGLIS.
XXII. JVLII ANNO 1298.’
‘_Heir lyes Sir John the Grame, baith wight and wise,
Ane of the Cheefs who rescewit Scotland thrise,
Ane better Knight, not to the world was lent,
Nor was gude Grame, of truth and hardiment._’
“While some of Cromwell’s troops were stationed in Falkirk, an officer
desired the parochial schoolmaster to translate the Latin. This he did
as follows:--
‘Of mind and courage stout,
Wallace’s true Achates;
Here lies Sir John the Grame,
Felled by the English Baties.’
“There are now three stones upon the grave. When the inscription on the
first had begun to wear out by the influence of the weather, a second
was put above it, with the same inscription; and a third was lately
added by William Graham of Airth, Esq. At a little distance, upon the
left, is an unpolished stone, said to cover the remains of the gallant
knight of Bonkill.”--_Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire._
With regard to Stewart of Bonkill being buried in Falkirk, we are
inclined to be a little sceptical, not so much from the silence of the
Minstrel, as from the great probability of his having been conveyed
to Bute by the surviving tenantry of that island. In a small ruined
chapel, about half a mile west of Rothesay, there is still to be seen
all that remains of “_the auld Stewarts of Bute_,” where, amidst a
number of dilapidated monuments, well worth the attention of the
antiquary, appears a stone figure, said to represent the gallant knight
of Bonkill, in complete armour of the 13th century. In a recess in the
opposite wall, there is also to be seen another figure, representing
_Jean M’Rudrie, heiress of Bute_. This lady appears to have been
descended from a sea-officer, or pirate, named _Rudrie_, who is thus
noticed in the Norwegian account of the expedition of King Haco:--“The
wind was not favourable; King Haco, however, made Andreas Pott go
before him, south to Bute, with some small vessels, to join those he
had already sent thither. News was soon received, that they had won a
fortress, the garrison of which had capitulated, and accepted terms
of the Norwegians. There was with the Norwegians a sea-officer called
_Rudri_; he considered Bute as his birth-right; and because he had not
received the island of the Scots, he committed many ravages, and killed
many people, and for that he was outlawed by the Scottish King. He
came to Haco and took the oaths to him, and, with two of his brothers,
became his subjects. As soon as the garrison, after having delivered
up the stronghold, were gone away from the Norwegians, Rudri killed
nine of them, because he thought he owed them no good will.” After the
treaty between Alexander and the Norwegians, it would seem that Rudrie
had been allowed to hold the island of Bute as a vassal of the Scottish
crown; and there is every reason to believe that the _Janet M’Rudrie_
above mentioned was either his daughter or grand-daughter, who, by her
marrying Alexander Stewart, became the mother of Sir John Stewart of
Bonkill.
The present noble proprietor, whose family came to the possession of
Bute in the reign of Robert II., has made some slight repairs about
the walls where these figures are reclining. It is, however, to be
regretted, that a little more attention is not paid to the preservation
of such valuable antiques.
[29] Lamberton appears to have succeeded Frazer in the Bishoprick of
St Andrew’s. This secret emissary of Edward died at Paris in 1297,
to which place he probably thought proper to retire on the success
of Wallace. According to his own request, his heart was brought
to Scotland, and “layed in halowyed sepultour” in the wall of the
cathedral over which he presided. His body was interred in the
cemetery of the Preaching Friars at Paris. Lamberton, his successor,
a man of learning and good reputation, had been Chancellor of
Glasgow.--_Wyntown, vol. ii. p. 99._
[30] Stowe.
[31] Observations on the Wardrobe Account of 28 Edward I. p. lx.
The monastery of Cupar was also plundered on this occasion. By the
inventory of Edward’s jewels taken in 1300, there appear 18 silver
cups, and one silk girdle richly ornamented, which are stated to have
been taken from the monastery of Cupar. This, no doubt, would form a
part of the King’s share of the booty.--Vide _Wardrobe Account, p. 353._
[32] See Appendix, H.
[33] The strength and importance of Dumbarton castle, is thus described
by an English spy who visited Scotland during the regency of the Duke
of Albany, and afterwards in the reign of James I. It would appear,
that in those days the rock was completely surrounded by water at every
influx of the tide.
----passe on forthwarde to Dumbertayne,
A castell stronge and harde for to obteine.
In whiche castell S. Patryke was borne,
That afterwarde in Irelande dyd wynne,
About the whyche floweth, euen and morne,
The westerne seas without noyse or dynne,
Twyse in xxiiii. houres without any fayle,
That no man may that stronge castell assayle.
Vpon a rocke so hye the same dothe stande,
That yf the walles were beaten to the roche,
Yet were it full harde to clymbe with foot or hand,
And so to wynne, yf any to them approche,
So strong it is to get without reproche;
That without honger and cruell famyshemente,
Yt cannot bee taken to my iudgemente.
_John Hardyng’s Chronicle_, p. 426.
[34] On the summit of Dumbarton rock is to be seen the ruins of a
building, known by the name of Wallace’s house. Judging by what
remains, it appears to have been of very limited extent, and, though
well calculated for security, would afford but scanty accommodation to
the inmates. Its form is circular, and the site commands an extensive
view; it, however, could make but a precarious resistance to an enemy
possessed of the lower fortification. From the following lines in
Barbour, it appears very probable that this was the place in which Lord
William Soulis was detained a state prisoner for life, in consequence
of his conspiring against Robert Bruce:--
The lord the Sowllis has grantyt thar
The deid in to plane parleament,
Tharefor sone eftre he was sent
Till his pennance to Dunbertane;
And deid thar in a tour off stane.
_The Bruce_, Buke Threttene, 406-410.
[35] Henry states, that after Wallace had driven the English out of
Dumbarton, which he accomplished by an ingenious stratagem put in
execution at night, he proceeded towards the castle of Roseneath, which
was occupied by the enemy, and having learned that a marriage was to
take place among them on the ensuing day, he posted his men in ambush
on the road between the castle and a church, situated on the “Garlouch”
where the ceremony was to be performed. The cavalcade approached,
accompanied by most of the soldiers of the garrison. The Scots, at the
signal of their chief, burst from their concealment, and having with
little difficulty overpowered and put their astonished adversaries to
the sword, they took possession of the fortress, which they found amply
supplied with provisions of all kinds, intended, no doubt, for the
joyous occasion.
The above anecdote induces the writer again to remark on the accuracy
of Henry’s topography. If his work be not a faithful translation from
the narrative of an eye-witness, his knowledge of the localities of the
country is truly wonderful.
[36] For the gratification of the reader who may feel curious
respecting the nature of the supplies required for the support and
defence of an English garrison in the 13th century, we have made the
following extract from the Wardrobe Account of the munitions, sent
on this occasion to Stirling; viz. 1000 stockfish, 610 ling, 4 lasts
herrings, 104 cheeses, 6000 onions, 30 cwt. tallow, 1 barrel honey, 11
barrels pitch, 20 lb. wax, 20 lb. cummin, 2 lb. crocus, 6 lb. round
pepper, 10 bundles steel or iron, 4 large plates with handles, 100
dishes ditto, 100 cups, 100 salt-cellars, 2 large _baliste_, (_de
vicio_) 18 _balistæ_, (_ad unum pedam_) 18 doz. bow-strings, 50 bows,
2 furnace-stones, 22 cwt. hemp, 200 goose-wings for darts and arrows,
3 horse hides untanned, 6 bullocks do. ditto for the bottom of the
engines, twine, thread, needles, 1 doz. parchment, 2 lb. inkpowder, 18
pieces cloth, for clothing the men, 1 piece blue cloth, being clothing
for John Sampson, constable of the castle, 2 chaplains and 1 clerk,
1000 ells linen, 30 fur-skins for great-coats for the servants of the
King’s household, stationed in said garrison, 4 lamb skins for hoods
for the use of said constable, chaplains, and 1 clerk, 240 pair shoes,
and 500 ells canvas.[A]
[A] The above goods were sent by John the son of Walter, master
of the vessel called the Godale of Beverley.
[37] It is very probable that Edward had evidence in his possession
of the commission of regency he had granted to Wallace. The English
monarch had too many secret emissaries in Scotland, to remain long
ignorant of a matter of such importance. What Baliol might say to the
contrary would therefore meet with little credit; and his apparent
duplicity, no doubt, prompted the following remark, which, according to
Walsingham, Edward made use of, on delivering him to the Nuncio. “_I
send him to the Pope as a perjured man, and a seducer of the people._”
[38] Independent of all the difficulties which Wallace had to encounter
in the Low country, the turbulent state of the Highlands prevented
him from receiving any assistance of consequence from that quarter.
The chieftains there seemed to consider their interests as very
little connected with the safety or independence of the Lowlanders;
and they carried on their feuds with as much inveteracy, as if no
foreign enemy had been in the country. We find, that “about the year
1299, there was an insurrection made against the Earl of Ross, by
some of the people of that province, inhabiting the mountains called
Clan-Iver-Clan-Tall-wigh, and Clan-Leawe. The Earl of Ross made such
diligence, that he apprehended their captain, and imprisoned him at
Dingwall: which so incensed the Highlanders, that they pursued the Earl
of Ross’s second son, at Balnegowen, took him, and carried him along
prisoner with them, thinking thereby to get their captain relieved.
The Monroes and the Dingwalls, with some others of the Earl of Ross
his dependers, gathered their forces, and pursued the Highlanders
with all diligence; so, overtaking them at Beallogh-ne-broig, between
Ferrindonell and Lochbrime, there ensued a cruel battle, well foughten
on either side. The Clan-Iver, Clan-tall-wigh and Clan-Leaive, were
almost utterly extinguished. The Monroes had a sorrowful victory, with
a great loss of their men; and carried back again the Earl of Ross
his son. The Laird of Kildun was there slain with seven score of the
surname of Dingwall. Divers of the Monroes were slain in the conflict;
and among the rest, there were killed eleven of the house of Foulis,
that were to succeed one another; so that the succession of Foulis fell
unto a child then lying in his cradle. For which service the Earl of
Ross gave divers lands to the Monroes and Dingwalls.”--_Conflicts of
the clans._
[39] In the Wardrobe Account, 28th Edward I., there is an entry of 6s.
8d. paid to Ralph de Kyrkby, the messenger who brought to the King the
conditions and surrender of Stirling. The following notice respecting
this intended expedition appears in the same document. “To a monk of
Durham, to carry St Cuthbert’s banner into Scotland, when the King
intended to go in person to raise the siege of Stirling Castle, 20
days, at 1s. per day.” One of the vicars of Beverly College had 8d. per
day for carrying St John’s banner, and 1d. per day to carry it back.
[40] Walter of Exeter, an historical bard, who accompanied the
expedition, and of whose interesting work on the siege of Carlaverock
Castle, written in old Norman French, an admirable translation has been
given to the public, with notes and valuable biographical sketches, by
_Nicholas Harris Nicolas_, Esq. a name highly appreciated by all who
have any taste for the pleasures arising from antiquarian research.
[41] See Appendix, I.
[42] For the sake of illustration, we submit the following items, taken
from the wardrobe account of Edward I. for the year 1300, being part of
the expenses incurred in the siege of Carlaverock:--
_Extract from Wardrobe Account, Edward I._, 1299-1300.
Account of Ade de Glasham, Carpenter, (p. 267.)
For hire of 7 carriages, for conveying a certain
engine, belonging to the Castle of Lochmaben,
from thence to the Castle of Carlaverock,
for the use of the King’s army, employed
in the siege of that castle; viz.
5 carriages for 7 days, from }
6th July }
} at 6d. a day
2 carriages for 4 days, from } for each
9th July } carriage L.1 1 6
4 days of a smith and his assistant, employed
in the Castle of Lochmaben repairing
said engine, at 6d. a day--wages
of assistant, 4d. 0 3 4
Coals furnished for said repairs 0 1 0
Hire of one artilleryman for one
day, making a band or strap
for said engine at Carlaverock 0 0 4
------ 0 4 8
Paid for delivering said engine at Skynburness,
and putting it on board a vessel
for Lochmaben 0 4 0
----------
Paid at Dumfries, 2d Nov. L.1 10 2
----------
Account of Stephen Banyng, Shipmaster, (p. 272.)
For freight of a certain engine, from Skynburness
to Carlaverock--master’s wages for 2
days, from July 10. at 6d. a day--10 seamen
at 3d. a day L.0 6 0
----------
Account of Richard de Geyton, Master of the Nicholas de
Geyton, (p. 273.)
For freight of 20 bullocks (_carcos’ boum_) to
Carlaverock, for the use of the garrison of
Dumfries Castle--wages of self and 5 seamen
for 8 days, at the above rate L.0 14 0
Pilotage between Kirkcudbright and Carlaverock,
for that time 0 2 0
----------
L.0 16 0
Account of William Boterel, Master of the Grace of God of Ross, (p.
274.)
For freight of 5 tuns of wine (_dolia_) from
Kirkcudbright to Carlaverock--wages of self
and 7 seamen for 10 days, from 19th to 29th
August, as above L.1 2 6
[_N. B._--The engagement with 30 vessels,
during this expedition to Scotland, appears
to have been at the rate of 6d. a
day for the master, and 3d. for the seamen,
from 23d July till 26th September
1300.--Admiral of the fleet, 2s. a day.--Captains
of ships, from the ports of
Sandwich and Dover, 1s.--Chaplain of
the fleet, to confess sailors, 6d. a day,
p. 275-8.]
Paid Robert de Wodehons, viz. (p. 259.)
For Peter de Preston and his 9 companions,
mounted on horses, with full harness, and
charges of 660 bowmen, from Lancashire to
Carlisle, and from Carlisle to Carlaverock,
to join the King on 8th July, 2 days--horsemen
at 1s.--bowmen 2d. a day L.12 11 0
[43] See Appendix, K.
[44] See account of the King’s progress, page 67 of Remarks on Wardrobe
Account of Edward I.
[45] The following items, which appear in the above Account for 1300,
as having reference to this campaign, and to the manner in which Edward
was employed, may be interesting to some of our readers.
Donation to Henry de Cornwall, wounded by the Scots near Columtach,
in Galloway. For his return and medicines, by the hands of William de
Toulose, who lent him the money, one half merk (_dimidium marce_).
To a stable-boy, hurt by one of the King’s horses at Kirkcudbright,
_five_ shillings.
_Alms and Offerings at Scottish Chapels._
7th July.--At the altar of St Nicholas, 7s., and St Thomas the
Archbishop, 7s.--in the parish church of Applegarth.
10th July--At the high altar of the Friars Minors, Dumfries, 7s. and
16th, 7s.
12th July.--Do. of his own chapel of Carlaverock, at St Thomas, 7s.
At the high altar, Kirkcudbright priory, and in his chapel there, July
19th, 7s.; 20th, 7s.; 22d, 7s.; 25th, 7s.; 27th, 7s.
29th August.--At his own chapel Carlaverock, 7s.
In his own chapel at Dumfries, October 24th, for good news about the
Scots, 7s.; 28th, 7s.; November 1st, 7s.; and November 3d, at his own
altar at Carlaverock, 7s.
14th Oct. At his own chapel (Holm), for the report he heard of the
success of the men-at-arms of the Castle of Roxburgh, 7s.
There is also, in the same year, an offering at the high altar of the
Royal Chapel of Westminster, for good news against the Scots; and 5_l._
10s. 10d. for 190 masses in honour of different saints, by the King’s
chaplains, both in England and Scotland, between November 20th, 1299,
and November 19th, 1300.
[46] The curious reader may perhaps take some interest in the following
notices of the workmen employed about these fortresses, and the rate of
wages they received for their labour. They are taken from the Wardrobe
Account. The authenticity of the document is unquestionable.
Repairs at Lochmaben, October 1300.
Octr. 24. Hire of 44 ditchers (_fossatores_) from
the neighbourhood of Lochmaben,
(including one overseer at 6 _pennies_
a day) for one day L.0 8 0
25. Do. of 34 do. (including one overseer
at 6 _pennies_ a day) for 3 days 0 19 0
31. Do. of 50 do. (including 3 overseers
at 6 _pennies_ each per day) for 4
days 1 17 4
Nov. 2. Do. of one manager, at 6 pennies a
day, and 178 ditchers including 9
overseers from the county of Northumberland,
for 3 days 4 15 0
Paid William of Lochmaben, overseer,
and 25 labourers from the
neighbourhood of Lochmaben, for
3 days (from 27th of Octr.) 0 13 6
Nov. 2. Hire of 76 labourers from Cumberland,
including 4 overseers as above,
by the King’s order (_ad mandatum
Regis_) for 1 day 0 13 4
Do. of 4 men inspecting the work of
said ditchers, from 23d till 30th
October, 8 days, at 4 _pennies_ a day
each 0 10 8
Do. of 7 women helping to clean the
ditches for one day (Oct. 24) at 1½
_pennies_ 0 0 10½
Do. for 9 women (Oct. 27) 3 days at 1½d. 0 3 4½
Do. for 10 (Oct. 28.) } as above 0 3 4½
Do. for 14 (Oct. 29.) }
Do. for 25 (Oct. 30.) 0 3 1½
Extra gratification to said ditchers,
being King’s bounty 1 5 7
Carriage of workmen’s tools from
Northumberland, through Carlisle
to Dumfries 0 10 0
Hire of 2 smiths from said county,
from 17th Oct. till Nov. 1st, 16
days, at 4 _pennies_ a day 1 1 4
-----------
L.13 4 1½
Amount paid to Henry Braundeston, for Ade de St Edmunds.--See
page 269 of Wardrobe Account.
Hire of 2 men employed in Inglewood-forest, making charcoal for
the smiths, 4 days, 2s.
[47]
Paid Simon Kingesman, master of the Margaret of
Kipavene, for freight of 30 quarters of wheat from Kirkcudbright
to Dublin, to be ground there, and carriage of
the same to Ayr, for the use of the King’s army in that
place--Wages for self and 12 seamen, from 2. till 15. August,
both included, 15 days L.2 9 0
To the same, for pilotage of said vessel 0 6 8
----------
L.2 15 8
Paid Wewmund Gegge, of the Savoy of Tynemouth,
freight of 143 quarters of wheat, from Kirkcudbright to
Whitehaven, to be ground, and carriage of the same to
Ayr, for the King’s army in that place--Wages for self
and 9 seamen, 5. till 14. August, both included, 10
days L.1 7 6
[N. B. Wages of master 6d. and seamen 3d. per day, during the
expedition to Scotland in 1300.]
Average wages per day. viz.
Labourers 2d.
Plasterers 3d.
Miners 3d.
Masons 4d.
Carpenters 4d.
Smiths 4d.
Boys, or Apprentices 2d.
Prices of Oats per quarter.
1300. Jan. At Holderness 2s. 2d. p. 212
-- July. At Newcastle-upon-Tyne 2s. 6d. p. 113
Price of Wheat per quarter.
1300. June. At Cawode, near York 4s. p. 108
Prices in Scotland in 1285.
Oats 4d., and Bear 8d. and 10d. per boll. Wheat 16d.
and 20d.[B]
[B] It has been already stated (page 39 of vol. I.), that the
money of both countries was of equal value at this time.
[48] From the following entry in the Wardrobe Account, it would appear,
that in this expedition the English were provided with nets for
fishing in the rivers and lakes of Scotland “_Reginaldo Janetori pro 2
reth’empt, per ipsum ad piscandum in repariis et stagnis in partibus
Scocie ad opus Regis per manus proprias, apud Kirkudbright._” 4_s._
2_d._
_Vide Wardrobe Account for the year_ 1300. _p._ 65.
[49] Wyntown.
[50]
“That tyme wes in his cumpany
A knycht off France, wycht and hardy;
And quhen he in the watyr swa
Saw the king pass, and with him ta
Hys leddyr wnabasytly,
He saynyt him for the ferly,
And said; ‘A Lord! quhatt sall we say
Off our lordis off Fraunce, that thai
With gud morsellis fayrcis thair pawnchis,
And will bot ete, and drynk, and dawnsis;
Quhen sic a knycht, and sa worthy
As this, throw his chewalry,
Into sic perill has him set,
To wyn a wrechyt hamillet!’
With that word to the dik he ran;
And our eftre the king he wan.”
The Bruce, _Buke Sext_, p. 177-8.
[51] This circumstance is thus corroborated by a note attached to the
Perth edition of Wallace. The editor, it would seem, had been present
on the occasion:
“About thirty years ago, when the burying vault of the parish church
of Kinfauns happened to be opened, I was shewed a helmet made of thick
leather, or of some such stuff, painted over with broad stripes of
blue and white, which I was told was part of the fictitious armour
in which the body of Thomas of Longueville had been deposited. Henry
says, he was of large stature, and the helmet, indeed, was a very large
one.”--P. 24 of Notes in 3d Volume.
[52] See Appendix, L.
[53] The _Croyz Gneytz_ was held in great veneration, in consequence
of its being supposed to contain part of the wood of the real cross.
_The Black Rood_ of Scotland was one of the national monuments carried
off by Edward. Its sanctity was considered equal to that of the _black
stones_ of Iona; and an oath made upon it, gave the same stability to
a contract. It was the favourite crucifix of Queen Margaret. The cross
was of gold, about the length of a palm--the figure of ebony, studded
and inlaid with gold. A piece of the true cross was also supposed to be
enclosed in it.
_Aldred, p. 349 apud Twisden._--_Hailes_, vol. i. p. 41.
[54] In Dr Jamieson’s edition of Blind Harry, this circumstance is thus
printed:--
“Bot maister Blayr spak nothing off himsell,
In deid off armes quhat awentur he fell.
Schir Thomas Gray, was than preyst to Wallace,
Put in the buk how than hapnyt this cace
At Blayr was in, [and] mony worthi deid,
Off quhilk him selff had no plesance to reid.”
B. x. 893-898.
In the Perth edition of Wallace, the words in the third line stand
thus:--“_I Thomas Gray, yan preist to Wallace_,” &c. On this reading,
the Perth editor, with propriety, founds a very strong argument in
favour of the _existence_ of Blair’s work, and of the fidelity of
Henry’s translation. The difference in the two editions appeared so
very important, as to induce a friend of the writer to refer to the
original manuscript in the Advocates’ Library, when it was found
that the rendering of the Perth editor was strictly conformable to
the original text, “thus affording,” as the above mentioned friend
observes, “a triumphant argument in Henry’s favour; for it seems to
represent him as in the very act of versifying his “auctor.” What
authority Dr Jamieson has for the version he has given, must remain
with himself to explain.
[55] See Appendix, M.
[56] The havoc made, and the oppressions sustained by the inhabitants,
are thus described by Barbour, p. 9, vol. i. of _The Bruce_.
“Fra Weik anent Orkenay,
To Mullyrs nwk in Gallaway;
And stuffyt all with Ingliss men.
Schyrreffys and bailyheys maid he then;
And alkyn othir officeris,
That for to gowern land afferis,
He maid off Ingliss nation;
That worthyt than sa rych fellone,
And sa wykkyt and cowatouss,
And swa hawtane and dispitouss,
That Scottis men mycht do na thing
That euir mycht pleyss to thar liking.
Thar wyffis wuld thai oft forly,
And thar dochtrys dispitusly:
And gyff ony of thaim thair at war wrath,
Thai watyt hym wele with gret scaith;
For thai suld fynd sone enchesone
To put hym to destructione.
And gyff that ony man thaim by
Had ony thing that wes worthy,
As horss, or hund, or othir thing,
That war pleasand to thar liking;
With rycht or wrang it wald have thai.
And gyff ony wald them withsay;
Thai suld swa do, that thai suld tyne
Othir land or lyff, or leyff in pyne.
For thai dempt thaim eftir thair will,
Takand na kep to rycht na skill.
A! quhat thai dempt thaim felonly!
For gud knychtis that war worthy,
For litill enchesoune, or than nane,
Thai hangyt be the nekbane.”
[57] On the charge which has been made against Edward, for destroying
the records and monuments of Scotland, Lord Hailes thus expresses
himself:--“While the English were at Scone, they carried off some of
the charters belonging to the abbey, and tore the seals from others.
This is the only well-vouched example which I have found of any outrage
on private property committed by Edward’s army. It is mentioned in
a charter of Robert I.; and we may be assured that the outrage was
not diminished in the relating.” Had this escaped from any other pen
than that of a lawyer, it might have been considered as proceeding
from ignorance; but being from a Judge on the Bench, we are at a loss
what term to apply to it. The charter of Robert I. (Chart. Scone,
26.) was given in order to confirm former grants, and thus replace
those which either had been carried off, or had their seals torn from
them. To have inserted a narrative of _all_ spoliations of a similar
nature, which Edward and his army had committed in Scotland, would
have been _irrelevant_; and we conceive that the expense of engrossing
into a _private_ charter what belonged to the annals of the country,
would not have been relished by the brethren of Scone. Had a case
of expenses, incurred, in a manner so uncalled for, come under his
Lordship’s review, we presume he would have sustained the objections
of the defender. All that could appear with propriety in the charter,
was an account of the destruction of those prior grants, which rendered
a new charter necessary; and this document, if it proves any thing,
proves the wanton and destructive malice of the invaders, when they
would not permit even private property, the destruction of which could
be of no service to themselves, to escape their violence. It would
be of no avail, where Lord Hailes is concerned, to quote Scottish
authorities in support of the charge against Edward, as a destroyer
of public records; we shall therefore give the following extract,
from the works of a learned, intelligent, and candid Englishman--an
evidence which, we presume, few of his Lordship’s admirers will object
to:--“King Eugene VII., about the beginning of the eighth century, is
said to have ordered the depositing of all records, and books relating
to the history of Scotland, at Icolm-kill; where he caused their old
library (much neglected and decayed) to be pulled down and rebuilt
in a very splendid manner, for this sole use and purpose. How long
they continued there, and how well that excellent King’s design was
answered, I know not; but it is now too sad a truth, that most of these
venerable remains of antiquity are quite perished; and it is generally
agreed, that they were destroyed on three remarkable occasions. The
first of these was, when our King Edward the First, having claimed the
sovereignty of Scotland, made a most miserable havock of the histories
and laws of that kingdom; hoping that, in a short time, nothing should
be found in all that country, but what carried an English name and
face. To this end, he forbad, on severe penalties, the keeping of any
such books or records; and proceeded so far as even to abolish the very
name of Claudius Cæsar in his famous round temple, which he ordered to
be called, as it is to this day, Arthur’s Hoff, pulling away the stone
which preserved the memory of that great emperor and his conquests.
That a great deal of this story is true, appears from the scarcity of
Scotch records in our State-archives in England. Amongst the foreign
treaties in the Exchequer, there are about 70 original instruments,
bagged up, and inscribed, “Scotia ante Unionem:” And in the Tower,
about 100 Rolls, relating to the affairs of that kingdom, under the
title of Scotia. The former of these begin at the reign of Edward the
First, and end with that of Queen Elizabeth; and the latter commences
as before, but falls no lower than the reign of Edward the Fourth, the
rest being to be looked for in the Chapel of the Rolls. But these are
all the produce of our own country; and, instead of enriching us with
the spoils of our neighbours, seem rather to prove, that King Edward
had an equal spite at the ancient records of both kingdoms--so little
is there of apology to be made for so notorious a destroyer of the
public registers, together with the private monuments, evidences, and
conveyances of lands! I do not doubt but the reason of such barbarity
has been justly enough assigned, by those who represent him as “having
a jealous eye over any thing that might encourage his new vassals to
rebel, endeavouring to root out all memorials of the nobility, and
to embase their spirits, by concealing from them their descent and
qualities.” I have seen a manuscript list of such records as were
carried off by his order. It begins, _Ista monumenta subscripta capta
fuerunt in thesaurario de Edinburg in presentia Abbatum de Dunfermelyn
& de S. Cruce de Edinburg, & Johannis de Lythegranes, Guil-de Lincoln,
& Thos. de Fisseburn & Guil-de Dumfreys, custodis rotulorum regni
Scotiæ; et deposita sunt apud Berwick per præceptum Edwardi regis
Angliæ & superioris domini Scotiæ. Videlicet_, &c. After the recital of
them, the catalogue ends: _In quorum omnium testimonium tam predictus
dominus rex Edwardus Angliæ & superior dominus Scotiæ quam predictus
dominus Joh: de Balliolo rex Scotiæ, huic scripto, in modum chirographi
confecto, sigille sua alternatim fecerunt apponi. dat. apud Novum
Castrum super Tynam 30 die mensis Decembris anno dom. 1292, & regni
prædicti domini Edwardi regis Angliæ & superioris domini Scotiæ, 21mo._
The second great loss of the Scotch records, happened upon the mighty
turn of the Reformation; when the monks, flying to Rome, carried with
them the register-books, and other ancient treasure of their respective
monasteries. The third, and killing blow, was given them by Oliver
Cromwell; who brought most of the poor remains that were left into
England; and they likewise were mostly lost in their return by sea. See
_Nicolson’s Scottish Historical Library_, p. 71, 72, 4to Edition.
[58] It is possible that these noblemen may have been some way or other
connected with the depôt of silver, alluded to at page 159 of vol. I,
as having been found at Ascog in Bute.
[59] If we may credit Langtoft, Comyn, Frazer and Wallace, were
lurking in the neighbourhood of Dunfermline at the time, and supported
themselves by plunder. His words are,
“The lord of Badenauh, Freselle & Waleis
Lyued at theues lauh euer robband alle weis.
Thei had no sustenance, the werre to mayntene,
Bot skulked opon chance, & robbed ay betuene.”
[60] “He brint all the Chronicles of Scotland, with all maner of
bukis, als weill of devyne seruyce as of othir materis, to that fyne
that the memorye of Scottis suld peris. He gart the Scottis wryte
bukis efter the _vse of Sarum_, and constranit thaym to say efter that
vse.”--_Boeth._
“Salysbery oyss our clerkis than has tane.”
_Wallace_, B. x. 1006.
[61] Fordun relates, that when this offer was made to Wallace, and
on his being pressed by his friends to comply, he thus expressed
himself:--“O! desolated Scotland, too credulous of fair speeches, and
not aware of the calamities which are coming upon you! If you were to
judge as I do, you would not easily put your neck under a foreign yoke.
When I was a boy, the priest, my uncle, carefully inculcated upon me
this proverb, which I then learned, and have ever since kept in my
mind:--
“_Dico tibi verum_, _Libertas_ optima rerum; Nunquam servili, sub nexu
vivito, fili.”
“I tell you a truth,--Liberty is the best of things, my son, never live
under any slavish bond.”
“Therefore, I shortly declare, that if all others, the natives of
Scotland, should obey the King of England, or were to part with the
liberty which belongs to them, I and those who may be willing to adhere
to me in this point, will stand for the liberty of the kingdom; and by
God’s assistance, will only obey the King, viz. John Baliol, or his
Lieutenant.”
[62] This is evidently a corruption of _Loup de guerre_.
[63] The existence of the bond or covenant between Bruce and Cumyn,
though subjected to the doubts of Lord Hailes, is recorded by all our
respectable authorities. The objections of his Lordship arose from
the difficulty the parties would have experienced in effecting the
contract. “It must be held extraordinary,” says our learned annalist,
“that the two conspirators met together, should have committed such a
secret to writing, as if it had been a legal covenant to have force
in a court of justice; but more extraordinary still, that they should
have done this at the imminent hazard of intrusting their lives and
fortunes to the fidelity of a third party; for I presume, it will
be admitted, that two Scottish barons, in that age, could not have
framed such an indenture without assistance.” His Lordship, in his
zeal to diminish the authority of preceding historians, often forgets
the manners and customs of the age respecting which he writes, and
assimilates them too closely to those of his own times. Were it not
for this, he would have seen neither difficulty nor danger in two
barons of such extensive territorial possessions and feudal influence,
procuring a person properly qualified, and whose secrecy, had it been
doubted, they would have had no hesitation in _effectually securing_,
either by imprisonment or otherwise. Even if their power did not extend
to this, as the bond was not left in the possession of the drawer,
where was the danger? Would any person whose education enabled him to
frame such an instrument, have been so extremely foolish as attempt to
charge two of the most powerful noblemen of the kingdom with treason,
without the least shadow of proof to support the accusation? Bonds of
manrent were never intended to be brought into a court of law, and all
his Lordship’s experience would not have furnished him with a single
instance of an attempt to enforce the fulfilment of such a contract by
legal means. Bonds of this kind were entered into for the purpose of
strengthening the feudal connections of the parties; and infidelity
under such compacts carried its punishment along with it, by the want
of confidence it created among the other feudal proprietors. That such
bondsmen were looked upon with extreme jealousy by the Legislature,
is sufficiently evident from the conduct of James II. towards Lord
Douglas; “a court of justice,” therefore, was not the place to get
their penalties recognised.
The transaction is thus related by Wyntown, with whom Barbour agrees
in every particular, and by which it will be seen, that “the two
conspirators” did not “_meet_ together,” as his Lordship asserts, but
were riding together to Stirling; and the instrument was drawn and
sealed the same night in that place:--
“Quhen all this sawe the Brws Robert,
That bare the Crowne swne eftyrwart,
Gret pytté of the folk he had,
Set few wordis tharof he mád.
A-pon á tyme Schyr Jhon Cwmyn,
To-gydder rydand frá Strevylyn,
Said til hym, ‘Schyr, will yhe noucht se,
How that governyd is this cuntré?
Thai sla oure Folk but enchesown,
And haldis this Land agayne resown;
And yhe thar-of full Lord suld be.
For-thi gyve ye will trow to me,
Yhe sall gere mak yhow thare-of Kyng;
And I sall be in yhoure helpyng,
Wyth-thi yhe gyve me all the Land,
That yhe hawe now in-til yhoure hand,
And gyve that yhe will noucht do swá,
Na swilk a State a-pon yhowe tá,
All hale my Landis sall yhowris be;
And lat me tá the State on me,
And bryng this Land owt of Thryllage.
For thare is nother man ná page
In all this Land na thayne sal be
Fayne to mak thaime selfyn fre.’
“The Lord the Brws hard his karpyng,
And wend he spak bot faythful thyng:
And for it lykyd til his will,
He gave swne his Consent thare-til,
And sayd, ‘Syne yhe will, it be swá,
I will blythly a-pon me tá
The State; for I wate, I have Rycht:
And Rycht oft makis the febil wycht.’
“Thus ther twa Lordis accordyt are.
That ilke nycht than wryttyne ware
Thare Indentwris, and Aithis made
Til hald all, that thai spokyn had.”
V. ii. p. 123
[64] It is with regret that we find this recreant’s name in the list
of the defenders of Stirling. Emancipation from a dungeon, and the
prospect of attaining to great riches, were no doubt powerful motives.
Whether the following relation in Henry has any subsequent connection
with this individual, we must leave our readers to determine. If
it does, he appears to have received from the hand of our hero the
recompence of his labours.
The small party of adherents which still clung to the fortunes of
Wallace and the cause of independence, were reduced to the greatest
distress for want of provisions. Our hero had left them, in order to
look out for a place where they might obtain supplies; and, while
wandering through the wilds of Lorn, overcome by hunger and fatigue,
he threw himself down in despair at the entrance of a forest, when the
following adventure occurred to him:--
“Out off thair sycht, in till a forest syd,
He sat him doun wndyr ane ayk to bid;
His bow and suerd he lenyt till a tre,
In angwyss greiff, on grouff so turned he.
His petows mynd was for his men so wrocht,
That off him selff litill as than he roucht.
‘O wrech!’ he said, ‘that neuir couth be content
Off our gret mycht that the gret God the lent:
Bot thi fers mynd, wylfull and wariable,
With gret lordschip thow coud nocht so byd stable;
And wylfull witt, for to mak Scotland fre;
God likis nocht that I haiff tane on me.
Fer worthyar of byrth than I was born,
Throuch my desyr wyth hungyr ar forlorn:
I ask at God thaim to restor agayn;
I am the causs, I suld haiff all the pain.’
Quhill studeand thus, whill flitand with him sell,
Quhill at the last apon slepyng he fell.
Thre days befor thar had him folowed fyve,
The quhilk was bound, or ellis to loss thair lyff:
The erl off York bad thaim so gret gardoun,
At thai be thyft hecht to put Wallace doun.
Thre off thaim was all born men off Ingland,
And twa was Scottis, that tuk this deid on hand;
And sum men said, thar thrid brothir betraissed
Kyldromé eft, quhar gret sorow was raissed.
A child thai had, qubilk helpyit to ber mett
In wildernes amang thai montans grett.
Thai had all seyn disseuyring off Wallace
Fra his gud men, and quhar he baid on cace;
Amang thyk wod in cowert held thaim law,
Quhill thai persawyt he couth on sleping faw.
And than thir fyve approchit Wallace neir;
Quhat best to do, at othir can thai speir.
A man said thus: ‘It war a hie renoun,
And we mycht qwyk leid him to Sanct Jhonstoun,
Lo, how he lyis; we may our grippis waill;
Off his wapynnys he sal get nane awaill.
We sall him bynd in contrar off hys will,
And leid him thus on baksyd off yon hill,
So that his men sall nothing off him knaw.’
The tothir thre assentit till his saw;
And than thir fyve thus maid thaim to Wallace,
And thocht throw force to bynd him in that place.
Quhat, trowit thir fyve for to hald Wallace doun?
The manlyast man, the starkest off persoun,
Leyffand he was; and als stud in sic rycht,
We traist weill, God his dedis had in sycht.
Thai grippyt him, than out off slepe he braid;
‘Quhat menys this? rycht sodandly he said,
About he turnyt, and wp his armys thrang;
On thai traytouris with knychtlik fer he dang.
The starkast man in till his armys hynt he,
And all his harnys he dang out on a tree.
A sword he gat son efter at he rayss,
Campiounlik amang the four he gais;
Euyr a man he gert de at a dynt.
Quhen twa was ded, the tothir wald nocht stynt;
Maid thaim to fle; bot than it was na but,
Was nane leyffand mycht pass fra him on fut.
He folowed fast, and sone to ded thaim brocht;
Than to the chyld sadly agayn he socht,
‘Quhat did thow her?’ The child with [ane] paill face,
On kneis he fell, and askyt Wallace grace.
‘With thaim I was, and knew nothing thair thocht;
In to seruice, as thai me bad, I wrocht.’
‘Quhat berys thow her?’ ‘Bot meit, the child can say.’
Do, turss it wp, and pass with me away,
Meit in this tym is fer bettyr than gold.”
[65] According to Henry, Gilbert Grymsby, or, as he is called by the
Scots, Jop, was employed in this mission.
[66] This young man is said by Henry to have been a son of Menteith’s
sister. Langtoft calls him a servant, and says his name was _Jock
Short_.
[67] From Robroyston Wallace could easily make his way to the Clyde;
cross the river and keep his appointment with Bruce, who was to have
approached from the south, without coming in sight of any of the
English stationed at Glasgow. The burrow-muir was situated on the south
side of the Clyde.
[68] The circumstance of this person being the last friend whom our
hero was destined to behold, would, independent of his own personal
merits, have rendered him an object of curiosity to a great proportion
of our readers. The following account is taken from the notes of the
editor of the Perth edition of Blind Harrie; and, as any thing which
the writer has yet met with, rather tends to confirm than invalidate
the statement, he shall submit it to the reader in the words of the
learned and intelligent author:--
“William Ker, commonly called Kerlie, or Ker Little, was ancestor of
the Kers of Kersland. He, as well as many others, was compelled to
swear the unlawful oath of fealty to Edward, August 5. 1296.
“He joined Wallace at the castle of the Earl of Lennox, September 1296,
and went with him immediately on his first northern expedition. He and
Stephen of Ireland were the only two of Wallace’s men who survived the
battle along the north side of the River Erne, November 1296.
“He was the constant friend and companion of Wallace on all occasions,
and is sometimes called his steward: In 1305, when Wallace was taken
prisoner at Robrastoun, a solitary village near Glasgow, William Ker
only was with him. They were found both asleep, and Ker was killed in
the scuffle.
“Henry says, that William Ker had large inheritance in the district
of Carrick in Air-shire. That his ancestor was brought from Ireland
by King David I., and defeated, with the assistance of seven hundred
Scots, nine thousand Norwegians who had landed at Dunmoir. Some of the
Norwegians were drowned in Doun, and others slain upon the land. King
David gave him the lands of Dunmoir in reward of his bravery.
“It may be remarked, that Dun Hill, or, as it is commonly called,
Norman or Northman Law, a high hill on the estate of Dunmure, in the
north-east part of Fife, and parish of Abdie, has on the top of it the
remains of Danish intrenchments. The hill on the north side declines
all the way to the river or Frith of Tay, which has Dundee at the mouth
of it. The constant tradition is, that the Danes or Norwegians carried
the spoil of the country to the top of this hill, where the natives
could have no access to them; and after having collected it there,
carried it down on the other side to their ships in the river.”
[69] “At Robroystone Sir William Wallace was betrayed and apprehended
by Sir John Menteith, a favourite of Edward I. of England. After he was
overpowered, and before his hands were bound, it is said he threw his
sword into Robroyston loch. An oaken couple, or joist, which made part
of the barn in which the Scottish hero was taken, is still to be seen
in this neighbourhood, and may yet last for ages.”--_Stat. Acc. viii._
481, 482.
The latter part of the above quotation is perfectly correct. The
oaken joist was to be seen till within these ten years past; it
has now entirely disappeared, being carried off by that tribe of
pseudo-antiquarians, ycleped Relic-fanciers.
[70] See Appendix, N.
[71] This report may have originated in some facetious remark, which
probably escaped from him on hearing that one William Wallace had,
by the voice of his fellow-citizens, attained to the honour of being
Lord Mayor of London, when the success of the Scots compelled Edward
to grant an extension of the liberties of his people. His election is
stated, at p. 85, vol. i. of this work, to have taken place in 1296.
This mistake the author begs leave to correct; the election occurred in
April 1298. The coincidence is rather singular. See Lambert’s Survey of
London, vol. i. p. 167.
[72] That Edward was mean enough to subject Wallace to a piece of
mockery of this kind, appears evident, from the same contemptible
artifice, to excite derision, being again resorted to in the case
of Sir Simon Frazer, who was not only habited in an unbecoming and
ridiculous garb, but also had “a gerland on ys heued of the newe
_guyse_.” This expression is taken from the ancient ballad made on
the execution of Frazer, as may be seen in the account we have given
of that warrior; and which seemed evidently to allude to the recent
exhibition made of Wallace, on whose person “the newe guyse” was no
doubt first introduced;--and, as Sir Simon was executed only about
twelve months afterwards, the phrase would be perfectly applicable, as
the circumstance must have been fresh in the minds of the people.--See
_App._ L.
[73] See Appendix, O.
[74] This appears to have been the only article of property that
Wallace died possessed of.
[75] This, in all probability, was the mark of the wound inflicted by
the Lancaster bowman mentioned at page 162 of volume I.
[76] See Appendix, P.
[77] See Appendix, Q.
[78] This circumstance seems to have been keenly felt and lamented, as
a subject of national disgrace, by some of the historians of England.
In addition to the anathemas poured forth by Peter Langtoft, on account
of the obstinacy of their northern neighbours--the mortification
evinced by Hardyng in the following lines, is highly complimentary to
the independent spirit of Scotland. This acknowledged spy, and detected
forger, was sent down by his government, in the reign of Henry V., for
the _mean_ purpose of stealing away the treaty with Robert Bruce, in
which the independence of Scotland was recognised.
“Englande and Wales as to their soueraygne
To you obey, whiche shuld thinke shame of ryght,
To se Scotlande thus proudly disobeyne,
Agayne them two that bene of greate myght,
It is a shame to euery mannes syght,
Sith Iohn Baylioll his ryght of it resygned
To kyng Edward, why is it thus repugned?”
_Hardyng’s Chronicle_, p. 413-414.
In the two last lines, the writer of the Chronicle founds the
pretensions of England to the superiority over Scotland, on the
resignation of Baliol. This title he no doubt considered as
_preferable_ to any claims previously got up; and we would recommend Dr
Lingard to follow his example; for, bad as it is, the supporters of it
are not liable to meet with those stubborn historical facts which stand
in the way of the advocates for a more venerable antiquity. To show
the sincerity which dictates this advice, we shall revert once more to
pages 443 and 444, vol. iii. of the Doctor’s work, where we are told,
on the authority of Rymer, that the words “libertates, dignitates,
honores debiti,” &c. “mean the allowances to be made, and the honours
to be shown, to the King of Scots, as often as he came to the English
court, by the command of his lord the King of England, _from the moment
that he crossed the Borders till his return into his own territories_.”
Had the vassalage of the King of Scotland been of that unqualified
nature which the Doctor labours to establish, how comes it that his
“allowances” only commence _from the moment he crossed the Border_,
and _ceased_ as soon as he _returned to his own territories_--merely,
we presume, because _he was in his own territories_. Had it been
otherwise, he would doubtless have been found entitled to those
expenses or allowances, _from the time_ he left _his own domicile_, in
whatever part of Scotland _that domicile_ may have been situated.
[79] See Appendix, R.
[80] However singular this statement may appear to some, the author is
happy in having it in his power to produce the most incontrovertible
evidence of the fact--See _App._ A.
[81] Appendix, S.
[82] See Appendix, T.
[83] Vol. iii. 8vo ed. p. 343-355.; and vol. ii. of 4to ed. p. 459-468,
470.
[84] Lingard, vol. iii. p. 356. 3d Edition.
[85] In the recovery of a document connected with the hero of
Scotland, which had thus lain in obscurity for so long a period, the
writer feels himself particularly called upon to express his grateful
acknowledgments to T. G. Repp, Esq. of the Advocates’ Library, and his
friend E. K. Sieveking, Esq., Syndic of the city of Hamburgh.
[86] The writer is inclined to believe, that, in copying the antiquated
original, Badsington has been put down by the transcriber in a mistake
for Haddington. He has left it, however, in charge of a note of
interrogation, for the purpose of inviting his readers to the exercise
of their critical acumen.
[87] Our readers will be gratified to learn, that Dr Lappenberg has
been for some time engaged on a highly interesting work relating to
the origin of the Hanseatic League, in the course of which there
will appear upwards of 400 documents which have escaped the research
of former writers, illustrative of the state of commerce among the
nations of Europe between 1170 and 1370. A considerable number of these
documents, we understand, relate to the mercantile transactions of
England and Scotland; and a publication of this kind cannot fail to be
anxiously looked for, by all who set a value upon well-authenticated
historical information.
[88] See p. 203.
[89] By the above letter, the writer is also enabled to correct a
mis-statement at page 29 of the present volume. The election of Wallace
to the _Regency_ did not (as is there mentioned) take place before his
advance into England. The authority by which he and Sir Andrew Murray
made the preparations for the invasion, appear to have been derived
from the community of Scotland, and “_duces exercitus regni Scotie_”
the highest title they considered themselves invested with at the time.
[90] Under the impression that the letter and charters alluded to above
are the composition of Wallace, we conceive some of our readers may
not be displeased with the following attempt at a translation of the
charter in favour of Scrymgeour, as they will then have in this volume
English versions of every known document that can with any probability
be considered as emanating from the pen of Wallace.
“Charter of Sir William Wallace, Guardian of Scotland, in the name of
King John Baliol, with the seal of the same John.
“William Walays, Knight, Guardian of the Kingdom of Scotland, and
Leader of the Armies of the same, in the name of the excellent Prince
Lord John, by the Grace of God, the illustrious King of Scotland,--with
the consent of the community of the same kingdom.--To all trusty men
of the said kingdom, to whom the present writing may come, Eternal
Salvation in the Lord.--Be it known to You all, that We, in the
name of our foresaid Lord the King of Scotland, by the consent and
approbation of the Grandees of said kingdom, Give and Concede, and that
self same donation and concession by the present charter, Do confirm,
to Alexander, named Skirmischur, six merks of land in the territory
of Dundee, namely, that land which is called the Upper Field near
the town of Dundee, on the north side, with those acres in the west
field, commonly fronting the Royal Grounds, near the town of Dundee,
on the west side, and also the Royal Meadow in the foresaid territory
of Dundee, and also the Constabulary of the Castle of Dundee, with
the rights, liberties, and privileges belonging thereto, without any
reservation whatsoever, on performing homage to the foresaid Lord and
King, and his heirs or his successors; and for the faithful service
and assistance rendered to his foresaid kingdom, in bearing the Royal
Standard in the Army of Scotland, at the time the present writing has
been drawn up.--Securing and preserving to the foresaid Alexander
and his heirs, from our said Lord the King, and his heirs or his
successors, free, quiet, entire, peaceable, and honourable possession,
in perpetuity, with all the rights, liberties, and privileges belonging
to said land, meadow above named, and forementioned Constabulary,
fronting as at present, or in what manner soever in future, on
performing annually therefore to the Lord the King, and his heirs or
successors, namely, for the foresaid land, meadow and Constabulary,
with their rights, liberties and privileges, the service attached to
said Constabulary, as well as for all that in future may be required
on account of the foresaids. In testimony of which, the common seal[C]
of the foresaid kingdom of Scotland has been affixed to the present
writing. Given at Torphichen, on the 29th day of March, in the year of
Grace 1298.”
[C] An engraving from this seal forms the frontispiece to the
first volume of this work.
[91] Sir Andrew Murray, who was killed at the battle of Stirling,
was married to a sister of Cumyn, Lord of Badenoch.--Vide _Scottish
Baronage_.
[92] The arms of the Earl of Dunbar, were gules, a lion rampant,
argent, within a bordure of the second, charged with a rose of the
first. The banner of the son, at the siege of Carlaverock, was the same
as that of the father, with the addition of a blue label.
[93]
“Lychtly he lowch, in scorn as it had beyn,
And said; ‘He had sic message seyldyn seyne,
That Wallace now as gouernowr sall ryng:
Her is gret faute off a gud prince or kyng.
That king off Kyll I can nocht wndirstand;
Off him I held neuir a fur off land.
That bachiller trowis, for fortoun schawis her quhell,
Thar with to lest; it sall nocht lang be weill.
Bot to yow, lordis, and ye will wndirstand,
I mak yow wyss, I aw to mak na band.
Als fre I am in this regioun to ryng,
Lord off myn awne, as euyr was prince or king.
In Ingland als gret part off land I haiff;
Manreut tharoff thar will no man me craiff.
Quhat will ye mar? I warne yow, I am fre;
For your somoundis ye get no mar off me.’”
In corroboration of an insolent answer having been returned by the
Earl of Dunbar, Dr Jamieson quotes the following authority: “When
summoned by the guardian of Scotland to attend a convention at Perth,
he contemptuously refused. Blind Harrie is supported by the Tower
Records.” Caledonia, ii. p. 246.
Also on the following lines of the answer,
“That King off Kyll I can nocht wndirstand;
Off him I held neuir a fur off land,”
the Doctor remarks “I need scarcely say, that the earl had given
Wallace this contemptuous designation, as being a native of the
district of Kyle in Ayrshire.” It is with much reluctance we hazard
an opinion at variance with so learned and respectable an authority
as Dr Jamieson, more particularly, where the subject is one connected
with a study, in the pursuit of which, he has acquired a lasting and
well-merited reputation. That the scoffing Earl intended any allusion
to the birth-place of Wallace, by styling him “King of Kyle,” we would
feel inclined to question, even if it had been established that he was
a native of that district. Kyle, as well as Carrick, (two neighbouring
districts of Ayrshire), are derived from the Celtic words, _Cóille_,
and _Carraig_; the former signifying a forest, or woody district,
and the latter the rocky portion of the country, two terms perfectly
descriptive of the localities of both districts. Wallace had always
been spoken of, by the English and their emissaries, as a leader
of a banditti. Langtoft calls him “William Waleis that maister was
of theves;” and they represented him as a sort of Robin Hood, who
had established his authority in the woods of Scotland, in the same
manner as the “King of merry Sherwood” had done in the forest of that
name. When Gospatrick, therefore, called Wallace “King of Kyll,” we
presume he meant to call him “King of the Forest,” which implied a
king of robbers and outlaws; and that this was the sense in which it
was understood by him and the Scottish nobles, is evident from the
indignation it excited, and the instant determination of the Guardian
to revenge the insult which had been thus offered to himself and those
under his authority. To have called him the king of the place in which
he was born, could not be considered by Wallace as a very grievous
insult, considering the situation he occupied. That _Cóille_ was at one
time generally used all over Scotland to designate a wood, or forest,
is evident from the names of many places in which the word can still be
traced. It is, however, sometimes improperly confounded with _Cill_,
(a place of interment). We are afraid that the above etymology will
not meet the approbation of the favourers of the pretensions of Old
King Coilus, but this we cannot help; and have only to regret that the
ancient language of the country has been so little consulted by those
who engage to write its history.
[94] This youth succeeded to his father’s honours in 1309, being then
24 years of age. The foreign predilections of the old baron, for a
long time regulated the conduct of the son; and it was owing to him
that Edward II. escaped the pursuit of Bruce, after the battle of
Bannockburn.
[95] A translation of the above document has been given by some writers
nearly to the following effect:--“Andrew Murray and William Wallace,
commanders of the army of Scotland, in the name of the excellent Prince
Lord John, by the Grace of God, the illustrious King of Scotland, with
the consent of the community of the same kingdom, to all men of the
said kingdom, greeting. Know ye, that we, in the name of the said King,
have taken the Prior and Convent of Hexhildesham in Northumberland,
their lands, men, possessions, and all their goods, moveable and
immoveable, under the firm peace and protection of the said Lord
the King and ours. Wherefore we strictly forbid you to do any hurt,
mischief, or injury whatsoever, to them, in persons, lands or goods,
under penalty of forfeiture of your own goods and estates to the said
Lord the King, or to kill them, or any of them, under pain of death.
These presents to remain in force for one year, and no longer. Given at
Hexhildesham the 7th day of November.”
[96] Blore’s “Monumental Remains.”
[97] “Siege of Carlaverock.”
[98] This celebrated Inn of Court is recorded to have been the town
residence of the Bishops of Chichester, from the reign of Henry III.
till that of Henry VIII. It seems, however, to have been for a short
time possessed by the subject of this memoir, who, although the only
Earl of Lincoln who resided there, left it the name, which it has
permanently retained during the five subsequent centuries. The arms of
Lacy, on the gatehouse in Chancery-Lane, were erected by Sir Thomas
Lovel, together with his own, 1518.
[99] _Vide_ Langtoft, vol. ii. 275-6. This author does not say a word
of Baliol and his barons having been made acquainted with the agreement
to surrender the castle on the third day.
[100] From the following reproof, which he gave the Treasurer at
Roslin, it would appear that these, or similar monies due to him, had
not been justly settled for; and perhaps the chagrin he felt on that
account may have partly occasioned his defection from Edward.
“Symon was austere, to Rauf spak fulle grim:
‘That mad the Tresorere thou has desceyued him,
& me & many mo, fro our wages zede quite.
Sir Rauf thou resceyued tho, bi taile & bi scrite,
Thou did vs more trauaile, ilk man thou reft his wage.
Now salle I wite the taile, & put the in the Arerage,
Of preste thou has no merke, albe ne non amite,
Bot laced in a hauberke, thai is no clerkis abite.
For alle tho clerkes of Rome, that sing in kirk or rede,
Thou salle haf thi dome, als thou serued in dede.’”
_Langtoft_, vol. ii. p. 319.
[101] Harl. MSS. 266.
[102] Harl. MSS. No. 2253.
[103] Ancient Songs.
[104] Fœdera, N. E. vol. i. 872
[105] In this explanation of the term, the writer finds himself at
variance with the opinion of Mr Tytler, who says, “schiltron” seems
to denote nothing more than a compact body of men. As this restricted
meaning of the expression appears to have been adopted on the authority
of Hemingford, who says, “qui quidem circuli Schiltronis vocabantur,”
it is to be inferred that he has not examined the term with his
accustomed accuracy. _Schiltron_ is, without doubt, compounded of the
two Saxon words “scheld” and “roun.” When a general, in giving the
word of command, called out “Scheltron” to any portion of his army,
they would have as little difficulty in understanding him, as a modern
battalion would if ordered to “form square.” It may also be observed,
that by placing their shields together, they derived considerable
advantage, being thereby enabled to form with greater celerity; and
when once in order, a more impenetrable figure could not be presented
to the attack of an enemy. That this is the ancient meaning of the
word, is evident from the manner it is used by old chroniclers.
Hearne, in his Glossary to Peter Langtoft, thus explains “Schelde,”
_shield_, _target_, _buckler_, _protection_, _government_. “Sheltron,”
_shelter_, _covering_, or rather _shiltrons_, or _round battailes_. The
expression, therefore, in Hemingford, of “_circuli schiltronis_,” only
shows that a man, even in a learned language, may utter an absurdity.
In order to render the schiltron formidable in offensive warfare, it
was necessary to have the centre occupied with archers, who, enclosed
within the barrier of the spearmen, could ply their deadly shafts in
comparative security. That this was part of the plan of Wallace to
supply his deficiency in cavalry at the battle of Falkirk, is highly
probable. By this measure, neither the superiority of the enemy in this
formidable description of force, nor the desertion of the Scottish
cavalry, would have been so severely felt. That this arrangement did
not take place, was very likely owing to the pertinacity of Steward,
who commanded the archers, and rashly exposed himself and those under
him to the overwhelming charges of the heavy armed squadrons of the
English. This obstinacy on the part of the knight of Bonkill, affords
a very natural solution of the feud between him and Wallace. Had the
archers been in the centre of the schiltrons, they could have returned
the murderous discharge of their enemies’ missiles with corresponding
effect, and have eventually produced a more favourable termination to
the operations of the day.
[106] To _The Bruce and The Wallace_, vol. ii. Edin. 1820, 4to.
Transcribers’ Notes
Variations in punctuation, spelling, and hyphenation have been retained
except as noted below.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced
quotation marks have been retained except as noted below.
Some poems were preceded by a double-quotation mark and followed by a
single-quotation mark. Those closing single marks have been changed to
doubles.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines have been retained.
Primary footnotes have been placed into a single ascending sequence and
are identified by number. Footnotes to footnotes have been placed into
a single ascending sequence and are identified by letter.
Text used “Fitz-Alan” more than twice as often as “Fitz-Allan”, so all
occurrences have been regularized as “Fitz-Alan”.
Text used “Valence” more often than “Vallence”, so all occurrences have
been regularized to “Valence.”
There is no “Appendix J”.
Page 20: “chanons” may be a misprint for “canons”.
Page 21: “iron road” was printed that way.
Page 90: “might be seen stones arrows, and quarreaux,” was printed with
that punctuation.
Footnote 42, referenced on page 91: The ledger used carry-over lines
from one printed page to the next. Those lines have been deleted in
this eBook.
Page 104: Paragraph break added before “A large portion”, as the
previous sentence ended on a very short line and was followed by a
footnote.
Page 208: “THRID” was printed that way.
Page 210: A closing quotation mark was added just before the end of
Appendix E.
Page 247: Closing quotation mark added after “Also to dyhte.”
Page 260: Opening quotation mark added before “The martyrdom of
Wallace”.